This is a study of the relations between Christian missions and the colonial state in Kenya from the time of the Imperial British East Africa Company (1888), to the year before the Second World War (1938). The study concentrates on three protestant missions, the Church Missionary Society, the Church of Scotland Mission, and the Africa Inland Mission. The term 'colonial state' is used here in a wider sense to include the three races in the country. In order of racial dominance, they comprised a dominant European minority of missionaries, settlers and officials; a trading Asian community; and a majority native population. This study addresses itself to the major issues which brought the missions and the state, or a section of the state, to a point of interaction. These issues include slavery, land, labour, the Indian Question, and African political associations. In order to introduce the issues in this study, it has seemed useful to include a first chapter outlining the factors which influenced mission-state relationships in Colonial Africa, with examples drawn from Congo, Malawi, Uganda, Rhodesia, and the Portuguese colonies of Angola and Mozambique. Admittedly, the selection of these areas is rather arbitrary, but they provide an adequate range for comparison. The second and third chapters survey the relations between the missions and the state on the East African coast prior to 1900. The central issue in these chapters is the question of slavery and the slave trade, with great emphasis being laid on its effect on the mission-state relationship then, and in the future. Chapter four is central to this study. It explores in depth for the first time the extent to which missions became involved with the alienation of native lands. It has been necessary to go into minor details to show the amount of land applied for by the missions, how it was acquired and used, and how beneficial it was and to whom. A major theme in the chapter is the extent to which land acquisition, maintenance and disposal by the missions prepared the background for future mission-state relationships in general, and enhanced the evolution of a settler-missionary identity in particular. Chapter five discusses labour as an issue in the mission-state relationship, and focuses mainly on the Kenya Missions' Volunteer Corps during World War I, and the labour crisis which emerged in the country after the war. An attempt is made here to assess how missionary response to government labour policies contributed to the emerging pattern of the mission-state relationship. The labour issue is also looked at in the context of the relations between the missions and Africans, especially chiefs. The chapter concludes with an emphasis on the growing alliance between missionaries and the white colonial society. Chapter six discusses the Indian Question within the context of the mission-state relationship. The controversy over Indian claims for equality with Europeans, which culminated in the Devonshire White Paper of 1923 asserting African paramountcy, is here seen to have resulted in a high degree of alliance between missionaries and the white society on the one hand and to have started a process of general deterioration in relations between missions and radical African politicians on the other. Chapter seven assesses the involvement by missionaries in the formation of African political associations in Central Kenya after 1919. The question of the representation of native interests is discussed here to highlight the conflicts between the radical African politicians and the loyal and missionary-directed associations. The chapter builds up to the circumcision controversy of 1929 in which the loyal associations sided with the missions against the Kikuyu Central Association and female circumcision. Further, the controversy is seen to have ushered in a process of deterioration in the relations between the missions and the state, culminating in the resignation, in 1929, of J.W. Arthur, the missionary representative of native interests in the Legislative and Executive Councils. Chapter eight addresses itself to the role of Archdeacon Owen in Nyanza politics, especially his role in the Kavirondo Taxpayers' Welfare Association. Emphasis is laid on the significance of Owen's role for his personal relations with the officials, and for the relations between his adherents and the state. A concluding chapter attempts to bring out the various themes which tie together the issues covered in the study. In this section, the settler-missionary identification is assessed; the influence of the forces in Britain (the metropolitan factor) for the mission-state relationship in Kenya is highlighted; and finally, an attempt is made to put the mission-state relationship in a historical perspective.

