A intensa expansão urbana que vem ocorrendo, para além das fronteiras do município de são Paulo, sobretudo a partir da década de 70, está aliada à especulação imobiliária e à miséria de uma significativa parcela da população; isto faz com que o processo de ocupação do solo se dê, predominantemente, de forma desordenada e ilegal, especialmente, em áreas protegidas. Diante isso, investigou-se o caso do município de Mairiporã (localizado na zona norte da Grande São Paulo), que possui 80,13% de suas terras inseridas na área de proteção aos mananciais, além de abrigar o reservatório Paiva Castro, o qual faz parte do sistema Cantareira; principal manancial abastecedor da metrópole paulistana. Desse modo, a ocupação ilegal do solo, nesse município, torna-se um fator relevante de análise, destacando que esta ilegalidade está associada à transgressão da lei de proteção aos mananciais, bem como da lei federal de parcelamento do solo (Lei Lehmann). Para tanto, este estudo parte de uma análise político-institucional e sócio-econômica que permite a proliferação de loteamentos irregulares ou clandestinos na região metropolitana de São Paulo e segue para uma análise comparada entre dois loteamentos em Mairiporã (um irregular e outro clandestino) salientando aspectos: das condições de vida do morador; da percepção ambiental dos moradores acerca da área protegida com a qual interagem; e, por fim, da compreensão dos mesmos sobre a situação de ilegalidade em que se encontram. / The intense urban expansion, which is running beyond the borders of the district of São Paulo since the decade of the 70\'s, is associated with land speculation and a state of misery of a significant part of the population. Furthermore, the process of occupation happens in a disordered and illegal way, specially in protected areas. Because of that, the case of the district of Mairiporã (north of the metropolitan region of São Paulo) was studied. There, 80,31% of the district are included into the protection area of water resources, as well as the water reservoir Paiva Castro, which takes part in the Cantareira system; the principal water resources supplier of the metropolitan area of São Paulo. Therefore, the illegal occupation of land, in the district of Mairiporã, turns out to be relevant to analyze, pointing out that the illegality is associated with transgressions of the law for protection of water resources as well as with the federal law of land parcelation (Lehmann Law). The study begins with an analysis of the institutional, political and socio-economic situation which allowed the proliferation of irregular land lots or clandestine in the metropolitan region of São Paulo. This analysis is followed by a comparison between two land lots in Mairiporã (irregular and clandestine) focussing on aspects of the living conditions of the residents, environmental perception in relation to the protected area they are interacting with, and finally, the understanding of theresidents of the state of illegality they encounter.

Submitted by admin tede (tede@pucgoias.edu.br) on 2017-08-28T18:15:02Z No. of bitstreams: 1 RAFAEL AMORIM MARTINS DE SÁ.pdf: 897142 bytes, checksum: 175f1f43bc8c67996286c6f84f750b06 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-08-28T18:15:02Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 RAFAEL AMORIM MARTINS DE SÁ.pdf: 897142 bytes, checksum: 175f1f43bc8c67996286c6f84f750b06 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-08-10 / One of the severe urban social problems in Brazil is the proliferation of irregular and clandestine allotments. Families who live in these areas face a hard social reality, since they do not possess the regular title of these properties, which contributes to an incessant instability or even legal insecurity. Inserted in this context is the question of public health, due to precarious conditions of hygiene and lack of basic sanitation. With the aim of minimizing or at least solving this problem, the Government has been taking some measures in order to equate the environmental issues found in these allotments. The first step was the entry in effect of Federal Law no. 11.977/2009 and later the Provisional Measure 759/2016, converted into Law by the National Congress and only pending on the presidential approval. Such legal instruments contemplate the regularization of land ownership of social concern, which loosens legal procedures, including the environmental ones, in order to regularize these allotments, which indeed exist, but lack juridical formalization In view of what has been exposed, this dissertation aimed to demonstrate, through analyzing juridical norms, researching already consolidated studies and also through the verification of administrative procedures for ordination of existent land allotments in Aparecida de Goiânia-GO, that the implementation of the regularization of land ownership of social concern in Brazil, especially in this city, is still deficient, since it is based on a contradictory and inefficient model, incorporating antagonism among environmental, social and legal issues. / Um dos graves problemas sociais urbanos no Brasil é a proliferação de loteamentos irregulares e clandestinos. As famílias que vivem nessas áreas experimentam uma dura realidade social, uma vez que não possuem o título regular de seus imóveis, o que contribui para uma constante instabilidade ou mesmo insegurança jurídica. Insere-se neste contexto a questão da saúde pública, em virtude das precárias condições de higiene e da falta de saneamento básico. Com o fito de minimizar ou mesmo solucionar esse problema, o poder público vem tomando medidas para equacionar as questões ambientais presentes nesses loteamentos. O primeiro passo foi a entrada em vigor da Lei Federal nº 11.977/2009, e, posteriormente, a Medida Provisória nº 759/2016, convertida em lei pelo Congresso Nacional, faltando apenas a sanção presidencial. Tais dispositivos legais contemplam as regularizações fundiárias de interesse social, o que flexibiliza os procedimentos legais, inclusive ambientais, a fim de regularizar esses parcelamentos, que, de fato, existem, porém carecem de formalização jurídica. Diante do exposto, esta dissertação buscou demonstrar, por meio da análise de normas jurídicas, de pesquisas em estudos já consolidados e, também, mediante a verificação de processos administrativos de ordenação de parcelamentos de solos existentes em Aparecida de Goiânia-GO, que a efetivação da regularização fundiária de interesse social no Brasil, em especial, nesse município, ainda é deficitária, visto que se baseia em um modelo contraditório e ineficiente, encerrando uma antinomia entre questões ambientais, sociais e legais.

