This thesis takes a fresh look at the legal practices observed at the Sŏnch’ŏn trial, the main trial of the Korean Conspiracy Case. On 28 June 1912, 132 suspects were brought forth on charges of alleged assassination of the first Governor-General of colonial Korea, Masatake Terauchi. It is argued that if the immediate local interests of the new administration invariably affected the entire case, what determined the nature of the suspects’ treatment before and during the trial was a set of formal and informal legal practices that were transported to the colony amidst legal reforms. By analysis the trial from an empire-wide perspective, this study looks at how specific legal practices from the metropole were exacerbated in Korea through legal loopholes and the agency of legal actors and how such informal and disavowed legal practices both defined the legal system of the colony and helped sustain the Japanese colonial venture.

This thesis takes a fresh look at the legal practices observed at the Sŏnch’ŏn trial, the main trial of the Korean Conspiracy Case. On 28 June 1912, 132 suspects were brought forth on charges of alleged assassination of the first Governor-General of colonial Korea, Masatake Terauchi. It is argued that if the immediate local interests of the new administration invariably affected the entire case, what determined the nature of the suspects’ treatment before and during the trial was a set of formal and informal legal practices that were transported to the colony amidst legal reforms. By analysis the trial from an empire-wide perspective, this study looks at how specific legal practices from the metropole were exacerbated in Korea through legal loopholes and the agency of legal actors and how such informal and disavowed legal practices both defined the legal system of the colony and helped sustain the Japanese colonial venture.

Submitted by Maike Costa (maiksebas@gmail.com) on 2016-04-07T13:38:56Z No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivo total.pdf: 1807589 bytes, checksum: 4a3649294be139810bce9a06c54aaa1e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-07T13:38:56Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivo total.pdf: 1807589 bytes, checksum: 4a3649294be139810bce9a06c54aaa1e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-04-09 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / After rendering military services by years in India and in The War of the Spanish Succession (1702-1714), the Lusitanian João da Maia da Gama was awarded with the charge of captain-major and governor of Paraiba in 1708. Coming into port at the captainship in a critical period of Brazilian colonial history, João da Maia took part actively in the colonial administration, outlining plans and strategies in the military, economic and political fields, including an involvement in The Mascate War in Pernambuco. Utilizing as main sources the documentation of the Overseas Historical Archive (OHA) and the Historical Documents from the National Library (HDNL), the present dissertation intends to analyse from the political culture standpoint of the Ancient Regime, the performance and the practices by João da Maia da Gama in the exercise of their governmental functions, observing their juridic boundaries and the possibility of autonomy in face to the metropolitan guidelines. Furthermore, it aims at investigating his involvement in commercial activities and observing how his intervention in Pernambuco’s conflict was put into effect – the most remembered action by historiography -, seeking to perceive the plausible political motivations and strategies involved in the governor’s action. / Após prestar anos de serviços militares na Índia e na Guerra da Sucessão Espanhola (1702-1714), o lusitano João da Maia da Gama foi agraciado com o cargo de capitão-mor e governador da Paraíba em 1708. Aportando na capitania em um crítico período da história colonial brasileira, João da Maia participou ativamente da administração colonial, traçando planos e estratégias nos campos político, econômico e militar, inclusive, envolvendo-se na Guerra dos Mascates (1710-1) em Pernambuco. Utilizando como fontes principais a documentação do Arquivo Histórico Ultramarino (AHU) e os Documentos Históricos da Biblioteca Nacional (DHBN), a presente dissertação pretende analisar, sob a ótica da cultura política de Antigo Regime, a atuação e as práticas de João da Maia da Gama no exercício de suas funções governamentais, observando seus limites jurisdicionais e a possibilidade de autonomia frente às diretrizes metropolitanas. Além disso, objetiva investigar seu envolvimento em atividades comerciais e observar como se efetivou a sua intervenção no conflito pernambucano – ação mais lembrada pela historiografia -, buscando perceber quais as possíveis motivações e estratégias políticas envolvidas na ação do governador.

