Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:21:02Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Karen Lima Vieira.pdf: 1157511 bytes, checksum: a122c87fc4e009a799b968bc9e8f40ba (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-10-14 / Institute recently inserted into the Brazilian legal system, the Clean Record Law, which emerged within the movement for greater transparency and ethics in politics, have contributed to a change in behavior and the Political Culture of the country. In this line, this thesis has in order to promote an approach on the impacts of this law in political frameworks, as well as how to act and interact in society and their representatives. Therefore, analyzes the Clean Record Law Municipal from the preparation process, their dissemination to public servants and popular participation and non-governmental entities as agents of change in the Political Culture in the political environment and the collective imagination, looking it from the context of the differential composition of powers / Instituto recentemente inserido no ordenamento jurídico brasileiro, a Lei da Ficha Limpa, que surgiu no seio dos movimentos por maior ética e transparência nos meios políticos, têm contribuído para uma mudança nos costumes e na Cultura Política do País. Nessa linha, a presente dissertação tem o intuito de promover uma abordagem sobre os impactos causados por esta lei nos quadros da política, bem como na forma de agir e de interagir da sociedade e de seus representantes. Para tanto, analisa-se a Lei da Ficha Limpa municipal a partir de seu processo de elaboração, sua difusão aos servidores públicos e a participação popular e de entidades não governamentais como agentes de mudança na Cultura Política, no ambiente político e no imaginário coletivo, olhando-o a partir do contexto dos diferenciais da composição dos poderes

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:54:31Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Karen Lima Vieira.pdf: 1157511 bytes, checksum: a122c87fc4e009a799b968bc9e8f40ba (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-10-14 / Institute recently inserted into the Brazilian legal system, the Clean Record Law, which emerged within the movement for greater transparency and ethics in politics, have contributed to a change in behavior and the Political Culture of the country. In this line, this thesis has in order to promote an approach on the impacts of this law in political frameworks, as well as how to act and interact in society and their representatives. Therefore, analyzes the Clean Record Law Municipal from the preparation process, their dissemination to public servants and popular participation and non-governmental entities as agents of change in the Political Culture in the political environment and the collective imagination, looking it from the context of the differential composition of powers / Instituto recentemente inserido no ordenamento jurídico brasileiro, a Lei da Ficha Limpa, que surgiu no seio dos movimentos por maior ética e transparência nos meios políticos, têm contribuído para uma mudança nos costumes e na Cultura Política do País. Nessa linha, a presente dissertação tem o intuito de promover uma abordagem sobre os impactos causados por esta lei nos quadros da política, bem como na forma de agir e de interagir da sociedade e de seus representantes. Para tanto, analisa-se a Lei da Ficha Limpa municipal a partir de seu processo de elaboração, sua difusão aos servidores públicos e a participação popular e de entidades não governamentais como agentes de mudança na Cultura Política, no ambiente político e no imaginário coletivo, olhando-o a partir do contexto dos diferenciais da composição dos poderes