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<p>This dissertation investigates colonial and postcolonial practices of cultural representations in Namibia. The state sponsored Annual National Culture Festival in Namibia was studied with a specific focus on the Kavango Region in northeastern Namibia. I was particularly interested in how cultural representations are produced by the nation-state and local people in a post-colonial African context of nation-building and national reconciliation, by bringing visions of cosmopolitanism and modernity into critical dialogue with its colonial past. During the apartheid era, the South African administration encouraged the inhabitants of its &bdquo / Native Homelands‟ to engage in &bdquo / cultural‟ activities aimed at preserving their traditional cultures and fostering a sense of distinct cultural identity among each of Namibia‟s officially recognized &bdquo / ethnic groups‟. This policy was in line with the logic of South African colonial apartheid rule of Namibia, which relied upon the&nbsp / emphasis of ethnic differences, in order to support the idea that the territory was inhabited by a collection of &bdquo / tribes‟ requiring a central white government to oversee their development. The colonial administration resorted to concepts of &bdquo / tradition‟ and &bdquo / cultural heritage‟ in order to construct Africans as members of distinct, bounded communities (&bdquo / tribes‟) attached to specific&nbsp / localities or &bdquo / homelands‟. My central argument is that since Namibian independence in 1990, the postcolonial nation-state has placed emphasis on cultural pride in new ways, and on&nbsp / identifying characteristics of &bdquo / Namibian-ness‟. This has led to the institution of cultural festivals, which have since 1995 held all over the country with an expressed emphasis on the notion of &bdquo / Unity in&nbsp / Diversity‟. These cultural festivals are largely performances and cultural competitions that range from lang-arm dance, and &bdquo / traditional‟ dances, displays of &bdquo / traditional‟ foodstuffs and dramatized representations. The ethnographic study shows that while the performers represent diversity through dance and other forms of cultural exhibition, the importance of belonging to the nation and a&nbsp / larger constituency is simultaneously highlighted. However, as the study demonstrates, the festivals are also spaces where local populations engage in negotiations with the nation-state and contest regional forms of belonging. The study shows how a practice which was considered to be a &bdquo / colonial representation‟ of the &bdquo / other‟ has been reinvented with new meanings in postcolonial Namibia. The study demonstrates through an analysis of cultural representations such as song, dances and drama that the festival creates a space in which &bdquo / social interaction‟ takes place between participants, spectators and officials who organize the event as social capital of associational life.</p>

<p>This dissertation investigates colonial and postcolonial practices of cultural representations in Namibia. The state sponsored Annual National Culture Festival in Namibia was studied with a specific focus on the Kavango Region in northeastern Namibia. I was particularly interested in how cultural representations are produced by the nation-state and local people in a post-colonial African context of nation-building and national reconciliation, by bringing visions of cosmopolitanism and modernity into critical dialogue with its colonial past. During the apartheid era, the South African administration encouraged the inhabitants of its &bdquo / Native Homelands‟ to engage in &bdquo / cultural‟ activities aimed at preserving their traditional cultures and fostering a sense of distinct cultural identity among each of Namibia‟s officially recognized &bdquo / ethnic groups‟. This policy was in line with the logic of South African colonial apartheid rule of Namibia, which relied upon the&nbsp / emphasis of ethnic differences, in order to support the idea that the territory was inhabited by a collection of &bdquo / tribes‟ requiring a central white government to oversee their development. The colonial administration resorted to concepts of &bdquo / tradition‟ and &bdquo / cultural heritage‟ in order to construct Africans as members of distinct, bounded communities (&bdquo / tribes‟) attached to specific&nbsp / localities or &bdquo / homelands‟. My central argument is that since Namibian independence in 1990, the postcolonial nation-state has placed emphasis on cultural pride in new ways, and on&nbsp / identifying characteristics of &bdquo / Namibian-ness‟. This has led to the institution of cultural festivals, which have since 1995 held all over the country with an expressed emphasis on the notion of &bdquo / Unity in&nbsp / Diversity‟. These cultural festivals are largely performances and cultural competitions that range from lang-arm dance, and &bdquo / traditional‟ dances, displays of &bdquo / traditional‟ foodstuffs and dramatized representations. The ethnographic study shows that while the performers represent diversity through dance and other forms of cultural exhibition, the importance of belonging to the nation and a&nbsp / larger constituency is simultaneously highlighted. However, as the study demonstrates, the festivals are also spaces where local populations engage in negotiations with the nation-state and contest regional forms of belonging. The study shows how a practice which was considered to be a &bdquo / colonial representation‟ of the &bdquo / other‟ has been reinvented with new meanings in postcolonial Namibia. The study demonstrates through an analysis of cultural representations such as song, dances and drama that the festival creates a space in which &bdquo / social interaction‟ takes place between participants, spectators and officials who organize the event as social capital of associational life.</p>