One early October morning in 1687, the ground under the large Spanish colonial city of Lima, Peru rumbled. If longstanding historiographical portraits of Spanish government as inefficient and weak were true, the earthquake that was about to shatter Lima should have devastated it beyond repair. The study of the aftermath of this natural disaster reveals that behind the landscape of destruction, the pillars of the colonial state in Lima not only held up but also permitted its rapid recovery after the event. As part of a more recent historiographical trend that reappraises the Spanish decline during the seventeenth century, my dissertation reevaluates the performance of colonial administration in Lima, the capital of the Viceroyalty of Peru. It focuses on deliberate changes carried out during the 1680s, when the metropolis implemented a series of fiscal and administrative reforms, whose effects were interrupted but not destroyed by the challenge posed by the earthquake of 1687. The use of extensive contemporary archival sources, both official and private, provides a multifaceted vista on the performance of royal agents and colonial subjects responding to the earthquake. A close reading of these sources unveils the rebuilding of the state in various facets: government attempts to impose authority and bring order to the chaos; the patrimonial logic of rules that colonial administrators faced when trying to implement rebuilding projects; colonial subjects’ expectations of royal agents and each other; negotiations among authorities and ordinary people over the terms of rebuilding the city; and the importance of inhabitants’ understandings of justice, founded in law and custom, to carrying out city reconstruction.

My dissertation is focusing on the cocoa trade in colonial Spanish America. Cocoa is undoubtedly one of the New World products which has dominated Europe. The work is divided into four chapters. The first chapter focuses on pre-Columbus period. It describes the origin of cocoa bean, its spread and its significance to the first cultivators. Considerably big part of this chapter is dedicated to the importancy of cocoa bean for the Aztecs culture.The next chapter focuses on the arrival of Spanish colonists, their first experiences with cocoa bean, the beginning of the cocoa trade and its introduction and spread to Europe. The main points of the third chapter are the main areas of cocoa production and trading in the colonial period. Each part of this chapter focuses not only on the trade in Venezuela, Ecuador and New Spain but also on other related topics. The fourth chapter briefly describes Bourbon reforms and shows their influence on different areas of production in 18th and the beginning of 19th century. All findings are summarized at the final part. Keywords: Cocoa, trade, colonial Spanish America, Colonial administration, Spain, Viceroyalty of New Spain,Viceroyalty of Peru

C’est une « certaine idée de la France » que cette thèse se propose de dépeindre à travers l’histoire de l’Académie des Sciences coloniales (ASC), aujourd’hui Académie des Sciences d’Outre-mer, de sa création en 1922 aux années 1970. Contribuant à l’étude des « sciences coloniales » et de leur rapport au pouvoir, l’examen de cette société savante est une porte d’entrée vers plusieurs champs relatifs à la pensée coloniale et ses prolongements. Généraliste, pluridisciplinaire et modelée par des personnalités parmi les plus influentes de l’ancien « parti colonial », l’ASC est représentative des milieux coloniaux de l’entre-deux-guerres. L’étude de sa composition permet de cerner les contours d’une véritable « classe coloniale », intégrée à la classe dirigeante française, farouchement souverainiste et chantre de la « notion d’empire ». La pensée qu’incarnent ces coloniaux associe intimement l’universalisme du messianisme républicain français, et le relativisme particulariste propre à la domination de l’Autre. Ces deux postulats théoriquement opposés ont longtemps été traduits par la formulation d’une contradiction dans l’idée d’une République colonisatrice. L’expression « République lointaine », qui décrit à la fois une réalité géographique et une approche conceptuelle, est forgée à l’occasion de ce travail pour récuser ce faux paradoxe. Il s’agit ainsi d’analyser les évolutions de cette pensée, dont les deux composantes caractérisent l’ensemble de la période étudiée.La résilience et les adaptations de cette Académie, qui survit à sa raison d’être et en devient le conservatoire mémoriel, méritent enfin une attention toute particulière. Par ce prisme, on parcourt les conversions terminologique, thématique et réticulaire de la classe coloniale dans son ensemble. Décolonisation des mots, introduction des thèmes fédérateurs que sont la coopération et la francophonie, dilution et ouverture internationale de l’ancienne classe coloniale sont au cœur de cette transition. / This thesis proposes to study a “ certain vision“ of France through the History of the Académie des Sciences coloniales (ASC) now called the Académie des Sciences d’Outre-mer, since its formation in 1922 until the 1970’s. Contributing to the analysis of the “colonial sciences” and its connections with the centre of power, the research about this society of experts is a gateway towards several fields regarding the colonial thought and its developments.Generalist, multidisciplinary and created by some of very important personalities from the ancient “parti colonial”, the ASC is representative of the French colonial circles of the interwar period. The study of its composition allows us to outline a real “colonial class”, part of the French ruling class, fiercely sovereignist and promoting the “empire notion”. The thought which embodies these “coloniaux” combines closely the universalism of the French Republic messianism and the particularist relativism proper to the domination of “the Other”. Those two postulates are theoretically opposite. For a long time, the historiography has presented the fact that the colonisation by the French republic is contradictory to its original premise. The expression “République lointaine” (“Distant Republic”) which is both a geographic reality and a conceptual approach is forged to refute this false paradox. This work leads to an analysis of this thought evolution.The resilience and the adaptation of this Academy, which outlasts its fundamental purpose, becoming its “memorial repository”, deserve at least a specific attention. Through this research subject, we observe terminological, thematic and reticular conversions of the entire “colonial class”. Decolonization of words, introduction of the integrating themes of cooperation and francophonie, dilution of the former “colonial class” and its opening to the international networks, are indeed crucial to understand this transition.

