Between 1961 and 1963 a large terraced Etruscan building on the southside of the Acropolis at the archaeological site of San Giovenale in Italy was excavated. The building, named House K, remained largely unpublished and unstudied throughout the years, leaving our picture of the ancient settlement at San Giovenale incomplete. This thesis aims to get a better understanding of the Etruscan architecture, settlement, culture, and society at San Giovenale, by doing an architectural analysis of the building of House K, using unpublished field journals, drawings, and photographs. By comparing the architecture of House K and any structural elements immediately connected with the building, to other structures at San Giovenale, as well as other Etruscan sites, this thesis set out to learn: what kind of structure House K is; what function it had; what its relative dating is; what role it played in the settlement at San Giovenale; and what it can tell us regarding the society and culture at San Giovenale. Using environment-behaviour relations and building archaeology, the study first examined the structural elements of House K, before comparing House K to other structures at San Giovenale built 700–400 BCE. Thereafter, the study looked at parallels outside of San Giovenale, looking at the sites of Acquarossa, Luni sul Mignone, Poggio Civitate, Cerveteri, Pyrgi, Montetosto, Vulci, and Narce. Finally, a discussion was had regarding the character and function of House K, whether it was public, private, sacred, or profane. In the course of the study, an architectural chronology of San Giovenale was established, which dated the construction date of House K to between c. 565 BCE and the late 6th century BCE. The interpretation of the function of House K that seems most probable is that it was a monumental building complex of administrative, political and/or religious significance, which probably also acted as a residence for the ruling elite at San Giovenale – in other words: a palazzo. House K being a palazzo would mean that there was a centralised authority at San Giovenale, suggesting that there was some sort of ruler or leader at the top of the social hierarchy, splitting the social division at San Giovenale further than it was previously believed to have been.

The aim of this study is to examine and analyse how the Alexandrian prefect Orestes of late antiquity and his management of the events of 414-415 were depicted in the ancient sources: Socrates Scholasticus, John of Nikiu and Damascius. By applying S. Brownes rhetoric analysis to remove the authors “filters” in their depiction and then applying French & Ravens bases of power to analyse how prefect Orestes power were depicted. Th analyses also applies the bases of power on bishop Cyril and philosopher Hypatia as the study found it difficult to analyses the prefect without them. The result of the analysis and discussion mainly found that the depiction of the prefect Orestes is affected by the rhetoric “filterers” of the three ancient authors. The study also found that the depiction of prefect Orestes and how he managed the events between 414-415 is always dependent on the office of prefectures authority and power. This what French & Raven call legitimate power. Prefect Orestes actions were based on the office of prefecture authority and power, in accordance to the social structure and cultural rules. He was always depicted as the prefect not the person Orestes.

The study of early Greek sacrificial rituals is an under-researched field, as previous scholarship has focused in Late Archaic and Classical Greece to understand and reconstruct Greek sacrifice. This thesis is an attempt to complement our knowledge of early Greek sacrificial practices, which are defined here as thysia, holocaust and moirocaust, focusing in the 8th and 7th century Peloponnese. To achieve this goal, all available archaeological and zooarchaeological evidence from the sanctuaries at Olympia, Isthmia, Nikoleika, Mt. Lykaion and Asea, is incorporated. It is argued that the reconstructed sacrificial norm of thysia is not reflected in the early Peloponnesian evidence and a re-evaluation of Greek sacrifice, at least for the Late Geometric–Early Archaic period, is suggested. The second aspect this thesis is to explore social competition in the given chronological and geographical framework through Greek sacrificial rituals. A new theory based on the notion of visibility is applied, according to which the sacrificer aims to promote themself and earn social capital through direct and indirect visibility achieved from the regular performance of sacrificial rites. It is suggested that the level of visibility in sacrifice is dependent on four parameters: sacrificial ritual and meals, sacrificial investment, sacrificial installation and the status of the sanctuary. / Tidig grekisk offerritual är ett understuderat område, då forskare framför allt fokuserat på det senarkaiska och klassiska Grekland för att förstå och rekonstruera grekisk offerpraktik. Denna uppsats är ett försök att utöka vår kunskap om tidiga grekiska offer, som här definieras som thysia, holokauster och moirokauster, med fokus på 700- och 600-talen på Peloponnesos. För att uppfylla detta syfte studeras all tillgängligt arkeologiskt och animalosteologiskt material från helgedomarna i Olympia, Isthmia, Nikoleika, Lykaionberget och Asea. Uppsatsen hävdar att den antagna normen för djuroffer i form av thysia inte återspeglas i det tidiga materialet från Peloponnesos och att det därför bör det ske en omvärdering av grekiskt offerbruk, åtminstone vad gäller den sengeometriska och tidigarkaiska perioden. Vidare utforskar uppsatsen hur social konkurrens uttrycktes genom offerritual inom samma period och geografiska område. Här appliceras en ny teori baserad på visibilitet. Enligt denna strävar den som offrar att framhäva sig själv och förvärva socialt kapital genom den direkta eller indirekta visibilitet som erhålls från att regelbundet genomföra offerritualer. Fyra parametrar avgör visibilitetens genomslagskraft: ritualen och de efterföljande måltiderna, investeringen i själva offret, installationer för offrets praktiska genomförande och helgedomens status.