O objetivo da pesquisa é discutir as redes de subcontratação e o trabalho informal no circuito das confecções em São Paulo. A partir de uma região periférica na zona leste da cidade tratou-se de averiguar as relações entre trabalho e o espaço urbano no qual essas confecções vêm se instalando. O processo de reestruturação produtiva da indústria de confecções durante a década de 1990 fez multiplicar as chamadas oficinas de fundo de quintal e o trabalho a domicílio nos bairros das ex-costureiras das fábricas pelas vias de redes de subcontratação e do trabalho informal. As ex-operárias mobilizam familiares e vizinhos no trabalho, estabelecendo redes sociais pelas quais circulam as encomendas de costura. Associado a esta dinâmica, esse circuito também vem mobilizando os fluxos da migração clandestina dos bolivianos que já podem ser encontrados nos locais mais distantes do extremo leste da cidade. O material da pesquisa é composto por trajetórias sociais de pessoas ligadas ao setor, recompostas com entrevistas gravadas e semi-diretivas, e acompanhadas por pesquisa de campo. / The aim of this study is to discuss the sub-hiring and informal labor networks that have been developing in the garment industry of Sao Paulo. Focusing on a suburban eastern area of the city, the research was carried out in order to analyze the labor relations and the urban space in which this informal market is being settled. The productive adjustment process that took place in the garment industry during the 1990s led to an increasing number of small garment workshops and in domicile work in the neighborhoods where dressmakers used to work for factories. This growth in the informal market took place through the sub-hiring and informal labor networks. The ex-dressmakers mobilize relatives and neighbors to work in this field, establishing the social networks that keep the garment orders active. Due to this dynamic process, this circuit has been mobilizing the flow of clandestine migration of Bolivian people, who can be found in the further eastern neighborhoods of the city. The research corpus is composed by social trajectories of people related to this sector, mainly through semi-directive recorded interviews and followed by field research.

Elsa Fougt (1744–1826), a woman entrepreneur, was one of the leading figures in the late eighteenth-century Swedish book trade. Her main enterprise was the printing house Kongl. Tryckeriet (the Royal Printing House), which was responsible for printing and publishing the official documents of the Swedish realm. Besides her office as Royal Printer, she also ran a publishing house, two bookshops and a type foundry, as well as being the editor of the Swedish newspaper Stockholms Weckoblad. The dissertation analyzes Fougt's different enterprises and her position in the book trade between 1780 and 1810, from the perspectives of sociology of literature and gender history. It consists of five independent articles, preceded by an introductory chapter which summarizes the articles and discusses their main findings. The first two articles explore the office of the Royal Printer during the whole eighteenth century, while the third article concerns Elsa Fougt’s position as Royal Printer. The fourth article is a study of Fougt's publishing house, and the fifth and final article focuses on her international bookshop, where, among other things, she sold clandestine books imported from the STN in Switzerland. Fougt's successful career was made possible by a number of favourable circumstances, the most important being her family background and network. Her father Peter Momma held the office of Royal Printer, and Elsa Fougt and her husband Henric inherited his position when he died. When Henric passed away in 1782, Elsa – as a widow – was legally allowed to take up the office of Royal Printer independently. The fact that Elsa Fougt was a woman does not seem to have particularly affected her role as Royal Printer. In comparison with her predecessors, her position as Royal Printer appears to have been rather strong. She was a shrewd businesswoman who successfully negotiated with the authorities for higher financial compensation. Her office was obviously of greater importance than her gender. Being both a publisher, a printer, and a bookseller, Fougt handled most of the functions of the book trade, although she distinguished between these different functions. Furthermore, rather than just being an intermediary of books, she also took part in the creation of them, for example by initiating texts and editing manuscripts. In the book trade of her time, Fougt can be seen as both a traditionalist – holding the inherited office of Royal Printer – and an innovator, representing a more modern literary system with increased specialization.