Philosophiae Doctor - PhD (Anthropology/Sociology) / This dissertation investigates colonial and postcolonial practices of cultural representations in Namibia. The state sponsored Annual National Culture Festival in Namibia was studied with a specific focus on the Kavango Region in northeastern Namibia. I was particularly interested in how cultural representations are produced by the nation-state and local people in a post-colonial African context of nation-building and national reconciliation, by bringing visions of cosmopolitanism and modernity into critical dialogue with its colonial past. During the apartheid era, the South African administration encouraged the inhabitants of its Native Homelands to engage in cultural activities aimed at preserving their traditional cultures and fostering a sense of distinct cultural identity among each of Namibia officially recognized ;ethnic groups. This policy was in line with the logic of South African colonial apartheid rule of Namibia, which relied upon the emphasis of ethnic differences, in order to support the idea that the territory was inhabited by a collection of requiring a central white government to oversee their development. The colonial administration resorted to concepts of traditional and cultural heritage in order to construct Africans as members of distinct, bounded communities attached to specific localities or homelands. My central argument is that since Namibian independence in 1990, the postcolonial nation-state has placed emphasis on cultural pride in new ways, and identifying characteristics of Namibian-nessa. This has led to the institution of cultural festivals, which have since 1995 held all over the country with an expressed emphasis on the notion of Unity in Diversity. These cultural festivals are largely performances and cultural competitions that range from lang-arm dance, and traditional dances, displays of traditional foodstuffs and dramatized representations. The ethnographic study shows that while the performers represent diversity through dance and other forms of cultural exhibition, the importance of belonging to the nation and a larger constituency is simultaneously highlighted. However, as the study demonstrates, the festivals are also spaces where local populations engage in negotiations with the nation-state and contest regional forms of belonging. The study shows how a practice which was considered to be a colonial representation of the other has been reinvented with new meanings in postcolonial Namibia. The study demonstrates through an analysis of cultural representations such as song, dances and drama that the festival creates a space in which social interaction takes place between participants, spectators and officials who organize the event as social capital of associational life. / South Africa

Cette thèse s’est donnée pour objet l’étude du fonctionnement de l’État colonial en Guyane française au prisme de son action dans le domaine scolaire entre 1930 et 1951, soit la seule période pendant laquelle ce territoire se trouve scindé en deux entités administratives coiffées, cependant, par un même gouverneur. Au cœur de cette recherche réside l’hypothèse d’une singularité, dans une double perspective sociale et politique, de l’expérience coloniale guyanaise des années 1930 et 1940 – laquelle a conduit à forger les notions de « colonie-département » et d’« assimilation différenciée ». L’enquête menée articule ainsi histoire sociale de groupes professionnels issus du milieu éducatif et des sociabilités militantes, anthropologie des sociétés autochtones de l’intérieur amazonien et sociologie de l’Etat et des politiques publiques. Ce faisant, cette étude entend contribuer, d’une part, à une meilleure compréhension de l’Etat colonial à partir du cas trop souvent délaissé d’une « vieille colonie » ; de l’autre, à une histoire de la République donnant toute leur place aux Outre-mers. / This doctoral dissertation aims at studying the running of the colonial state in French Guiana through the prism of its action in the field of education between 1928 and 1951. During this period and for the only time in its history, the territory was split into two administrative entities headed, however, by the same governor. At the heart of this research lies the hypothesis of a singularity, in a twofold perspective, both social and political, of the French Guiana colonial experience in the 1930s and 1940s. This hypothesis led to the shaping of the notions of "colony-department" and of "segmented assimilation". This research thus articulates social history of professional groups from educational and activist circles, anthropology of indigenous societies of the Amazonian interior and sociology of the state and of public policies. In so doing, this study intends to contribute, on the one hand, to a better understanding of the colonial state from the too often neglected point of view of an "old colony"; on the other, to a history of the Republic which gives the overseas territories the place they deserve.