ChronARG, the result of international collaboration, is a critical presentation of recent scholarship pertinent to the study of ancient Greek material religion, published annually in Kernos.

ChronARG, the result of international collaboration, is a critical presentation of recent scholarship pertinent to the study of ancient Greek material religion, published annually in Kernos.

This thesis discusses the funerary expression of social status in Macedonia during the 4th century BCE. Specifically, this thesis aims to examine the royal and the noble status and the way this is expressed in death, by making a distinction between royals and nobles. The major questions of this research concern their differences and their similarities, as well as any potential indicators of each one. As part of the material, the thesis has employed four tombs to study that come from three cemeterial areas. The two first tombs are examined as royal tombs and are located in the ancient area of Aegae, located in the modern area of Vergina, while the other two tombs which are examined as noble tombs are located in the modern area of Hagios Athanasios and Derveni. By focusing on the wider cemeterial area, as well as on their architec-ture, their decoration, the grave goods and the human remains, the thesis is treating the archaeological assemblage as a holistic reflection of the social status of the de-ceased, assuming that wealthy tombs should be in accordance with the social ranking of the deceased. However, this thesis also takes into consideration other factors that might affect that funeral assemblage, such as the deceased’s or the family choices. But even despite this choice for planning to have a death as somebody wanted to, the thesis considers that having a wealthy tomb and burial mean that it was affordable and again in this case the funerary assemblage is an aspect by which the social status of the deceased can be illustrated. Finally, the thesis concludes by discussing that straight interpretations of what is considered to be of royal nature appear to be com-plicated and factors such as whoever wanted could have a prominent burial, blur the line between royals and nobles at death. / Denna uppsats diskuterar uttryck av social status i Makedonska begravningar under 300-talet f.v.t. Uppsatsen syftar specifikt till att undersöka kungafamiljens och elitens status och hur detta uttrycks i döden, genom att göra en uppdelning mellan kunglig och elit. De viktigaste frågorna i denna studie rör deras skillnader och likheter, liksom potentiella indikatorer för vardera grupp. Materialet som har studerats är fyra gravar som kommer från tre separata begravningsområden. De två första gravarna undersöks som kungliga gravar och ligger i det antika området Aegae, beläget nära det moderna området Vergina, medan de övriga två gravarna som undersöks som elitgravar ligger i det moderna områdena Hagios Athanasios och Derveni. Genom att fokusera på begravningsområdenas kontext, de enskilda gravarnas arkitektur, deras utsmyckning, gravgåvor och de mänskliga kvarlevorna, behandlar uppsatsen den arkeologiska samlingen som en holistisk återspegling av den avlidnes sociala status, med antagandet att rika gravar bör reflektera den avlidnes sociala status. Men den här avhandlingen tar också hänsyn till andra faktorer som kan påverka begravningssammansättningen, såsom den avlidnes eller familjens personliga val. De begravda kunde ha planerat begravningens utformning, uppsatsen utgår ifrån att en rik grav och begravning betyder att personen hade tillräckliga resurser för begravningen men man behöver se på hela begravningskontexten för att undersöka den begravdas sociala status. Uppsatsen drar slutsatsen att tolkningen av vad som kan vara kungliga och elitgravar är komplicerad och faktorer som att den som hade råd kunde få en påkostad begravning suddar ut gränsen mellan kungliga och elit vid döden.