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-10-19T11:49:46Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 anacastro2002.pdf: 1522039 bytes, checksum: 6fff49686a70f4c5a0af6aa20a50684e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2002-04-11 / Theorical proposal that pretends to analyze the process of institutionalization of collective memories, starting from the Torture Never More Group, in order to understand the degree of institutional negotiations face the reports of the country's political events in recent history, in its fight to impede the exclusion of the official memory. To estimate the mechanisms engendered in the formation of the Clandestine Memories, found by the concept elaborated by Michel Pollak (1989), inserted in the resistance of the groups caught by extreme situations and its struggle for the right to information as survival condition. To perceive, in the crossing from the collective to institutional, and probable museum incorporations, how the collective memories are organized and articulated to avoid meaning, information and communication losses, from the informational stock of relevant social and politic expression, so to minimize the breaching of the grupal identification burden and the fragmentation of its living's contents / Analisar o processo de institucionalização das memórias coletivas a partir do Grupo Tortura Nunca Mais, a fim de compreender as etapas de negociações institucionais face aos relatos dos acontecimentos políticos da história recente do país, em sua luta para impedir a exclusão da memória oficial. Avaliar os mecanismos engendrados na formação das memórias clandestinas, com base no conceito elaborado por Michel Pollak (1989), inserido em mecanismo de resistência de grupos atingidos por situações-limite em sua luta pelo direito à informação como condição de sobrevivência. Perceber na passagem de coletiva a institucional e, por conseqüência das incorporações museais, possíveis perdas de significado, informação e comunicação, ao sofrer alterações de conteúdo e romper a carga identitária grupal, fragmentando seu continente de vivência

Cette thèse se situe à la croisée de trois champs historiographiques : les études de genre, l’histoire des mobilisations collectives et l’histoire de la guerre d’indépendance algérienne en France. Elle questionne la manière dont certain∙e∙s hommes et femmes, Français∙e∙s et Européen∙ne∙s, ont été amené∙e∙s à prendre position contre la politique française en Algérie, jusqu’à rejoindre le soutien clandestin au Front de Libération Nationale (FLN), et qui sont surnommé∙e∙s les « porteur∙e∙s de valises ». L’approche prosopographique adoptée permet de retracer les processus qui entraînent certain∙e∙s hommes et femmes à entrer dans l’illégalité du soutien aux nationalistes algérien∙ne∙s, tout en soulignant la diversité des modes de socialisation, des matrices de l’engagement et d’entrée en militantisme. Elle permet également de réinterroger les modalités de ce soutien en guerre d’indépendance et, partant, de mettre au jour la variété des formes de soutien, souvent gommée par l’usage de l’expression générique « porteur∙e de valises ». Elle interroge, enfin, les conséquences biographiques et militantes de l’engagement dans le soutien. Questionner le genre de l’engagement des militant∙e∙s du soutien dans le contexte spécifique de la guerre d’indépendance algérienne permet d’enrichir et de nuancer l’analyse traditionnelle du soutien. Cette recherche fait apparaître la construction sociale et historique du féminin et du masculin, dont découle une bicatégorisation sexuée et hiérarchisée qui conditionne, structure ou exerce une influence sur l’entrée en militantisme, mais aussi sur les modes de militance ou encore sur l’analyse des mobilisations collectives. / At the crossroads of three historical fields (gender studies, history of collective actions and history of the Algerian war of Independence), this PhD thesis questions the way men and women, whether French or European, have been urged to position themselves against the French politics in Algeria and then to join the clandestine support to the National front of Liberation (FLN), becoming “porteur∙e∙s de valises”.The prosopographical approach adopted allows to retrace the many processes that led some men and women to clandestinely give support to the Algerian nationalists, while highlighting the diversity of the socialisation processes, the matrix of commitment and of entering in militant activities. Such an approach also allows to re-examine the forms and modalities of the clandestine support to the FLN, and thus, to underline their variety, which has often been undermined by the generic term “porteur∙e∙s de valises”. This prosopographical approach finally questions the consequences of this clandestine support, be them biographical or militant.Questioning the gender of such a commitment, in support to the clandestine FLN and in the very context of the Algerian war allows to both enrich and qualify the traditional analysis of this kind of support. This research reveals the social and historical construction of femininity and masculinity, from which comes out a hierarchised and gendered bi-categorisation that conditions, structures or influences the process on entering into militantism, but also the ways of militancy and, finally, the analysis of collective actions.

