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This research investigates the intersection of religion, self-identification, and imperialism in a number of Arab American literary works. It engages a wide array of, and contributes to, scholarship from American Studies, Middle Eastern Studies, Islamic Studies, Global Studies, and Transnational Literary Theory. The project examines two groups of writers: the first group consists of American cultural conservatives of Arab or Muslim descent, such as Ayaan Hirsi Ali, Nonie Darwish, Bridgette Gabrielle, and Wafa Sultan, while the second includes Arab American literary writers Mohja Kahf, Leila Ahmed, Ibrahim Fawal, and Alia Yunis. The former employ the traditional autobiography genre to produce master narratives, while the latter utilize the memoir, novel, and short-story cycle genres to challenge hegemonies and master narratives. The cultural conservatives, I contend, belong to a growing transnational body of writers whose phenomenon constitutes an extension of what Matthew F. Jacobs calls an “informal network” of transnational self-identified specialists (4). In their autobiographies, Ali, Gabrielle, Darwish, and Sultan concentrate on the Middle East, Muslims, and Arabs, but they are unique in the sense that their policy-oriented personal narratives explicitly seek to influence not only American attitudes and practices aimed at Arabs and Muslims, but also those directed at American citizens of Arab or Muslim descent. Furthermore, their culturally-conservative traditional autobiographies Infidel (2007), Nomad (2010), Heretic (2015), Now They Call Me Infidel (2006), Because They Hate (2006), They Must Be Stopped (2008), and A God Who Hates (2009) deem American multiculturalism a serious danger to the United States and the West, a thesis not unlike Samuel P. Huntington’s in The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order (1996). In this research project, I claim that Arab American literary writers have had to face, and write against, the predominance of this old-new clash of civilizations idea which has evolved into a discourse promulgated by the self-identified experts of the “informal network” and the cultural conservatives of Arab or Muslim descent. The Arab American literary novels, memoirs, and short-story cycles my study closely examines trouble the clash of civilizations discourse. Kahf’s The Girl in the Tangerine Scarf (2006), Ahmed’s A Border Passage (1999), Fawal’s On the Hills of God (1998), and Yunis’s The Night Counter (2009) are arguably representative of trends in, though not limited to, the contemporary Arab American memoir, novel, and short-story cycle genres and are best understood as literary writing within the context of this broader American tradition of interpreting the Middle East, Arabs, and Muslims and the specific cultural conservative fixation on Arab and Muslim Americans. / Graduate

Este trabalho propõe o estudo da ideia de “fim da História”, conforme apresentada pelo cientista político norte-americano Francis Fukuyama. Em um primeiro momento, delimitamos seu conceito de “fim da História” a partir do artigo original The End of History?, de 1989, e de suas publicações seguintes, até o livro The End of History and the Last Man, de 1992. Na segunda parte, após contrastar a ideia ao paradigma de “choque de civilizações”, de Samuel Huntington, aproximamos a estrutura conceitual proposta por Fukuyama de tópicos da teoria da história e história da historiografia relacionados ao conceito moderno de História e sua eventual exaustão identificada por diversos autores. No terceiro momento, o trabalho aborda o percurso da obra de Fukuyama após a repercussão inicial de sua proposta de “fim da História”, até os dias de hoje, buscando eventuais novidades à estrutura conceitual delimitada anteriormente. A título de conclusão, abordamos o cenário atual dos debates da historiografia para especular acerca do futuro do campo do conhecimento e do ofício do historiador. / This work proposes the study of the idea of the “end of History“, as it is presented by the North American political scientist Francis Fukuyama. At first, we delimit the concept from his original article The End of History?, published in 1989, and from his following publications, up to his 1992 book The End of History and the Last Man. In the second part, after contrasting Fukuyama’s idea to Samuel Huntington’s “clash of civilizations” paradigm, we put the conceptual structure proposed by Fukuyama alongside topics regarding theory of history and history of historiography related to the modern concept of History and its eventual exhaustion, already signaled by several authors. The third part approaches the long course of Fukuyama’s work regarding “the end of History”, after the repercussion of his initial article up until the present days, looking for eventual innovations in the conceptual structure previously designed. For the sake of conclusion, we approach the current debates around the topic, to speculate about the future of the field of knowledge and the role attributed to the professional historian.