This study details Roman women’s use of makeup, and the relevance of studying makeup whenexploring the history of Roman women. The study explores the relation between the use ofmakeup and female identity through texts and archaeological material. By first presenting thetypes of makeup used and the paraphernalia associated with the application of makeup, thiscontextualizes how women interacted with makeup on a day-today basis. This leads to adiscussion on who used makeup and what the use of makeup says about female identity. When analyzing women’s use of makeup, this study compares ancient texts, archaeologicalfinds, and modern chemical analysis of ancient makeup. This study argues that women ofdifferent social standings could use makeup, and that women were able to use makeup as a toolto establish some control over how they were perceived by the public. This in turn makesmakeup a way to study female agenda in antiquity. / Denna studie fokuserar på romerska kvinnors användning av smink och relevansen av attstudera smink i anknytning till romerska kvinnors historia. Studien utforskar relationen mellananvändningen av smink och kvinnlig identitet genom texter och arkeologiskt material. De olikatyperna av smink och föremålen associerade med appliceringen av smink presenteras, med syfteatt kontextualisera hur kvinnor interagerade med smink i sin vardag. Detta lägger grunden fördiskussionen om vem som använde smink och vad användningen av smink säger om kvinnorsidentitet. För att analysera kvinnors användning av smink jämför denna studie antika texter,arkeologiska fynd och modern kemisk analys av antikt smink. Denna studie argumenterar attkvinnor från olika samhällsklasser kunde använda smink, och att smink gav kvinnormöjligheten att påverka hur allmänheten såg dem. Detta gör i sin tur att smink kan ses som ettsätt att studera kvinnlig agenda under antiken.

The aim of this study is to analyse and interpret the distribution of white-ground lekythoi with a known context from the 5th century BCE. Exploring white-ground lekythoi in context is a complex matter, as many lekythoi lack archaeological documentation. The purpose of this study is to locate and map white-ground lekythoi with available archaeological documentation in order to lay the groundwork of their geographical distribution and interpret how they were used and could have been viewed from a socio-economic perspective in different regions. The study has shown that white-ground lekythoi were distributed throughout the Mediterranean, the Black Sea and the Levant, and have been found in various contexts such as funerary, domestic and religious space depending on the region. The chronological distribution indicates that white-ground lekythoi were popular in locations such as Eretria, Gela and Macedonia, before becoming adopted in Attic funerary activities during the second half of the century. This suggests a more multifunctional use of the vessel than only being a funerary libation vessel which is the traditional scholarly approach to the vessel’s function. Lastly, this thesis addresses the value of white-ground lekythoi. The hypothesis is put forward that the vessels increased in value when being found in limited numbers and with what could be considered luxurious artefacts made for both a local and foreign market. / Målet med denna studie är att analysera och tolka fördelningen av vit-grundiga lekyter med en känd kontext från 500-talet f.v.t. Undersökningar av vit-grundiga lekyter med en känd kontext är en komplex fråga då många av kärlen saknar arkeologisk dokumentation. Syftet med studien är att lokalisera och kartlägga vit-grundiga lekyter med tillgänglig arkeologisk dokumentation för att lägga grunden för deras geografiska utspridning och tolka hur de användes och kunde ha blivit sedda från ett socio-ekonomiskt perspektiv i olika regioner. Studien har visat att vit-grundiga lekyter distribuerades över Medelhavet, Svarta havet och Levanten och har hittats i olika kontexter som gravar, bosättningar, och helgedomar beroende på region. Den kronologiska fördelningen indikerar att vit-grundiga lekyter var populära i områden som Eretria, Gela och Makedonien, innan de antogs i Attiska begravningsaktiviteter under andra hälften av seklet. Detta tyder på en mer multifunktionell användning av kärlen än enbart ämnat för begravningsaktiviteter som är den traditionella vetenskapliga tolkningen av kärlets funktion. Hypotesen framförs att vit-grundiga lekyter ökade i värde när de hittades i begränsat antal och tillsammans med vad man som kan betraktas som lyxiga artefakter gjorda för både en lokal och utländsk marknad.