Cette thèse s’intéresse aux mobilisations familiales et/ou individuelles pour la réalisation de projets d’immigration clandestine vers l’Europe à partir de la Casamance, une région essentiellement riche du sud du Sénégal. Elle vise à reconstituer les budgets de familles et de candidats à l’immigration à travers une analyse des stratégies et des mécanismes qu’ils mettent en oeuvre pour tenter d’améliorer et/ou de sortir de leur situation. Cette thèse examine également les déterminants qui sont à l'origine des départs, les acteurs impliqués, l’organisation des voyages, le rapport au risque, les itinéraires suivis par les candidats à l’immigration, la place des tontines dans ces voyages, et enfin les politiques de prévention des départs en Casamance et leurs effets sur les migrations en provenance de cette région. Les analyses sont développées à partir d’une approche qualitative articulée essentiellement autour du recueil de récits de vie, de récits de vie croisés, d’entretiens semi-directifs, d’observations, de discussions informelles mais aussi et surtout d’un examen des contextes individuels et collectifs dans lesquels s’inscrivent ces acteurs. Enfin l’examen des mobilisations familiales et individuelles dans l’immigration clandestine et des mobilisations familiales dans l' immigration pour études permet d’introduire une dimension comparative à ce travail. / This thesis is interested in the family and/or individual mobilizations for the realization of projects of illegal immigration towards Europe from the Casamance, a region essentially rich in the South of Senegal. She aims at reconstituting the budgets of families and applicants for immigration through an analysis of the strategies and the mechanisms which they implement to try to improve and/or to go out of their situation. This thesis also examines the determiners which are at the origin of the departures, the implied actors, the organization of the journeys, the relationship at the risk, the routes followed by the candidates, places her tontines in these journeys, and finally the prevention policies of the departures in Casamance and their effects on the migrations from this region. Analyses are developed from a qualitative approach articulated essentially around the collection of narratives of life, crossed narratives of life, semi-directive conversations, observations, informal discussions but also and especially an examination of the individual and collective contexts which join these actors. Finally the examination of the family and individual mobilizations in the illegal immigration and the family mobilizations in the immigration for studies allows to introduce a comparative dimension in this work.

Clandestine burials, the interred human remains of forensic interest, are generally small features located in isolated environments. Typical ground searches can be both time-consuming and dangerous. Thermal remote sensing has been recognized for some time as a possible search strategy for such burials that are in relatively open areas; however, there is a paucity of published research with respect to this application. This project involved image manipulation, the analyses of signatures for "graves" of various depths when compared to an undisturbed background, and the use of image classification techniques to tease out these features. This research demonstrates a relationship between the depth of burial disturbance and the resultant signature. Further, image classification techniques, especially object-oriented algorithms, can be successfully applied to single band thermal imagery. These findings may ultimately decrease burial search times for law enforcement and increase the likelihood of locating clandestine graves.

A intensa expansão urbana que vem ocorrendo, para além das fronteiras do município de são Paulo, sobretudo a partir da década de 70, está aliada à especulação imobiliária e à miséria de uma significativa parcela da população; isto faz com que o processo de ocupação do solo se dê, predominantemente, de forma desordenada e ilegal, especialmente, em áreas protegidas. Diante isso, investigou-se o caso do município de Mairiporã (localizado na zona norte da Grande São Paulo), que possui 80,13% de suas terras inseridas na área de proteção aos mananciais, além de abrigar o reservatório Paiva Castro, o qual faz parte do sistema Cantareira; principal manancial abastecedor da metrópole paulistana. Desse modo, a ocupação ilegal do solo, nesse município, torna-se um fator relevante de análise, destacando que esta ilegalidade está associada à transgressão da lei de proteção aos mananciais, bem como da lei federal de parcelamento do solo (Lei Lehmann). Para tanto, este estudo parte de uma análise político-institucional e sócio-econômica que permite a proliferação de loteamentos irregulares ou clandestinos na região metropolitana de São Paulo e segue para uma análise comparada entre dois loteamentos em Mairiporã (um irregular e outro clandestino) salientando aspectos: das condições de vida do morador; da percepção ambiental dos moradores acerca da área protegida com a qual interagem; e, por fim, da compreensão dos mesmos sobre a situação de ilegalidade em que se encontram. / The intense urban expansion, which is running beyond the borders of the district of São Paulo since the decade of the 70\'s, is associated with land speculation and a state of misery of a significant part of the population. Furthermore, the process of occupation happens in a disordered and illegal way, specially in protected areas. Because of that, the case of the district of Mairiporã (north of the metropolitan region of São Paulo) was studied. There, 80,31% of the district are included into the protection area of water resources, as well as the water reservoir Paiva Castro, which takes part in the Cantareira system; the principal water resources supplier of the metropolitan area of São Paulo. Therefore, the illegal occupation of land, in the district of Mairiporã, turns out to be relevant to analyze, pointing out that the illegality is associated with transgressions of the law for protection of water resources as well as with the federal law of land parcelation (Lehmann Law). The study begins with an analysis of the institutional, political and socio-economic situation which allowed the proliferation of irregular land lots or clandestine in the metropolitan region of São Paulo. This analysis is followed by a comparison between two land lots in Mairiporã (irregular and clandestine) focussing on aspects of the living conditions of the residents, environmental perception in relation to the protected area they are interacting with, and finally, the understanding of theresidents of the state of illegality they encounter.

