<p>This study examines how the Roman emperors <i>c</i>. AD. 260–295 attempt at maintaining their power-bases through legitimation of their claims to power, with reference to various potentially powerful groups of society, such as the military, the inhabitants of the provinces and the senate in Rome. The purpose has been to discern the development of ‘Roman imperial ideology’ in an age which has frequently been referred to as an ‘age of military anarchy.’ Focus is on how claims to power could be expressed through visual media. Of such media, mainly the coins struck for the emperors <i>c</i>. AD 260-295 have been studied. A close investigation has been made of the iconography of these coins. Furthermore, the ways in which coin-images are modified and combined with various legends are studied. An additional purpose of this investigation has been to provide a comment on the general potential of conveying visual imagery and messages on objects such as coins and medallions. </p><p>The study argues that novel, intricate and multi-layered images were created on the coins struck for the emperors <i>c</i>. AD 260-295. Furthermore, it is suggested that these coin-images were created to assume the function of larger-scale expressions of imperial authority, such as triumphal arches and imperial statues. This adaption of coinage was made because there was a need for intensified communication of imperial authority. This need arose due to the incessant warfare of the age, and a process of regionalization of the empire, which was connected to this warfare. The conclusion is that these coins provide an illustration of the development of the Roman empire in the second half of the third century. This was a development by which the city of Rome lost its importance in favour of regional capitals, and ultimately in favour of Constantinople.</p>

This study examines how the Roman emperors c. AD. 260–295 attempt at maintaining their power-bases through legitimation of their claims to power, with reference to various potentially powerful groups of society, such as the military, the inhabitants of the provinces and the senate in Rome. The purpose has been to discern the development of ‘Roman imperial ideology’ in an age which has frequently been referred to as an ‘age of military anarchy.’ Focus is on how claims to power could be expressed through visual media. Of such media, mainly the coins struck for the emperors c. AD 260-295 have been studied. A close investigation has been made of the iconography of these coins. Furthermore, the ways in which coin-images are modified and combined with various legends are studied. An additional purpose of this investigation has been to provide a comment on the general potential of conveying visual imagery and messages on objects such as coins and medallions. The study argues that novel, intricate and multi-layered images were created on the coins struck for the emperors c. AD 260-295. Furthermore, it is suggested that these coin-images were created to assume the function of larger-scale expressions of imperial authority, such as triumphal arches and imperial statues. This adaption of coinage was made because there was a need for intensified communication of imperial authority. This need arose due to the incessant warfare of the age, and a process of regionalization of the empire, which was connected to this warfare. The conclusion is that these coins provide an illustration of the development of the Roman empire in the second half of the third century. This was a development by which the city of Rome lost its importance in favour of regional capitals, and ultimately in favour of Constantinople.

This paper emphasizes the nature of trade relations in the EasternMediterranean in general and from a Levantine inland perspective inparticular. The ‘maritime’ trade relation of the ancient city of Hazor, located in the interior of LB Canaan is a case study investigating the Mycenaean and Cypriot pottery on the site. The influx of these vessels peaked during LB IIA. The distribution and types of this pottery at Hazorpoint to four interested groups that wanted it. These were the royal andreligious elites; the people in Area F; the religious functionaries of theLower City; and the craftsmen of Area C. The abundance of imports inArea F, among other evidence, indicates that this area might havecontained a trading quarter from where the imports were distributed toother interested groups.A model of ‘interregional interaction networks’, which is a modified world systems approach, is used to describe the organization of trade connections between the Levant, Cyprus and the Aegean and even beyond. The contents of the Ulu Burun and Cape Gelidonya ships, wrecked on the coast of south Turkey, show that luxury items were traded from afar through Canaan via the coastal cities overseas to the Aegean.Such long-distance trade with luxury goods requires professional traders familiar with the risks and security measures along the routes and with the knowledge of value systems and languages of diverse societies. These traders established networks along main trade routes and settled in trading quarters in particular node cities. The paper suggests that Hazor, as one of the largest cities in Canaan, located along the main trade routes, possessed such a node position. In this trade the Levantine coastal cities of Sarepta, Abu Hawam,Akko and possibly Tel Nami seem to have played important roles. These main ports of southern Syria and northern Palestine were all accessible to Hazor, although some of them in different periods of LB.