La tesi affronta la questione delle culture civiche presenti su internet a partire dal dibattito teorico sulla rete e le sue implicazioni in relazione al discorso e alla prassi politica. Nella prima parte verranno messi in luce i presupposti delle riflessioni più recenti che tematizzano la possibilità che il web, in quanto luogo di discussione e partecipazione tendenzialmente libero e inclusivo, possa rappresentare l’incarnazione del modello idealtipico di sfera pubblica borghese, magistralmente elaborato da Habermas (1962). Grazie all’interattività, ai bassi costi di produzione e distribuzione, a una nuova struttura di comunicazione many-to-many, le nuove tecnologie digitali sembrerebbero consentire la realizzazione di una intersoggettività pura, autenticamente orientata all’intesa reciproca e non contaminata dall’agire strumentale dei sistemi politici ed economici. Tuttavia, se si analizzano le ricerche empiriche finora condotte (tra gli altri Whilelm 1999, Tsaliki 2002, Wright e Street 2007), si osserva che, accanto a contributi che evidenziano una notevole capacità deliberativa delle discussioni online, ne esistono altrettanti che, al contrario, mettono in luce un gap profondo tra l’ideale normativo e la prassi concretamente messa in atto. Attraverso un doppio binario, induttivo e deduttivo, si tenterà di provare come la contraddittorietà radicale di tali risultati empirici sia in ultima istanza riconducibile alle problematicità insite nel modello habermasiano e alla sua inadeguatezza nel cogliere la complessità dei processi della partecipazione politica che hanno luogo sulla rete. A partire da questa constatazione, si dimostrerà come la sua applicazione possa ancora essere feconda a patto che si ipotizzi di considerare l’ideale di sfera pubblica habermasiano come uno dei paradigmi che ancora informano gli immaginari sociali moderni (Taylor, 2005), piuttosto che come ideale contro-fattuale (Dryzek, 1990) rispetto al quale commisurare criticamente le imperfezioni del reale. Ne discenderà una traslazione della prospettiva analitica, sintetizzabile nel passaggio da un approccio normativo – prescrittivo, rigidamente ancorato a una determinata concezione del “dover-essere”, a un approccio culturale - diagnostico che invece indaga la contingenza del reale alla luce delle sue precondizioni sociologiche e culturali (Nieminen, 2006). Nella seconda parte, si analizzerà il caso empirico del blog curato dal comico italiano Beppe Grillo (www.beppegrillo.it) attorno al quale si è sviluppato un movimento politico altamente articolato ed eterogeneo, capace di promuovere incursioni sempre più frequenti nella politica istituzionale. L’analisi empirica scaturirà dall’applicazione di un modello analitico che attinge al paradigma delle culture civiche proposto da Dahlgren (2009) e in parte lo riformula alla luce del concetto di mediazione sviluppato da Silverstone (1999). Attraverso l’analisi del contenuto dei post del blog e di un corpus di interviste realizzate su lettori del blog e attivisti del movimento, si tenterà di dimostrare come il fenomeno sviluppatosi attorno a Beppe Grillo abbia funzionato come una “public sphericule” (Gitlin, 1998), una piccola sfera pubblica capace di maturare una propria cultura civica, contraddistinta da autonomi processi di mediazione e di valorizzazione del quadro socio-tecnologico a disposizione. / The notions of deliberation and the frame of the discourse theory of democracy (Habermas, 1996), have inspired a substantial strand of studies focused on the internet’s democratic potential (See e.g. Kellner (1999), Rheingold (1993), and Wilhelm (1999)). The central accomplishment of these various contributions lies in the assessment of the extent to which dialogical exchanges taking place in the cyberspace conform to the normative requirements of the ‘counter-factual ideal’ of public sphere (Dryzek, 1990). However, the contradictions that appear when analyzing practical research findings from a comparative global view, pose a dilemma that deals more with theoretical assumptions rather than with the empirical methods applied. The basic aim of the thesis will be the proposal of a cultural turn in the analysis of online public spheres, inspired by the model of “civil cultures” developed by Dahlgren (2009). For this purpose, two major lines of reasoning will be developed. On one hand, the theoretical roots of the concept of deliberation and the long wave of criticisms drawn out by them, will be explored in order to underscore the intrinsic shortages of the notion. It will be argued that the model of “civic cultures” seems to offer a more adequate analytical frame in order to make sense of the pluralized and fragmented online environment. In fact, its original assumptions offer a real antidote to technological determinism. If it is true that technology only makes sense within a social context from which it receives symbolic and pragmatic meanings (Lievrouw, 2002), we can think of civic cultures as a ‘community of practices’ (Wenger, 1998) within which specific ways of using and interpreting technologies are carried out in order to achieve political and civic purposes. On the other hand, the theoretical path will be supported by the references to an empirical case study that will show how the model can be conveniently used to study what is concretely happening in the living public spheres of the internet. The case study will be focused on Beppegrillo.it, an Italian weblog acting as a communicative platform for the development of a civic and political movement which is lead by Beppe Grillo, a well-known comedian.

