The work presented here, aims to investigate the participation of Alagoas ex-combatants who participated directly and indirectly in the Second World War, as summoned of the Brazilian Armed Forces between the years 1944-45. Their participation should be examined in order to confirm not only sending 148 men from Alagoas to the fields of Italy, but also to check the convening of others men who defended the Brazilian coast and its subsequent process of social reintegration for through the creation of the Association of Ex-combatants in Brazil Alagoas Section (AECB-AL). To study this issue after nearly seventy years since the end of World War II, in a state that develops little incentive to register your memory or memory of their natural, was one of the factors that greatly hindered the construction of this dissertation. The existence of a few men still alive here in Alagoas and willing to express their experiences on the period in question, adds to the overall picture of difficulties encountered during these more than two years of research, but were gradually overcome . We did not have sufficient records of men from Alagoas called in this official literature, it had to resort the statements by some men, with more than eighty years, that proposed to serve as reviewers of this research, reporting their experiences before, during and after war. / O trabalho aqui apresentado tem como objetivo investigar a trajetória de ex-combatentes alagoanos que participaram direta e indiretamente da Segunda Guerra Mundial, como convocados das Forças Armadas brasileiras entre os anos de 1944-45. A sua participação deverá ser analisada com o intuito de confirmar não só o envio de 148 alagoanos para os campos da Itália, mas, também, de verificar a convocação de outros alagoanos que defenderam o litoral brasileiro e o seu posterior processo de reintegração social, por intermédio da criação da Associação dos Ex-combatentes do Brasil Secção Alagoas (AECBAL). Estudar esse tema após quase setenta anos do fim da Segunda Guerra Mundial, em um estado que desenvolve pouco incentivo para o registro de sua memória ou da memória de seus naturais, foi um dos fatores que dificultou sobremaneira a construção dessa dissertação. A existência de um número reduzido de alagoanos convocados ainda vivos e com vontade de expressar as suas experiências sobre o período em questão, soma-se ao quadro geral de dificuldades encontradas durante esses mais de dois anos de pesquisa, mas que foram aos poucos sendo superadas. Por não se ter registros suficientes de alagoanos convocados na bibliografia oficial, teve-se que recorrer a depoimentos de alguns homens, com mais de oitenta anos, que se propuseram a servir como colaboradores desta pesquisa, relatando as suas experiências antes, durante e após a guerra.