Suite à la croissance du phénomène migratoire clandestin, la prise de conscience publique et officielle de ce phénomène et du trafic des migrants est évidente. En conséquence, la signature du Protocole de l‘ONU contre le trafic de migrants et l‘adoption d‘une directive et d‘une décision-cadre au niveau européen sont conçues pour faire face à ceux qui profitent de ce phénomène, à savoir les trafiquants. Le droit français quant à lui, a accru la répression contre les tierces personnes impliquées, de près ou de loin, dans les activités clandestines de l‘immigration. Malgré l‘objectif affiché par ledit Protocole de « lutte contre le trafic illicite de migrants », les mesures adoptées et la large liberté laissée aux États membres, indiquent clairement le vrai but de cet instrument international, à savoir la lutte contre l‘immigration clandestine elle-même, but qui est le même pour l‘UE. Mais quel est le statut accordé par le protocole et par les dispositions européennes ainsi que françaises aux migrants qui font appel aux services des passeurs ? À travers cette étude nous pouvons entrevoir que la formulation des dispositions du Protocole et celle des dispositions européennes visent à n‘assurer aucun statut juridique aux migrants clandestins. Il n‘y a pas de statut juridique, ni victime, ni coupable, le migrant est en détresse. En revanche, en droit français, le migrant clandestin n‘est presque jamais regardé comme un homme, mais plutôt comme un délinquant. Le législateur français a choisi la loi pénale face à ces migrants. Cependant, les sanctions et la sévérité ne pourront rien contre un homme torturé, affamé, méprisé dans son pays. La loi pénale, à elle seule, ne permettra sans doute pas d‘apporter une solution. La préservation de l‘équilibre nécessairement fragile entre le respect de la liberté individuelle et le maintien de l‘ordre public est rarement prise en considération. En revanche les considérations économiques ont justifié une plus grande rigueur à l‘encontre des clandestins, au niveau de leur entrée, de leur séjour. / As a result of the ever increasing illegal migration phenomenon, Public opinion and officials are now clearly aware of it and of the trafficking involved. Therefore, the signing of the UN Protocole against the smuggling of migrants and the adoption of a directive together with a decision framework at European level are tailor made to fight against the traffickers taking advantage of this phenomenon. French law, as it is concerned, has increased repression against whoever might be involved in this clandestine smuggling and trafficking. Despite the objective stated in the, so called, Protocol of ―fighting against the smuggling of migrants‖ The measures adopted and the large freedom given to the members states, clearly indicate that the true purpose of this international instrument is indeed the same as the E.U‘s that is to say : fighting against illegal immigration. But what is the status granted by the protocol and the European as well as French provisions to the migrants who use the services of smugglers? All through this study we can see that the formulations of the provisions of the protocol and that of the European provisions are intended to ensure that no legal status is granted to clandestine migrants. As far as they are concerned they have no legal status so there is no victim and no offender: a clandestine migrant is just in distress. However in the French law a clandestine migrant is seen as an offender but not as a man in distress. The French parliament has chosen to enforce criminal law against these migrants but, will this stop migrants who are tortured, despised and starving in their country of origin? Choosing to see them only as offenders won‘t probably bring any solution to the problem. The necessary preservation of the delicate balance between respect for individual freedom and the maintenance of public order is rarely taken into consideration. However economic considerations justify rigour againt illegal immigrants concerning who is allowed to enter the country and how long they will be allowed to stay.