Martial Merlin a été Gouverneur général de l'Afrique équatoriale française (de 1909 à 1917), de l'Afrique occidentale française (de 1919 à 1923) et de l'Indochine (de 1923 à 1925). Il est le seul Administrateur colonial à avoir occupé les trois grands Gouvernements généraux de la France d'Outre-mer. L'AEF, l'AOF et l'Indochine étaient des Groupes de colonies : ils furent créés à la fin du XIXe siècle, afin de donner une unité de direction à des colonies jusque là dispersées. L'étude de l'œuvre et de la doctrine coloniales de Merlin nous permet de mieux connaître l'institution du Gouvernement général. Merlin souhaitait que l'Administration fût organisée sur des bases claires. Il a défini les attributions de chaque organe du Gouvernement général et il a souligné le rôle essentiel du Gouverneur général, chargé de donner une unité de direction politique et économique aux territoires regroupés. Merlin souhaitait également que l'Administration s'appuyât sur des bases solides. Il a mis en œuvre une politique de Gouvernement indirect, afin de diriger les populations indigènes par l'intermédiaire de leurs chefs coutumiers. Organe de coordination économique, le Gouverneur général devait assurer la mise en valeur de son Groupe de colonies : Merlin a défini une politique de développement précise, tout en se souciant des moyens de sa politique de développement (il a notamment réglementé le régime de la main d'oeuvre). Organe de direction politique, le Gouverneur général devait convaincre les indigènes des bienfaits de la "Paix française" : Merlin a défini (et mis en oeuvre) une politique de "contact", afin d'entraîner l'adhésion des indigènes à la cause française, tout en menant une politique "défensive", face à l'irruption de mouvements étrangers hostiles à la présence française. / Martial Merlin was the Governor General of the AEF (French equatorial Africa) from 1909 to 1917, of the AOF (French western Africa) from 1919 to 1923 and of Indochina from 1923 to 1925. He is the only colonial administrator to have served as Governor General of all three organizations of the French colonies. The AEF, AOF and Indochina, each grouping together many colonies, were created at the end of the nineteenth century, in order to impose a coherence to the direction of the colonies, which up until then had been administered separately. A study of the colonial theory expressed in the works of Merlin provides an insight into the institution of the Government General. Merlin affirmed that the administration of the colonies should be organized on a clear basis. He assigned specific attributes to each organ of the Government General, and emphasized that the essential role was to be played by the Governor General, whose duty it was to define a unified policy for the political and economic direction of the various territories. Seeking a firm basis for this administration, Merlin implemented a policy of indirect government, controlling the native population by using their customary chiefs as intermediaries. As an agent of economic coordination, the Governor General was to turn to good account his group of colonies ; Merlin defined a policy of development which included initiatives to insure the means by which to implement that policy (he introduced, for example, a set of labor regulations). As an agent of political direction, the Governor General was to convince the natives of the advantages of the "French peace" ; Merlin defined and implemented a policy of “contact”, in order to gain the support of the natives to the French cause, while at the same time practicing a "defensive" policy, made necessary by the eruption of movements hostile to the French presence.