[pt] A pesquisa Juventude, Cultura Cívica e Cidadania utiliza as metodologias quantitativa e qualitativa para auscultar as percepções dos jovens sobre os temas relacionados à cultura cívica e à cidadania. Os jovens que compõem o público alvo da pesquisa são alunos da rede pública e particular de escolas localizadas em três regiões do Rio de Janeiro. A hipótese central é a de que as desigualdades sociais impactam na percepção dos jovens sobre os temas propostos pela pesquisa. Nesse trabalho, foi realizada uma comparação entre os dados obtidos pela mesma pesquisa em 2004 e os dados coletados a partir de 2019. / [en] The Youth, Civic Culture and Citizenship research uses quantitative and qualitative methodologies to listen to young people s perceptions about topics related to civic culture and citizenship. The young people who make up the target audience of the research are students from public and private High schools located in three regions of Rio de Janeiro. The central hypothesis is that social inequalities impact the perception of young people on the themes proposed by the research. In this work, a comparison was made between the data obtained by the same research in 2004 and the data collected from 2019 on.

Internet involves possibilities for public debate and civic participation in democratic life. Space is provided on the World Wide Web for new communities and public discussions, both with and without explicit political intentions. The starting point of this study is that online discussions in everyday life, political or not, contribute to the reproduction of democratic and civic culture. The aim of the study is to analyze whether an un-political discussion forum in everyday life can be described as a public sphere and the discussion on hockey as communicative, democratic and deliberative. The data consists of contributions to the discussion from three seasons, 1999–2002, of the Swedish National Hockey League. The final sample, 3993 contributions posted during totally 149 days, have been undergone a content analysis. The results show that the discussion is open to anyone but dominated by one group of supporters and this status affect the discussion in several ways. The forum can be considered a public sphere principally because new areas and perspectives are continuously discussed. The participants cope well with language, truth and truthfulness but normative conflicts sometimes strongly challenge understanding. Yet communicative action is frequent enough to guarantee the survival of the discussion. The overarching character of the discussion is, due to its inequality, ordered structure and media dependency, a problem-solving democratic dialogue. Furthermore it is deliberative in several respects. Compared with political discussions on Usenet and America Online, the hockey supporters seek information and use arguments to a lower degree. On the other hand they interact much more frequent, incorporating and reflecting upon other contributions, and are much less homogeneous in their opinions than political debaters are. The conclusion is that an un-political discussion in the cultural public sphere shows even more deliberative merits than discussions in the political public sphere. In addition, by publishing new subject matters and perspectives and being a problem-solving dialogue with a potential for communicative action, the discussion is a soil for reproduction of civic and democratic culture for far more tangible reasons than just being an association of people in every day life, supposed to produce the more indeterminable qualities solidarity and social capital

No description available.

The primary goal of the research project was to organize a community needs assessment, which culminated in a report attached in the appendix. Data from sixteen interviews with community leaders involved in mental health promotion throughout Dallas County, Texas was used as the foundation of the professional report. This data revealed several key barriers faced by those with mental illness in their ability to access mental health services in Dallas County. The information gathered prompted further exploration into the intersection between public transit and mental health. Transit became the focus of this work when it came up as simultaneously a barrier to care and mode of prevention in the majority of the interviews. Interestingly, Dallas County has public plans to address transit related disparities; however, their intervention pulls from strategies determined to be ineffectual among the poor and disenfranchised. In this work we explore community needs and the civic culture of Dallas with a specific focus on transportation.