The main purpose of this study is to examine the reports and memories of veterans of the Malvinas War and understand how they are treated by society and the rule of post-war until today. Question is: To what extent the ex-combatants were welcomed by society argentina in post-war? There are also other questions needed to understand the theme: how they see themselves? How want to be seen? What relationships built with their compatriots from this situation? The veterans interviewed have an average age of 43 years. Three of them were part of the 5 th Marine Battalion of Infantry (BIM 5), living in Buenos Aires, and was a part of the Argentine Army, residing in La Plata. It was used Oral History Subject, as a methodology that aims to understand and deepen knowledge about certain reality - the cultural patterns, social structures and historical processes, obtained through oral reports. Falkland was to balance more than 600 dead and 1200 injured. The conflict began abruptly on April 2, 1982, with the military occupation of the Falkland Islands by Argentine troops, causing the reaction in Britain. Argentina has lived one of the most bloody military dictatorships of Latin America, and President Leopoldo Galtiere was determined to exploit the spontaneous popular support the recovery of the islands in an attempt to awaken in people a sense that nationalist distract the attention of terrors promoted by the state. The hostilities closed on June 16, 1982, with the surrender of Argentina, after 74 days of war. The consequences of post-war were serious, translated into high rates of suicide and psychological disorders. As a result of these events, we have the silence of society on the subject and the purpose of ex-combatants to oblivion, ignoring those who supported the "cause" Malvinas, this question so passionately rooted to the heart of the people of Argentina. / O objetivo principal deste trabalho é analisar os relatos e recordações dos veteranos da Guerra das Malvinas e entender como foram tratados pela sociedade e pelo Estado do pós-guerra até hoje. Pergunta-se: Em que medida os ex-combatentes foram acolhidos pela sociedade argentina no pósguerra? Também há outros questionamentos necessários para a compreensão do tema: como vêem a si mesmos? Como querem ser vistos? Que relações construíram com seus compatriotas a partir desta situação? Os veteranos entrevistados têm idade média de 43 anos. Três deles faziam parte do 5º Batalhão de Infantaria Marinha (BIM 5), residentes em Buenos Aires, e um era parte do Exército Argentino, residente em La Plata. Utilizou-se História Oral Temática, por ser uma metodologia que objetiva conhecer e aprofundar conhecimentos sobre determinada realidade os padrões culturais, estruturas sociais e processos históricos, obtidos através de relatos orais. Malvinas teve como saldo mais de 600 mortos e 1200 feridos. O conflito iniciou abruptamente em 2 de abril de 1982, com a ocupação militar do arquipélago das Malvinas pelas tropas argentinas, provocando a reação da Grã-Bretanha. A Argentina vivia uma das ditaduras militares mais sangrentas da América Latina, e o presidente Leopoldo Galtiere estava decidido a explorar o espontâneo apoio popular a recuperação das ilhas, numa tentativa de despertar no povo um sentimento nacionalista que distraísse a atenção dos terrores promovidos pelo Estado. As hostilidades encerraram em 16 de junho de 1982, com a rendição da Argentina, após 74 dias de guerra. As conseqüências do pós-guerra foram graves, traduzidas em altos índices de suicídios e distúrbios psicológicos. Como resultado desses eventos, temos o silêncio da sociedade sobre o tema e a destinação dos ex-combatentes ao esquecimento, ignorando aqueles que defenderam a causa Malvinas, causa esta tão apaixonadamente arraigada ao coração do povo argentino.

Post-modern feminist security studies explore how our discourse about gender and war affects the construction of security as a concept. Military narratives valorizing the masculine over the feminine have long marginalized women warriors. In recent years, images of the torture and abuse of detainees have appropriated the representation of women interrogators during the Global War on Terrorism in particular. This research applied interpretative phenomenological analysis to the narratives of women interrogators in order to challenge the silence concerning their lived experiences by addressing how women interrogators understand their experiences both as woman and as interrogators, and how they negotiated socially constructed contradictions between these identities. Based on an analysis of semi-structured interviews with eight participants, the findings produced seven, interrelated themes. First, the findings explored the integration of gender with other markers of identity. Next, the findings demonstrated women interrogators recognize gender as a context-dependent role negotiated within the military institution through the development and demonstration of technical prowess. Then, the findings described interrogation as a complex adaptive system in which women interrogators harnessed to achieve their goals. Finally, the findings determined that the intersection of women interrogators’ identities and their interactions in the context of interrogation operations generated the perception of women interrogators as non-threatening. Women interrogators learned to exploit the meaning of this emergent phenomenon through introspection and the development of self-awareness.

Angola is a country that faced 27 years of conflict, from 2002 facing its peaceful moments. The situation with former girls soldiers during this process is not appropriately addressed, and this brings reflection on both human rights and development structure. The unknown social reintegrations done by Christian Child Fund Angola was responsible for solving those problems. Those pioneer solutions resolved the issue during and after the conflicts. Former girls soldiers need to be recognised in the current Law of Former and Disable Combatants. A vector of rights for the public health framework looks at the holistic structure of former girls soldiers and the needs that should follow to reintegrate this group since they are marginalised. The study is based on qualitative research and an abductive approach. Therefore, a vector of rights approach for public health framework was used focusing on the social reintegration programs done by CCF Angola together with other actors. This will reflect on the law of former combatants, which is a direct result of the formal DDR Program. The results show that there are still women, former girls soldiers that were not reintegrated yet and still marginalized in the current social context. The State needs to revise the Law 13/02 favouring former girl ex-combatants since the reintegration process done by CCF/Angola matches the UN International Human Rights Standards for Law Enforcement.