The aim of this paper is to analyze the measures taken by the viceroy conde de Castellar to clean up the Royal Treasury. As we will show, in the first half of the seventeenth century the treasury was managed by viceroys and royal officials in close collaboration with the financial and commercial sectors which were under the guardianship, or enjoyed the favor, of the representatives of the monarch. When Castellar arrived, in 1674, he tried to correct some of the irregularities that existed in the treasury, and this policy was successful insofar as he succeeded in increasing the income of the Caja of Lima after the destruction of the 1660s. However, he had to confront the royal officials and, above all, the Consulado of Lima, which was responsible for the most important income of the Caja of Lima after remittances from mining. In the blink of an eye, the viceroy changed the terms of the relationship between the commercial elite, the viceroys and the Royal Treasury. / El objetivo de este artículo es analizar las medidas que tomó el virrey conde de Castellar con el fin de sanear la Real Hacienda. Como se demostrará, en la primera mitad del siglo XVII el erario era manejado por los virreyes y oficiales reales en estrecha colaboración con los sectores financieros y comerciales que estaban bajo la tutela o gozaban del favor de los representantes del monarca. Cuando llegó Castellar, en 1674, intentó corregir parte de las irregularidades que existían en el erario, y esta política fue exitosa en tanto logró aumentar los ingresos de la Caja de Lima después de la hecatombe de la década de 1660. Sin embargo, en el camino hubo de enfrentarse a los oficiales reales y, sobre todo, al Consulado de Lima, que era el responsable de los ingresos más importantes de la Caja de Lima después de las remesas mineras. En un cerrar de ojos, el virrey desacomodó los términos en los cuales se habían establecido las relaciones entre la élite comercial, los virreyes y la Real Hacienda.

Submitted by Rafael Santana (rafael.silvasantana@ufpe.br) on 2017-06-09T18:15:16Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 811 bytes, checksum: e39d27027a6cc9cb039ad269a5db8e34 (MD5) CONTI, Paulo Fillipy de Souza. A Casa das Qualidades, Pesos E Preços - A Mesa da Inspeção do Tabaco e Açúcar de Pernambuc~1.pdf: 2216907 bytes, checksum: 6fa0ba7ed67771a32386382fc9286820 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-06-09T18:15:16Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 811 bytes, checksum: e39d27027a6cc9cb039ad269a5db8e34 (MD5) CONTI, Paulo Fillipy de Souza. A Casa das Qualidades, Pesos E Preços - A Mesa da Inspeção do Tabaco e Açúcar de Pernambuc~1.pdf: 2216907 bytes, checksum: 6fa0ba7ed67771a32386382fc9286820 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-02-26 / CNPQ / A presente dissertação analisa a atuação da Mesa da Inspeção do Tabaco e Açúcar de Pernambuco entre os anos de 1752 e 1777. Criadas em 1751, em colaboração com leis em vigor ao menos desde o século XVII, as Mesas da Inspeção do Tabaco e Açúcar – estabelecidas também no Rio de Janeiro, Bahia e Maranhão – foram a segunda interferência de Sebastião José de Carvalho e Mello, conde de Oeiras e marquês de Pombal, nos negócios do Estado do Brasil. Logo, estiveram entre os instrumentos iniciais das reformas pombalinas. E através delas é possível entender a recepção de algumas das primeiras reformas nas praças coloniais. Sobre a Mesa de Pernambuco buscamos contemplar aspectos da sua relação com os habitantes da Praça do Recife; a sua relação com o sistema de frotas e com a Companhia Geral de Pernambuco e Paraíba. Além disso, exploramos a forma pela qual a Mesa da Inspeção cuidou dos gêneros sobre os quais tive competência; os limites geográficos do seu poder de incentivo e regulação; e as artimanhas usadas pelos senhores de engenho e comerciantes, para dar ares de normalidade a eleições irregulares, durante dois processos de votação para o cargo de inspetor do açúcar. / This thesis analyzes the performance of the Pernambuco’s Bureau of Inspection of Tabacco and Sugar between the years 1752 and 1777. Created in 1751, in collaboration with the laws in effect at least since the seventeenth century, the Bureau of Inspection of Tabacco and Sugar - also established in Rio de Janeiro, Bahia and Maranhão - were the first interference of Sebastião José de Carvalho e Mello, Oeiras Count and Marquis of Pombal, in the affairs of State of Brazil. So, they were among the early tools of Pombal reforms. And through it is possible to understand the reception of some of the first reforms in the colonial plazas. About Pernambuco’s Bureau we seek contemplate aspects of their relationship with the inhabitants of Recife Plaza; their relationship with the system of fleets and the General Company of Pernambuco and Paraíba. In addition, it explores the way in which the Bureau of Inspection taken care of genres over which had jurisdiction; the geographical limits of its power of incentives and regulation; and the tricks used by the planters and merchants, to give an air of normalcy to irregular elections for two voting procedures for the post of sugar inspector.