Huvudfrågan i den här uppsatsen är på vilket sätt som konsten speglar religionen i Egypten under Det mellersta riket. Uppsatsen börjar med att beskriva när Det mellersta riket skulle ha ägt rum, vilket dock är lite osäkert, då årtalen kan variera något mellan olika författare. Vidare, vill jag ge en inblick i hur den egyptiska konsten bör tolkas, då detta inte är på samma sätt som vi västerlänningar, idag, ofta tolkar konst utifrån dess yttre skönhet och helhet. Sedan följer en beskrivning av hur religionen förmodligen uppstod kring Nilen och inspirerade det religiösa livet, då denna flod var livsviktig och källan till att livet över huvud taget gick att leva i Egypten. Detta stycke inrymmer också skapelsemyten, gudar och ritualer. I stycket, som jag kallar ”Kungen”, beskrivs vilken ställning kungen hade ur ett religiöst perspektiv, då mycket av konsten man har funnit har varit avbildningar av kungar. Hur konsten beskriver det ovannämnda och symboliserar religionen påvisas i nästa stycke, som följs av hur religion och konst har förändrats från det Gamla riket till det Nya riket. / Uppsatsförfattaren har senare bytt efternamn till "Lindgren".

The aim of this thesis is to describe forms of Greek religion in the context of Graeco-Bactrian kingdom. The lack of written sources is typical for the region, my analysis is therefore based on archaeological evidence. The first part of my thesis introduces the archaeological sources connected to the religion. A material culture of Graeco-Bactrian kingdom mixes both Greek and local traditions. The second part of the thesis analyses the formation of the Graeco-Bactrian religious identity. I compare the situation with other Hellenistic states, especially with Syria, using postcolonial models based on theories by Rachel Mairs and Irad Malkin. It seems that Graeco- Bactrian kingdom does not differ from other parts of Hellenistic world. The absence of Greek temples is especially remarkable, I suppose that Hellenistic religion inclined to respect local religious traditions. On the other hand, Hellenistic identity did not depend on Greek religion but on Greek education.

A concepção arquitetônica dos templos dóricos gregos é estudada na perspectiva da Arqueologia da Arquitetura stricto sensu. Verificamos a relevância e o papel que teve a aplicação da geometria e da aritmética como recursos técnicos e metodológicos para o desenvolvimento do projeto do templo dórico grego no século V a.C., visando esclarecer e estabelecer vínculos entre tais ramos da matemática e a lógica subjacente que norteou os arquitetos, tanto em projeto como nas aplicações precisas em obra. Para isso, abordarmos os fundamentos científicos da arquitetura grega a partir da análise de 10 templos clássicos hexastilos (configuração canônica da ordem dórica) fazendo um balanço crítico sobre o alcance e o limite das teorias modernas que desenvolveram modelos de interpretação para o projeto do templo dórico grego. Adotamos como ponto de partida, e referência fundamental, os artigos publicados por J. J. Coulton em meados da década de setenta, no periódico The Annual of the British School at Athens, e vamos sistemáticamente atualizando o debate apoiado nas discussões mais recentes. / The Architectural conception of the Greek Doricos temples has been studied in the perspective of the Archaeology of the Architecture stricto sensu. We had verified the role and the relevance that the geometry and arithmetic applications such as the technical and methodology resources for the design development of the Greek Doric temple in V century B.C., in order to clarify and to establish links between mathematics branches and the underlying logic that had been guiding the architects, as much in projects as in the accuracy applications for the building constructions. In a way to approach the Greek architecture scientific fundamentals from the analysis of 10 hexastilos classic temples (canonic configuration of the Doric order) making a critical balance on the limit and the reach of the modern theories that had developed interpretation models for the design of the Greek Doric temple. We adopt as basic reference and starting point, the articles published for J.J. Coulton in middle of the seventy decade, in the periodic The Annual of the British School at Athens, and systematically go bringing up to date the debate supported in the most recent discussions.

Denna text undersöker, via närläsning, Tabellae Sulis–förbannelsetavlor riktade mot tjuvar hittade i den heliga källan i Sulis Minervas helgedom i Bath–med mål att utröna dessas känslomässiga innehåll och samhälleliga kontext. De 32 studerade tavlorna utgör försök att hämna stölder av klädesplagg och smärre summor pengar, antagligen stulna medan deras författare njöt av den heliga källans vatten. De utgör i det yttersta en sorts överenskommelse mellan författaren och gudinnan. Den senare ges en del av det stulna föremålet, eller i vissa fall tjuven, och förväntas bestraffa denne tills denne återlämnar föremålet i fråga till templet där det stals. Vad gäller straff söker tavlorna attackera alltifrån tjuvens hälsa och sinnen till dennes fortplantningsförmåga och själva dennes liv. Vanligast är önskan att tjuven skall betala för sitt illdåd i dennes eget blod. På känslomässig nivå ger tavlorna kuttryck för den bestulnes ilska och hämndlystnad. I detta kan de ha fungerat som en känslomässig kontrollmekanism, ett säkert och samhälleligt accepterat sätt att uttrycka och agera på känslor, som annars kunnat bli socialt problematiska. / This paper seeks, by means of close reading, to examine the Tabellae Sulis–a series of curse tablets against thieves, found in the sacred spring of the temple of Sulis Minerva at Bath–to explore their emotional content and societal context. The 32 studied tablets are concerned with the theft of minor sums of silver and various items of clothing, crimes most likely committed while the victim was soaking in the sacred spring. The tablets can be considered a sort of quasi-legal agreement between the victim and the goddess in question. The latter is granted partial ownership of the stolen object–or, in some cases, the thief themselves–and expected to punish said thief until they return the object in question to the temple where it was stolen. In terms of punishment, the tablets attack everything from the thief’s mind, motor functions and senses to their ability to reproduce and even their very lives. Most commonly they request that the thief pay the value of the stolen object in their own blood. On an emotional level, the tablets give expression to the anger of the victims and their hunger for vengeance. In this way, they can be considered to have served as an emotional control mechanism, a safe and generally accepted way to express and act on feelings that might otherwise have proven socially problematic.