Cette thèse porte sur les pratiques de déplacement des populations rurales pendant la guerre d’indépendance algérienne. Au cours de ce conflit, la création de « zones interdites » par l’armée française se solde par le transfert de plus de deux millions d’Algériens vers ce que l’armée appelle alors des « centres de regroupement ». L’objectif de ce travail consiste à comprendre les dynamiques de diffusion de cette pratique et son intégration dans l’arsenal stratégique mobilisé par l’armée française dans la lutte contre le Front de Libération National. Il s’agit aussi de cerner la figure de l’une des institutions majeures de ce conflit, le camp de regroupement. Essentiellement créé à des fins de contrôle social, il génère dans la plupart des cas une crise économique pour les populations visées, déracinées et privées de l’accès à leurs terres, désormais dépendantes de l’État. Il s’agit enfin de comprendre comment l’État et l’armée réagissent à cette crise, en développant notamment une politique dite des « Mille villages » censée transformer les camps en autant de nouvelles entités semi-rurales – et les effets de cette politique. Dans cette perspective, ce travail vise à étudier la mise en œuvre de cette double politique sur le terrain militaire, politique et administratif, en analysant les relations entre les principaux acteurs de l’État dans la conduite de l’action publique. Il s’intéresse plus particulièrement aux activités sécuritaires, sociales et économiques des officiers des Sections Administratives Spécialisées (SAS), alors chargés de l’encadrement des populations déplacées. Elle cherche ainsi à contribuer à l’écriture d’une histoire de l’État colonial dans ce contexte où il connaît ses ultimes transformations. / This PhD concerns the displacement of rural population during the Algerian war for independence. During this conflict, the creation of “forbidden zones” by the French army ends in the transfer of nearly two million Algerians towards some camps that the militaries then called “regroupment centres”. The objective of this work consists to study the dynamics of this practice’s diffusion and its integration in the militaries strategy implemented against the National Liberation Front. Its aim is also to define the specificity of one of the major institution of this conflict: the “regroupment” camp. Essentially created for Social Control purposes, it generated in most of the cases an economic crisis for the rural population, uprooted and deprived of the access to its land, and most part of the time depending on State’s food distribution. This work try to understand how some actors, civilian or militaries, try to react to this crisis, by developing a particular policy: the “One thousand villages”, that was supposed to transform the camps into some “new villages”. This work aims to study the implementation of this double policy, on the local military, political and administrative ground, by analysing the relations between the main actors of the State. It is focused in particular on the security, social, economic activities of the officers of the Specialized Administrative Sections, which were in charge of the camp. In such a perspective, it tries to contribute to the writing of a history of Colonial State in its last algerian manifestation.

Comment le tourisme s’est-il développé dans un territoire en pleine expansion coloniale ? Comment tourisme et colonisation se sont-ils conjugués ? Quel lien peut-on établir entre ces deux dynamiques ? C’est ce à quoi cette thèse tente de répondre en démontrant l’instrumentalisation du tourisme par les politiques coloniales. Elle se divise en sept chapitres abordant successivement le transfert des pratiques touristiques de l’Europe à l’Indochine, leurs implantations, leurs intégrations aux politiques de mise en valeur des années 1920, les conséquences spatiales de leurs implantations (construction de voies de communication et d’hébergements hôteliers) et la communication instaurée par l’Etat pour promouvoir l’Indochine comme une destination touristique auprès des Indochinois comme des touristes étrangers. / How did tourism develop in a rapidly expanding colonial territory? How were tourism and colonization combined? What links were established between these two processes? These are the questions that this thesis addresses by demonstrating the exploitation of tourism by colonial policies. This thesis is divided into seven chapters dealing successively with the transfer of European tourism practices to Indochina, their location, their integration into the politics of territorial development in the 1920s, the spatial consequences of their implementation (construction of roads and hotel accommodation), and the attempts of the State to promote Indochina as a touristic destination for both Indochinese and foreign tourists alike.

This thesis shares the results of oral history interviews with members of the heterogeneous Doukhobor community in Canada. The stories and memories of fifteen different voices highlight the influence of intersecting demographic variables (age, gender, ideological affiliation, and geographic location) on the experience of Doukhobor life in Canada during times of sensationalized conflict. The interviews are framed and analyzed through broader questions of history and cultural sustainability. What considerations influence the representation of difficult Doukhobor pasts in Canada? In the contemporary context of unification and reconciliation, how does one speak of conflict? This thesis shows that discussions of the past surface considerable contradiction in the collective memory of the Doukhobor community; the results outline various individual and community strategies that are used to manage the past in favour of the present. Ultimately, this thesis locates memory as a social and cultural anchor that must support a history for the future.

This thesis shares the results of oral history interviews with members of the heterogeneous Doukhobor community in Canada. The stories and memories of fifteen different voices highlight the influence of intersecting demographic variables (age, gender, ideological affiliation, and geographic location) on the experience of Doukhobor life in Canada during times of sensationalized conflict. The interviews are framed and analyzed through broader questions of history and cultural sustainability. What considerations influence the representation of difficult Doukhobor pasts in Canada? In the contemporary context of unification and reconciliation, how does one speak of conflict? This thesis shows that discussions of the past surface considerable contradiction in the collective memory of the Doukhobor community; the results outline various individual and community strategies that are used to manage the past in favour of the present. Ultimately, this thesis locates memory as a social and cultural anchor that must support a history for the future.