Le but de cette recherche est celui d’analyser le développement structurel d’une présence coloniale courte, chronologiquement successive. À partir d’une étude d’histoire comparée, on entend décrire le processus d’installation, création et gouvernance d’une double administration coloniale européenne, celle de l’Italie fasciste et de la France, installée au Fezzan, région du désert sud-occidental libyen. Nous montrons d’abord, dans une perspective de longue durée, comment l’urgence de contrôler les espaces amples du Sahara libyen détermine, du côté des Empires, la nécessité stratégique de créer une macro-région coloniale, à gérer uniquement par l’élément militaire. Le noyau central de la thèse analyse la manière dont les structures de ces administrations ont été conçues et mises en place par les militaires européens, ainsi que leur impact réel sur le tissu social de la région. Enfin, en guise de conclusion, nous évoquons les éléments de rupture et de continuité parmi les deux expériences, et les conséquences de l’action des administrations coloniales en termes de construction idéntitaire de la Libye indépendante. / Desert Libya’s region of Fezzan presents an interesting case of a consecutive colonial military administration. A fascist italian period of ten years is followed by a french shortest-term direct administration of eight years. The research highlights the emergence to bridge an historical gap. In the framework of a comparative study, the main goal of the thesis is to investigate the development of the administrative changeover from fascist Italy to France in the region, illustrating the establishment of the double administration managed by soldiers of the two colonial powers, its impact toward the social regional structures and its elements of continuity and change. The period we take into consideration extends from 1930 to 1951, between the full realization of the italian colonization of Libya, through the so-called fascist “pacification”, and the transition process of the Independent Libyan State. This leads to explore a final understanding hypothesis, concerning the repercussion of this military continuum administration on the independence process of Libya. / Il presente studio analizza lo sviluppo strutturale di una breve presenza coloniale, temporalmente consecutiva. Nel quadro di una ricerca di storia comparata, l’obiettivo è quello di descrivere il processo di instaurazione, esecuzione e governance di una duplice amministrazione coloniale europea: quella dell’Italia fascista e della Francia nel Fezzan libico. Si tratta anzitutto di precisare in che modo le zone desertiche del Sud libico divengono, progressivamente, un oggetto di contesa strategica tra le potenze imperiali, tali da rendere necessaria l’urgenza del ricorso ad una gestione amministrativa a carattere esclusivamente militare. Il nucleo centrale dell’elaborato indaga sulla maniera in cui dette strutture amministrative sono state concepite e messe in pratica da parte dei rispettivi militari impegnati sul posto, e il loro effettivo impatto sul tessuto sociale regionale. Nelle conclusioni, si evocano gli elementi di continuità e discontinuità tra le due esperienze; inoltre, tenuto conto del periodo storico preso in considerazione, compreso tra la piena realizzazione del colonialismo italiano in Libia e l’avvio del processo di transizione che porta il Paese nord africano verso l’indipendenza, si analizzano le conseguenze della gestione amministrativa in termini di costruzione identitaria dello Stato postcoloniale.