There is a growing awareness among researchers, policy-makers, and practitioners regarding the importance of increased coordination among numerous post-conflict peacebuilding processes and the consequent need for conceptual clarity as a precondition for coordinated, holistic peacebuilding interventions. Disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration (DDR), and Mine Action are among the very first entry points in post-conflict reconstruction, however, despite sharing similarities they form part of distinct communities of practice, and the nexus between the two remains widely unaddressed academically and in practice. This research aims to address this disconnection. A particular window of opportunity is identified through the difficulties that DDR reintegration generates.  In particular, this study proposes the reintegration of ex-combatants through mine action. The author suggests that DDR can only enable sustainable long-term results if it is part of a wider set of security promotion strategies with devoted attention to community security which is argued to be achieved through mine action. Using a qualitative single case idea analyses the research argues that the adoption of a bottom-up approach provides an alternative understanding of ex-combatant reintegration. The results suggest that Humanitarian Demining, Explosive Ordnance Risk Education (EORE) and Victim assistance (VA) can pave the way for reintegration and reconciliation between ex-combatants and local communities in the case of Colombia.

What conditions lead to confidence among civil war combatants that they will not face accountability for perpetrating sexual violence? This study investigates the causes of impunity for sexual violence among armed actors. It develops a theoretical framework which identifies three explanations for armed group impunity for sexual violence, namely (1) flawed prohibitions inside an armed group; (2) negligent enforcement by its authorities; and (3) pardons in the form of amnesties during the peace process. Adopting a two-pronged approach, the study first explores the associations between amnesties arising from concluding peace agreements and post-settlement levels of sexual violence in Burundi, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Liberia, Mozambique, Sierra Leone and South Africa. A small-scale, events-based dataset of sexual violence by governments and rebel groups in the first three years after war was constructed. The second and main part of the study is a comparison between two rebel groups in Burundi’s civil war (1994-2008), CNDD-FDD (National Council for the Defence of Democracy-Forces for the Defence of Democracy) and Palipehutu-FNL (Palipehutu-Forces for National Liberation) and their practices of prohibition and punishment of wartime sexual violence, taking into account also the possible influence of amnesties. Based on original data from 19 focus groups of ex-combatants from these rebel organisations, it is found that flawed prohibitions and negligent authorities are the main explanations for armed group impunity. The findings do not support amnesties as a cause of armed group impunity for sexual violence. Moreover, additional findings suggest that accountability for sexual violence is triggered by dependency on civilian support, while impunity is facilitated by an armed group’s ability to secure recruits, material and other resources without the help of local communities.