Cette thèse analyse l’élaboration de la politique étrangère de Dominique de Villepin - telle que voulue par le Président Chirac - en se basant tout d’abord sur l’étude de la personnalité du ministre : Comment y a-t-il eu alors interaction entre son vécu, ses propres aspirations et la situation internationale à laquelle il a été confronté ? Chef de la diplomatie française de mai 2002 à mars 2004, il est arrivé au pouvoir à une période charnière. En effet, les attentats du 11 septembre ont eu pour conséquence la mise en place par l’Administration Bush d’un processus qui devait conduire à la guerre en Irak, mais aussi à une grave crise des principes internationaux. Pendant la crise irakienne, le ministre a essayé de défendre le droit contre la force, la négociation contre un certain arbitraire, le dialogue entre les cultures contre le choc des civilisations. Parallèlement, la crise en Côte d’Ivoire a été l’un autre enjeu de la politique de D. de Villepin, qui a notamment promu le rôle des organisations régionales. Les enjeux internationaux n’ont pas été les seuls champs d’action du ministre : de la Convention pour l’avenir de l’Europe à l’échec en France du référendum constitutionnel, de l’intégration dans l’Union des anciens pays de l’Est à la question des limites de l’Europe, la construction européenne a également été l’un des grands enjeux de son passage sur la scène politique française. À ce sujet d’ailleurs, nous analyserons la réception de sa politique, en élargissant notre propos à l’Amérique et à certains États de l’Union européenne. Enfin, nous essayerons de voir quelle peut être la pérennité de sa théorie des relations internationales, qu’il a longuement développée tant sur le fond – en voulant développer de nouveaux instruments de négociation – que sur la forme, avec toute l’importance qu’il a pu accorder au verbe. / This research analyses the making of Dominique de Villepin’s foreign policy - as decided by President Chirac – by studying in a first time the Minister personnality : so, how could an interaction be between his real-life, his own longings and the international context he had to face up? Head of French diplomacy from May, 2002 to March, 2004, he came into office in a transition period. Indeed, a consequence of 9-11 attacks was the process set up by the Bush administration, which would lead to war in Iraq, but to a serious crisis of international principles too. During Iraqi crisis, the Minister tried to defend law against strength, negotiation against some arbitrariness, dialogue between civilizations against clash of civilizations. At the same time, the Ivorian crisis has been one of the other stakes in D. de Villepin’s policy, who particularly promoted the role of regional organizations. International challenges were not the minister’s only sphere of activity : From the Convention for the Future of Europe to the constitutional referendum failure in France, from the former Eastern countries integration in EU to the limits of Europe matter, European construction was one of great stakes of his come by the French political stage. On that subject, we will analyze his policy reception, widening our remarks to America and to some countries of the European Union. At least, we would try to see what could be his theory of international relationship, which was developed both on the content – by developing new negotiation tools – and on the form, with all the importance devoted to word.

Depuis la fin de la guerre froide, les Etats-Unis militent en faveur de l’intégration de la Turquie à l’UE et deviennent, sous la présidence Clinton, les plus ardents défenseurs de la cause turque, avant même Ankara. Comment expliquer ce positionnement de la superpuissance mondiale, elle qui n’appartient pourtant pas au continent européen et ne dispose pas d’un pouvoir décisionnel dans l’UE ? Cet activisme s’explique par la mutation des enjeux et des défis au XXIe siècle : résurgence éventuelle de la Russie, influence iranienne dans le monde musulman, montée de la menace djihadiste ou « choc des civilisations » prédit par Huntington. Pour y faire face, Washington regarde l’alliance de l’UE chrétienne à la Turquie musulmane comme une stratégie préventive : l’adhésion d’Ankara, outre son aspect symbolique qui permettrait de contrer la rhétorique des djihadistes tout en signalant aux musulmans vivant en Europe qu’ils ne sont pas étrangers au continent, ferait de la Turquie un modèle pour l’ensemble de son voisinage et une force de projection occidentale dans le monde musulman. L’UE, grâce à son pouvoir normatif, est indispensable à cette fin : sans elle, la démocratie ainsi que le libéralisme politique et économique pourraient-ils s’implanter en terre d’Islam ? Sans elle, la Turquie restera-t-elle un Etat laïc ancré à l’Occident ? Les attentats du 11 septembre 2001 propulsent cette stratégie au sommet des priorités des administrations Bush : elle s’intègre désormais dans leur Freedom agenda. Si la survenue des printemps arabes en 2011 aurait dû rendre indispensable l’ancrage de la Turquie à l’UE afin de s’assurer qu’elle puisse influencer les événements en propageant les valeurs occidentales auprès de ces populations en quête de démocratie, l’Amérique cesse pourtant progressivement son militantisme envers une adhésion qui devient chimérique. Au lieu de souder l’alliance entre les Etats-Unis, la Turquie et l’UE, les printemps arabes auront fissuré les fondations déjà écornées de ce partenariat, si bien qu’à la fin du mandat d’Obama, la relation triangulaire est déliquescente. / In the aftermath of the Cold War, the US has asserted a strong lobbying in favor of Turkey’s accession to the EU, and became the first supporter of this integration, before Ankara itself. How could we explain the US involvement since it doesn’t belong to the European continent? The new world order brought new challenges for the 21st century. Therefore, such an integration was perceived as a preventive strategy by Washington to deter upcoming threats facing the West, such as Russian resurgence, Iranian influence in the Muslim world, jihadism, or the « clash of civilizations ». Indeed, it would help bridging the growing gap between the West and the Muslim world by uniting under the same roof Christian countries within the EU, and the former Caliphate. It would also enable Turkey to be a Western projection force in its neighborhood — stretching from the Balkans to the Middle East — by becoming a model. To do so, Turkey has to become more liberal politically and economically. However, would it be possible without European prospects? From a US perspective, the normative power of the EU is necessary to see Turkey succeeding in proving that Islam, secularism and democracy are compatible and to spread Western values in its neighborhood while anchoring Ankara firmly in the West. 9/11 reinforced the significance of this strategy, which got integrated into the Freedom agenda and the global war on terror. Therefore, supporting Ankara’s accession became a top priority of Bush administrations. Barack Obama maintained this policy, even though the US lobbying slowed down, since it appeared this integration might never occur. The Arab awakening could have been the perfect occasion to bring closer together Turkey and the EU so that Ankara could become the model Arabs were calling for. However, instead of strengthening the US-Turkey-EU relations, those events damaged their alliance, which was already strained. At the end of Obama’s presidency, this triangular relation seemed on the verge to collapse.