<p>By the early fourth century Rome was more than a thousand years old and the historical <em>caput mundi</em> was, accordingly, steeped in long established traditions. It was these historical traditions and memories that served as paradigms for understanding present circumstances. One such paradigm was the relationship between Rome and her emperors. Traditionally, monarchical power was the antithesis of the Roman Republican model, yet Augustus uniquely altered this model and established a new acceptable paradigm wherein the emperor was the <em>princeps civitatis</em> and the patron to all Romans. This imperial patronage was characterized primarily by the commissioning of public buildings in the <em>Urbs</em> and the maintenance of Rome’s cults and traditions. Therefore, Rome was inextricably intertwined with the legitimacy, success (or failure), and longevity of an emperor’s reign. Throughout the third century, however, Rome was plagued by manifold crises and the paradigmatic relationship between Rome and her rulers began to break down, such that some scholars have suggested that from 293 CE and the establishment of the tetrarchy Rome became increasingly manifest wherever the emperors were, with the city itself becoming nothing more than a peripheral concern. The former line of argumentation, however, is often advanced with the belief that Rome’s diminishing importance was uninterrupted and invariable, often disregarding the evidence within the city itself and focusing on monumental evidence outside of Rome and across the empire. This thesis, then, by examining the evidence within the city of Rome and that pertaining to it, demonstrates that between 293 and 324 CE Rome’s marginalization was anything but consistent and that the city, with all its symbolic and actual power, was integral to Maxentius’ and Constantine’s legitimation policies. Moreover, this thesis also elucidates how Rome functioned in imperial thought for each regime, with old paradigms becoming malleable to accommodate new imperial policy.</p> / Master of Arts (MA)

The current state of the research about dolia in roman bar counters suggest that they were used as wine storage. This exposition has been prevalent within the field for a long time and is based on untried 19-century research. Ardle MacMahon is one of the few who have questioned this interpretation, and who thinks that dolia are unsuitable for wine storage. It is from this premise that this study aims to reconsider the thesis that dolia in bar counters were used for wine. The main material for this study is dolia and as a point of reference amphorae. The other material is the bars in Pompeii and Ostia. These are two fundamental different towns, and the bars have their own characteristics that separate them, Ostia has no dolia in its bar counters. The secondary material is the ancient sources from which a contextualization of both the bars and the dolia can be made. The analysis is done through close reading and a spatial analysis. The result of this study is that dolia are not suitable for wine storage in bar counters. Dolia are better suited for storage of dry foodstuffs like legumes, nuts and dried fruit. The wine were more likely kept in amphorae on wooden racks behind the bar counter. / Den rådande forskningen kring dolia i romerska bardiskar menar att de använts till vinförvaring. Denna tolkning har varit framträdande inom området under en lång tid och grundar sig i oprövad forskning från 1800-talet. Det finns dock några såsom Ardle MacMahon som menar att dolia inte lämpar sig till vinförvaring i bardiskar. Med denna utgångspunkt ämnar denna uppsats ompröva den rådande tesen att dolia i barer var för vin. Det huvudsakliga materialet som analyseras är dolia i största allmänhet och en jämförelse med amforor. Det andra materialet är krogar i Pompeji och Ostia som är fundamentalt olika i det faktum att Ostia saknar dolia i bardiskar. Det sekundära materialet är antika texter som kontextualiserar både krogar och dolia för att sedan diskutera dess signifikans. Materialet nås genom en rumslig analys och närläsning. Resultatet av denna uppsats konstaterar att dolia i bardiskar inte lämpar sig för vinförvaring utan snarare för torra varor såsom legymer, nötter och torkad frukt. Vinet förvarades mer troligtvis i amforor på hyllor bakom baren.