This article consists of a close examination of one of four Late Archaic-era tumular monuments that were excavated in the mid-1950s in the Northern Necropolis of the Pontic Greek settlement of Istros. The exploration of this monument, Tumulus XVII (circa 550-525 BCE), yielded several features that were immediately compared with heroic cremation burials as described in epic poetry (particularly the funeral of Patroklos in Homer’s Iliad). Most striking among these features were the remains of three human sacrificial victims. Despite the early connection drawn with Homeric epic, for the next three decades Tumulus XVII was classified as a non-Greek (Thracian) monument, principally due to the presence of human sacrifice. That is, human sacrifice was regarded as too primitive and thus foreign to the more ‘advanced’ Greek culture. For this reason, the evidence from Istros has not figured prominently in synthetic studies of Greek human sacrifice. Yet, the growing body of research into Greek and indigenous settlements and cemeteries in the western Black Sea, along with the more recent discovery of a bound and ritually decapitated man alongside Pyre A at Orthi Petra (circa 700 BCE; Eleutherna, Crete), has occasioned a reconsideration of the original barbarian characterization of Tumulus XVII. The funerary rituals and resulting tumular monument rather appear to have been developed by an elite subset of the Greek colonial community as a means to distinguish and elevate themselves among the ever-growing population of the city. While epic may have lent general inspiration and significance to the particular rituals performed, a more immediate model for the tumular form may have been taken from the ‘heroon’ (late 7th cent. BCE) in the necropolis of the nearby Greek settlement of Orgame. Although the precise circumstances surrounding the funerary human sacrifices elude us, this short-lived ritual phenomenon seems rather to have been introduced to the region by Greek settlers.

<p>The epic hero Diomedes is, in my opinion, considered a marginal hero, as he is relegated to a backbench in ancient Greek thought and ideology. I examine why this is the case, considering his role and impact in Homer's <em>Iliad</em>. Greek society valued its epic heroes beyond the words of the poets, yet some heroes received much more attention that others as central characters in tragedy and iconography, consequently regarded as favourites by mass audiences. I believe that examining a marginal hero like Diomedes is important in order to understand why Greek culture generally disregarded some warriors in favour of others, especially in the case of Diomedes, who displays heroic virtues more evidently than several other heroes who have received more attention. Overall Greek attitudes toward him offer an intriguing perspective on the epic heroes and the ways in which the Greeks idealized them. An examination of Greek literary, visual, and religious spheres of influence effectively aid in determining the reasons behind this phenomenon. In summary, this work attempts to understand Greek attitudes towards a hero who has received very little scholarly attention. The concept of the epic hero requires analysis of even the most neglected characters; one cannot understand Odysseus, Achilles, or Hector without examining Diomedes, who has a notable role in the very same tradition as the aforementioned heroes.</p> / Master of Arts (MA)

<p>This thesis is concerned with the representation of children on sculptural funerary commemoration, with a focus on freedmen panel reliefs and funerary altars. Although there is evidence found from all regions of the Empire, the majority of the material discussed here is from the city of Rome itself. Representations of young children first appear on freedmen panel reliefs, which date to the end of the Republic and were produced into the first century of the Empire. When this genre declined in popularity at the end of the first century AD, funerary altars emerged as the new, preferred form of commemoration. The goal of this thesis is to show that these two types of funerary monuments reveal much about the children themselves, but also provide insight into the social and cultural identity of their parents. Due to the family relationships expressed on these commemorations, I also evaluate the degree of affect demonstrated by the parents or the dedicator towards the children present on these monuments. The first chapter provides a socio-cultural background on the role of children in the family and Roman society as well as the importance of funerary commemoration. In this chapter I also discuss the likelihood of high infant and child mortality rates and explore reactions towards the death of children in literary evidence and social conventions. In the second chapter I provide a background on the significance of the freedman family, followed by an examination of the panel reliefs. The third chapter examines funerary altars that commemorate young children. The material discussed in this chapter is analyzed through a case study approach of nine altars, examining both the epigraphic elements and the sculptural components.</p> / Master of Arts (MA)