Despite the general academic consensus that liberal democracy has triumphed over communism, Marxist-inspired movements continue to thrive across the global south. This is a curious phenomenon in the post-Cold War era. This paper explores the recent growth of both The Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia and the Naxalite-Maoist Insurgency in India, and compares the two groups. It analyzes the factors that have led to their resurgence, in particular, the political and economic dimensions. Specifically, it addresses the impact of two dominant factors in fomenting their resurgence: neo-liberalism and political exclusion. First, recent growth of both groups seems to correlate with the adoption of neo-liberal economic policies and progressively draconian structural adjustments, which aggravated existing poverty and inequality, in their respective countries. Second, recent growth of both groups seems to correlate with political exclusion of marginalized groups, an exclusion increasingly enforced by state violence. The survival and growth of Marxist-inspired armed movements across the globe also raises important questions about the future of liberal democracy. This paper asks whether the persistence of Marxist-inspired movements across the global south has given the lie to the "end of history" theory, and what their resurgence says, if anything, about the "clash of civilizations theory. It concludes that the success of these movements challenges the apparent triumph of liberal democracy in both Colombia and India, and perhaps in the post-Cold War era globally.

This thesis argues that the role of the United Nations’ (UN) human rights regime is to constitute all peoples into a specific universal standard of civilization, which this thesis identifies as the UN meta-civilization. Meta-civilization is defined as the UN’s colonial and imperial impulse to legislate, implement and enforce human rights in ways which are meant to uniquely ‘civilize’. Analysis of the doctrinal and theoretical foundations of international law illustrates the historical and contemporary power dynamics that enable the UN to ‘universalize’ human rights. As a case in point, the United Nations Alliance of Civilizations (UNAoC) political dialogue highlights the UN’s constitution of the meta-civilization. The case study proves the UN meta-civilization is hegemonic in its claim to universality. In the end, this analysis demonstrates that more consideration about the appropriate utility of human rights within the theories and practices of international relations and international law is required. / Graduate

Este trabalho propõe o estudo da ideia de “fim da História”, conforme apresentada pelo cientista político norte-americano Francis Fukuyama. Em um primeiro momento, delimitamos seu conceito de “fim da História” a partir do artigo original The End of History?, de 1989, e de suas publicações seguintes, até o livro The End of History and the Last Man, de 1992. Na segunda parte, após contrastar a ideia ao paradigma de “choque de civilizações”, de Samuel Huntington, aproximamos a estrutura conceitual proposta por Fukuyama de tópicos da teoria da história e história da historiografia relacionados ao conceito moderno de História e sua eventual exaustão identificada por diversos autores. No terceiro momento, o trabalho aborda o percurso da obra de Fukuyama após a repercussão inicial de sua proposta de “fim da História”, até os dias de hoje, buscando eventuais novidades à estrutura conceitual delimitada anteriormente. A título de conclusão, abordamos o cenário atual dos debates da historiografia para especular acerca do futuro do campo do conhecimento e do ofício do historiador. / This work proposes the study of the idea of the “end of History“, as it is presented by the North American political scientist Francis Fukuyama. At first, we delimit the concept from his original article The End of History?, published in 1989, and from his following publications, up to his 1992 book The End of History and the Last Man. In the second part, after contrasting Fukuyama’s idea to Samuel Huntington’s “clash of civilizations” paradigm, we put the conceptual structure proposed by Fukuyama alongside topics regarding theory of history and history of historiography related to the modern concept of History and its eventual exhaustion, already signaled by several authors. The third part approaches the long course of Fukuyama’s work regarding “the end of History”, after the repercussion of his initial article up until the present days, looking for eventual innovations in the conceptual structure previously designed. For the sake of conclusion, we approach the current debates around the topic, to speculate about the future of the field of knowledge and the role attributed to the professional historian.