Alexis de Tocqueville est un auteur canonique du libéralisme. Son inscription au sein du libéralisme s’opère fréquemment par une accentuation unilatérale de sa défense de la liberté individuelle. Certes, Tocqueville défend la liberté individuelle, elle prend une place décisive dans son œuvre où l’objectif théorique proposé révèle sa volonté d’élever l’individu à côté de la société et de l’État. Mais cette défense est constamment pensée chez Tocqueville en interrogeant ses conditions de possibilité qui sont indissociables d’une culture politique où la participation politique est une dimension essentielle. Une participation politique qui fonde des habitudes collectives, une culture civique, assurant ainsi la pérennité des institutions démocratiques libérales. En ce sens, il est évident que le libéralisme de Tocqueville est déterminé par un cadre plus large que la seule défense de la liberté individuelle. Afin qu’elle s’épanouisse pleinement et véritablement, il y a une priorité absolue d’une pratique continue de la liberté, la liberté politique qui actualise sans repos les conditions de possibilité de la liberté individuelle. Cette pratique de la liberté politique contribue à la formation des «mœurs libres», ces habitudes collectives qui organisent une culture civique particulière, mœurs indispensables au maintien des sociétés libres. Nous identifierons donc Tocqueville à un libéralisme des mœurs. Afin de saisir adéquatement la réelle portée de la pensée tocquevillienne, nous dévoilerons les influences intellectuelles fondamentales qui ont présidé à l’élaboration de La Démocratie en Amérique. De fait, nous restituerons l’espace intertextuel entre Tocqueville et François Guizot. Cet espace révèle l’influence certaine de Guizot sur Tocqueville, mais il rend également saillante son insistance sur une pratique de la liberté politique. / Alexis de Tocqueville is a canonical author of liberalism. His inscription within liberalism often commented as a unilateral emphasis of the defence of individual freedom. Certainly, Tocqueville defends individual freedom and it is a decisive part of his work where his proposed theoretical objective reveals his will to elevate the individual to the level of society and the State. But this defence is always thought of by Tocqueville in his questioning of the conditions of possibility of freedom which are inseparable of a political culture where political participation is an essential dimension. A political participation which melts collective habits, civic culture, thus insuring the permanence of its liberal democratic institutions. It appears that the liberalism of Tocqueville is determined by a broader frame than the only defence of individual freedom. For a real individual freedom that flourishes entirely, there is the absolute preference for a continuous practice of freedom, political freedom which constantly updates the conditions of possibility of individual freedom. This practice of political freedom contributes to the development of « free manners », these collective habits which organize a particular civic culture, manners necessary to the assertion of the free societies. We shall identify Tocqueville with a liberalism of manners. To properly grasp the true range of the tocquevillian thought, we shall reveal the fundamental intellectual influences which governed the drafting of Democracy in America. Indeed, we shall restore the intertextual space between Tocqueville and François Guizot. This space reveals the certain influence of Guizot on Tocqueville, but also reveals his emphasis on a practice of political freedom.

Alexis de Tocqueville est un auteur canonique du libéralisme. Son inscription au sein du libéralisme s’opère fréquemment par une accentuation unilatérale de sa défense de la liberté individuelle. Certes, Tocqueville défend la liberté individuelle, elle prend une place décisive dans son œuvre où l’objectif théorique proposé révèle sa volonté d’élever l’individu à côté de la société et de l’État. Mais cette défense est constamment pensée chez Tocqueville en interrogeant ses conditions de possibilité qui sont indissociables d’une culture politique où la participation politique est une dimension essentielle. Une participation politique qui fonde des habitudes collectives, une culture civique, assurant ainsi la pérennité des institutions démocratiques libérales. En ce sens, il est évident que le libéralisme de Tocqueville est déterminé par un cadre plus large que la seule défense de la liberté individuelle. Afin qu’elle s’épanouisse pleinement et véritablement, il y a une priorité absolue d’une pratique continue de la liberté, la liberté politique qui actualise sans repos les conditions de possibilité de la liberté individuelle. Cette pratique de la liberté politique contribue à la formation des «mœurs libres», ces habitudes collectives qui organisent une culture civique particulière, mœurs indispensables au maintien des sociétés libres. Nous identifierons donc Tocqueville à un libéralisme des mœurs. Afin de saisir adéquatement la réelle portée de la pensée tocquevillienne, nous dévoilerons les influences intellectuelles fondamentales qui ont présidé à l’élaboration de La Démocratie en Amérique. De fait, nous restituerons l’espace intertextuel entre Tocqueville et François Guizot. Cet espace révèle l’influence certaine de Guizot sur Tocqueville, mais il rend également saillante son insistance sur une pratique de la liberté politique. / Alexis de Tocqueville is a canonical author of liberalism. His inscription within liberalism often commented as a unilateral emphasis of the defence of individual freedom. Certainly, Tocqueville defends individual freedom and it is a decisive part of his work where his proposed theoretical objective reveals his will to elevate the individual to the level of society and the State. But this defence is always thought of by Tocqueville in his questioning of the conditions of possibility of freedom which are inseparable of a political culture where political participation is an essential dimension. A political participation which melts collective habits, civic culture, thus insuring the permanence of its liberal democratic institutions. It appears that the liberalism of Tocqueville is determined by a broader frame than the only defence of individual freedom. For a real individual freedom that flourishes entirely, there is the absolute preference for a continuous practice of freedom, political freedom which constantly updates the conditions of possibility of individual freedom. This practice of political freedom contributes to the development of « free manners », these collective habits which organize a particular civic culture, manners necessary to the assertion of the free societies. We shall identify Tocqueville with a liberalism of manners. To properly grasp the true range of the tocquevillian thought, we shall reveal the fundamental intellectual influences which governed the drafting of Democracy in America. Indeed, we shall restore the intertextual space between Tocqueville and François Guizot. This space reveals the certain influence of Guizot on Tocqueville, but also reveals his emphasis on a practice of political freedom.