Univ., Diss.--Saarbrücken, 2004. / Literaturverz. S. 199 - 212.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-12-17T15:25:11Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 RanielleCMpdf.pdf: 1410498 bytes, checksum: b9f0377f66a7a4662fc7fd6a6e2cc1ca (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-10-09 / The present essay has how I aim to analyse the memories of the ex-combatants of Parelhas-RN, specially of the components of the For?a de Vigil?ncia e Seguran?a do Litoral - FVSL, protagonists of the Brazilian participation in the scenery of the Second World war. Along this we looked to understand in which surrounding geographicalpartner these men were living before the War and what were the consequences of a brusque change of space owing to the convocation for the Armed Brazilian Strength in that historical context. The defense of the Brazilian coast during the War was not a so simple task, I have in mind the precariedade logistics of the Armed Strength, the attacks of submarines of the Axle that killed hundreds of civilians and Brazilian soldiers and the net of espionage mounted by Germany in Brazil. Leaving from the notion of collective memory and estrangement in Maurice Halbwachs, we will use the oral history like principal methodology, with the end of rescue these underground memories what also will make possible us the vision realizes that the protagonists themselves have of the event, besides the use of documents, photos, maps and any sort of fountains that make possible us to rebuild the scenery of Parelhas in the beginning of the War and the trajectory of life of his veterans / O presente trabalho tem como objetivo analisar as lembran?as dos ex-combatentes de Parelhas-RN, especialmente dos componentes da For?a de Vigil?ncia e Seguran?a do Litoral - FVSL, protagonistas da participa??o brasileira no cen?rio da Segunda Guerra Mundial. Ao longo deste buscamos compreender em que ambiente s?cio-geogr?fico viviam esses homens antes da Guerra e quais foram as conseq??ncias de uma brusca mudan?a de espa?o em virtude da convoca??o para as For?as Armadas brasileiras naquele contexto hist?rico. A defesa do litoral brasileiro durante a Guerra n?o foi tarefa t?o simples, tendo em vista a precariedade log?stica das For?as Armadas, os ataques de submarinos do Eixo que mataram centenas de civis e militares brasileiros e a rede de espionagem montada pela Alemanha no Brasil. Partindo da no??o de mem?ria coletiva e estranhamento em Maurice Halbwachs, usaremos a hist?ria oral como metodologia principal, com o fim de reconstruir essas mem?rias subterr?neas que tamb?m nos possibilitar?o perceber a vis?o que os pr?prios protagonistas t?m do evento, al?m da utiliza??o de documentos, fotos, mapas e toda esp?cie de fontes que nos possibilitem reconstruir o cen?rio de Parelhas no in?cio da Guerra e a trajet?ria de vida de seus veteranos

This study examines the current socio-economic status of the ex-combatants 10 years after the conflict in Sierra Leone. It examines the job opportunities, political space, relationship with community members, challenges faced, social networks involved in, relationship with former colleagues, access to land and other issues that are significant in the reintegration process of ex-combatants. It further studies the national socio-economic environment and how ex-combatants are faring in the overall post-war recovery process in Sierra Leone. Special focus lies on the Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration of Ex-Combatants (DDR) programme which was part of the Lome Peace Agreement signed in 1999. The study also comes up with recommendations as to how the challenges currently faced by ex-combatants could be overcome.:1. Introduction … 8 2. Theoretical Framework … 11 3. Context … 25 3.1 Origins of the war in Sierra Leone … 25 3.2 Factions involved in the conflict … 31 3.3 Recruitment patterns … 37 3.4 Peace Agreements … 39 3.5 Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration of Ex-combatants … 46 4. Research Methodology … 58 4.1 Research Question … 58 4.2 Conceptual Scheme … 59 4.3 Operationalization of Major Concepts … 60 4.4 Methodology … 62 4.5 Location of the Research ... 63 4.6 Unit of Analysis … 64 5. Findings … 66 5.1.1 Current social status of former male combatants … 71 5.1.2 Current social status of former female combatants … 76 5.1.2 Conclusion … 83 5.2. Current economic status of former combatants … 85 5.2.1 Former Male Combatants … 85 5.2.2 Former Female Combatants … 94 5.2.3 Conclusion … 102 6. Conclusions and recommendations … 105 6.1 Final Conclusions … 105 6.2 Recommendations … 109 7. Bibliography … 116 8. Annex ... 123

How does the prevalence of female combatants in a rebel group influence conflict severity? Previous research has investigated the impact conflict has on women but has overlooked women’s contributions to conflict. Diverging from this paradigm, recent quantitative research has investigated why women join rebellions, why rebel groups recruit them, and how this affects conflict dynamics and outcomes. This study contributes to this new direction by asking how the gender composition of a rebel group influences the number of battle deaths amassed during a conflict. I hypothesize that a higher prevalence of female combatants in a rebel group increases conflict severity. I argue that female combatants increase rebel group capabilities, creating parity between rebel-state dyads, which then produces a greater quantity of battle deaths. Using a dataset on women’s prevalence in 211 rebel groups between 1989 and 2014, I run an ordinary least squares regression model to test my hypothesis. This study’s empirical evidence shows support for my hypothesis but does not yield any substantive indication of how female combatants contribute to severity. The causal mechanism behind this relationship remains for future research to uncover.