O presente trabalho investiga os métodos utilizados pelo etno-historiador Serge Gruzinski – as Connected Histories e a História das Sensibilidades – com a finalidade de compreender como foram construídas as instituições jurídico-políticas pela monarquia católica na América Espanhola até o final da dinastia dos Habsburgos, a partir de uma realidade hegemônica preexistente nos povos pré-colombianos. Não foi possível a simples implantação do sistema institucional hispânico e também não se perpetuaram as instituições pré-colombianas, criandose instituições mescladas. Trata-se de uma realidade complexa, na qual não podem ser considerados apenas indígenas e espanhóis, pois através deste contato surgiram os mestiços e na América nasceram os criollos. Aportaram no Novo Mundo negros, povos de outras raças que se misturaram. Esta mistura não ocorreu apenas no aspecto biológico, mas antes na religião, na escrita e nas instituições. O método das connected histories foi criado por Sanjay Subrahmanyam e adotado por Gruzinski. Os principais desencadeadores deste método, quando aplicado à América Espanhola, são: a função mediadora dos passeurs culturels a descentralização da história e as mestiçagens. Os passeurs são quem realiza os processos de ocidentalização e de globalização. A descentralização da história substitui o polo único europeu ou ibérico por uma pluralidade de centros localizados na periferia, buscando a elaboração da história de forma global e não reducionista. A Monarquia Católica é o campo de observação e aplicação deste método porque está para além dos limites do Estado-nacional. Os elementos mestiços tem sido ignorados ou desvalorizados ao longo da história, mas são importantes porque aprofundam a história e apresentam as realidades complexas, para além de espanhóis e indígenas. Destaca-se também a importância das imagens e do imaginário, que podem expressar uma ideia diretamente, cujas reações são difíceis de traduzir em palavras. É importante captar a história para além das expressões intelectuais ou técnicas, sob pena de haver um reducionismo na apreensão do passado. Trata-se do método da história das sensibilidades. Por fim, é importante destacar a visão de Matthew Restall em relação aos mitos da conquista espanhola, com sua crítica ao mito da superioridade dos espanhóis, pois não podemos partir da premissa de que os espanhóis eram em algum sentido melhores do que os nativos americanos, sob pena de não compreendermos a complexidade da história gerada a partir do contato entre estes dois mundos. / The present work searches the methods used by the etno historian Serge Gruziski – The Connected Histories and the Sensibilities’ History – to understand how the Catholic Monarchy built the political and juridical institutions of the Spanish America until the end of the Habsburg Dynasty, upon a hegemonic reality pre-existent in the pre-Columbian peoples. The simple implantation of the Spanish institutional system was impossible, as was the perpetuation of the pre-Columbian institutions, originating mixed institutions. It was a complex reality, in which we cannot just consider Indians and Spaniards, because from this very contact emerged mestizos and in America, creoles were born. Negroes and other races docked in America and mixed. This mix don´t happen only in the biologic sense, but also and above all in the religion, in the writings and in the institutions. The connected histories method was created by Sanjay Subrahmanyam and adopted by Gruzinski. The main elements of this method, when applied to the Spanish America, are the mediator paper of the passeurs culturels, the history´s decentralization and the miscegenation. The passeurs are the actors who made the processes of the westernization and globalization. The history´s decentralization replaces the only European pole by a plurality of centers situated in the periphery, seeking to elaborate a global history and not a reductionist version of it. The Catholic Monarchy is the field of observation and application of this method, because it is beyond the limits of the State Nation. The mestizos has been ignored or devaluated through the history, but they are important because they deepen the history and show complex realities, beyond Spaniards and Indians. Noteworthy is also the importance of the images and the imaginary, that can express an idea directly, whose reactions are difficult to translate in words. It´s important to understand the history beyond the intellectual and technical expressions, otherwise we generate a reductionist view and comprehension of the past. This is the method of the Sensibilities’ History. Finally, it’s important to highlight Matthew Restall’s view towards the myths of the Spanish Conquer, with his critic to the myth of the Spanish superiority, because we cannot start by the premise that the Spaniards were in either way better than the native Americans, otherwise we will be unable to understand the complexity of the history generated by the contact between this two worlds.