Chez les historiens qui se sont consacrés à l’étude de l’Allemagne contemporaine, plusieurs considèrent qu’en perpétrant un crime aussi barbare que la Shoah, le Troisième Reich a provoqué une « rupture de civilisation » (Zivilisationsbruch) au sein de l’histoire occidentale. En règle générale, ces spécialistes ont réfléchi sur le sens ainsi que sur les implications historiques et philosophiques de cet événement pour le monde contemporain. Peu d’entre eux, toutefois, se sont intéressés au pendant de cette « rupture de civilisation » : le processus de « recivilisation » qui a été à l’œuvre dans la société ouest-allemande au cours des premières décennies d’après-guerre. Caractérisé par le rejet de la violence et du militarisme, par la restauration des normes élémentaires de la civilité ainsi que par l’importance croissante accordée à des valeurs telles que la démocratie et le respect des droits de la personne, ce processus permet en grande partie d’expliquer comment, en à peine deux décennies, les Allemands de l’Ouest ont réussi à édifier un État stable et démocratique sur les ruines d’une dictature génocidaire. En étudiant la présentation du Décalogue dans les catéchismes catholiques, ce mémoire cherche à déterminer le rôle attribué aux prescriptions morales de nature religieuse dans le processus de « recivilisation » de la société ouest-allemande. Il se propose de montrer qu’au cours des années 1950 et 1960, les catéchismes catholiques publiés en RFA ont présenté de plus en plus d’indices d’une volonté que l’on pourrait qualifier de « recivilisatrice ». Ces indices ont surtout pris la forme d’une attention grandissante aux questions relatives à la guerre et à la paix, d’un assouplissement dans la présentation de l’autorité parentale et de l’adoption d’une conception de l’autorité civile fondée désormais sur l’accomplissement de devoirs civiques plutôt que sur l’obéissance aux supérieurs hiérarchiques. / Among scholars who have studied contemporary Germany, many consider that by perpetrating such a barbaric crime as the Holocaust, the Third Reich caused a “rupture of civilizationˮ (Zivilisationsbruch) in the history of the Western world. These experts have reflected on the meaning as well as on the historical and philosophical consequences of the Holocaust for the contemporary world. However, very few of them have examined the other side of this “rupture of civilizationˮ, i.e. the “recivilizingˮ process that occurred in West German society during the first postwar decades. Characterized by the rejection of violence and militarism, the restoration of elementary norms of civility and the growing importance attached to civic values such as democracy and human rights, this process explains how, within barely two decades, West Germans succeeded in building a stable and democratic state on the ruins of a genocidal dictatorship. Using the presentation of the Decalogue in the Catholic catechisms, this master’s thesis examines the role attributed to religious moral norms in the “recivilizingˮ process of West German society. It intends to show that during the 1950s and 1960s the Catholic catechisms published in the FRG presented numerous signs of a “recivilizingˮ will, which consisted in a particular attention to issues of war and peace, an updated view of parental authority and the adoption of a conception of civil authority based on the fulfilment of civic duties rather than on sheer obedience to hierarchy.