Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:24:06Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2008-03-06Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T20:28:16Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 franca_ce_me_mar.pdf: 1271297 bytes, checksum: 388e913124dbdaa8a214dc1acdc98a27 (MD5) / Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP) / O presente trabalho teve como objetivo captar as reelaborações das representações sociais dos skinheads “carecas do Brasil” após a morte de Edson Neris da Silva em fevereiro de 2000 na Praça da República, região central da cidade de São Paulo. Partimos da articulação do teatro do poder que elaborou a culpabilidade do violento crime aos skinheads “carecas do ABC”, considerando-os em suas representações como bárbaros e merecedores de uma punição exemplar, que servisse de modelo para as outras pessoas que possuem preconceitos de gênero controlar suas emoções e agressividades diante do diferente. As brechas presentes nos documentos permitiram que nós apreendêssemos outros aspectos dos símbolos e signos que compõem as teias de significados que afirmam as formas identitárias dos skinheads “carecas do Brasil”. Esses skinheads reelaboram e ressignificam as suas idéias e práticas sociais tendo como termômetro de mudanças a circularidade entre eles e a força de representações da imprensa e das pressões de segmentos sociais. Portanto, problematizamos a análise sobre as representações elaboradas pelos “carecas do Brasil” nos fanzines e demais meios de divulgação das idéias e valores desses grupos, quanto às produzidas pela imprensa, priorizando o jornal Folha de São Paulo, dentre os anos de 2000 a 2004, para captar não apenas as relações de poder presentes no confronto entre essas representações, mas, também, visamos desconstruir narrativas, tendo em vista desvendar as idéias, pensamentos, valores, tradições e culturas inventadas nesses discursos. Enfocamos as suas ações e experiências vivenciadas nos espaços urbanos, tendo em vista elaborar reflexões sobre os problemas cotidianos, de reestruturação das territorialidades, das redes de sociabilidade e das culturas de pertencimento configuradas... / The aim of the present work was to understand the reelaborations of the social representations of the skinheads of Brazil, after Edson Neris da Silva’s death in February, 2000, in a square (Praça da República), in downtown São Paulo. The study was based on the articulation of the power theater that elaborated the culpability of the violent crime against the “ABC skinheads”. This articulation considers the representation of the skinheads to be barbarian and that they deserved an exemplar punishment, which would be a model for others who had gender prejudice, so they could control their emotions and aggressiveness towards the difference. The gaps in the documents allowed us to learn other aspects of the sings and symbols which make the meaning webs that affirm the identitary way of the skinheads of Brazil. These skinheads reelaborate and resignify their ideas and social practice having as a thermometer of changes the circularities between them and the power of the press representation and the pressure of social segments. Therefore, we problematized the representations analysis elaborated by the skinheads of Brazil in fanzines and other means of publicizing ideas and values of these groups, related to the representations produced by the press. We prioritize the newspaper Folha de São Paulo, between years 2000 and 2004, to understand not only the power analogy involved in the confrontation among these representations, but we also aimed to deconstruct the reports, intending to reveal ideas, thoughts, values, traditions, and created cultures in these speeches. We focused on the skinheads’ actions and experiences in the urban areas, intending to elaborate considerations about daily problems, the territorialities structuralization, the sociability net, and the pertaining cultures configurated as micropowers that emerge in these spaces in a contradictory...(Complete abstract, click electronic access below)

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:24:39Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2009-12-11Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T20:52:18Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 oliveira_fg_me_botfca.pdf: 799438 bytes, checksum: 4329df15811f46330119a3dded7950e2 (MD5) / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / Este trabalho teve como objetivo reconhecer as mudanças temporais significativas no uso do solo entre os anos de 1984 e 2008 no município de Barra Bonita/SP e analisar os conflitos de uso da terra em áreas de preservação permanente tendo como referência legal o Código florestal e a Resolução n. 303, do CONAMA. Utilizou-se o sistema de informações geográficas – SIG Idrisi Andes 5.0 onde foram processadas as imagens do satélite LANDSAT TM5. A área de estudo possui declividade menor que 20%. A rede de drenagem do município reduziu 9,8 km³ na comparação da carta do IBGE de 1974 com escala de 1:50000 e a imagem LANDSAT 5 do ano de 2008. Através da classificação supervisonada Maxver obteve-se os mapas de uso do solo que revelaram que em 1984 a área ocupada pela cultura da cana-de-açúcar era de aproximadamente 10.500 ha (70%) e em 2008, 10.900 ha. Na analise dos conflitos de uso do solo em áreas de preservação permanente evidenciou-se que nos 24 anos a cana-de-açúcar aumentou 3,6% sobre a APP. A ocupação adequada foi representada pela mata que ocupava por 279,25 ha (31,5% do total) no ano de 1984. No ano de 2008 verifica-se que a cultura da cana-de-açúcar representava o maior conflito na APP ocupando 357,9 ha da área e 11,4% corresponde ao solo em preparo. Neste ano, 59,5% do total da APP encontra-se em desacordo com a legislação ambiental. / This study aimed to recognize the significant temporal changes in land use between 1984 and 2008 in the Barra Bonita / SP and analyze the conflicts of land use in areas of permanent preservation with reference to the legal code forestry and Resolution N. 303 of CONAMA. We used geographic information system - GIS Idrisi Andes 5.0 where the images were processed LANDSAT TM5. The study area has slopes less than 20%. The drainable area in the city decreased 9.8 kilometers ³ comparison of the letter from the IBGE 1974 with scale 1:50000 and LANDSAT 5 in the year 2008. By Maxver supervised classification was obtained maps of land use which showed that in 1984 the area occupied by the culture of cane sugar was about 10,500 ha (70%) and in 2008, 10,900 ha. In the analysis of conflicts of land use in areas of permanent preservation showed that in 24 years the cane sugar increased 3.6% on the APP. The occupation was represented by adequate forest that occupied by 279.25 ha (31.5% of total) in 1984. In the year 2008 it appears that the cultivation of cane sugar was the biggest conflict in APP occupying 357.9 ha in area and 11.4% corresponds to the ground in preparation. This year, 59.5% of total APP is at odds with environmental legislation.

Orientador: Odivaldo José Seraphim / Banca: Zacarias Xavier de Barros / Banca: Renato Farias do Valle Junior / Resumo: Este trabalho teve como objetivo reconhecer as mudanças temporais significativas no uso do solo entre os anos de 1984 e 2008 no município de Barra Bonita/SP e analisar os conflitos de uso da terra em áreas de preservação permanente tendo como referência legal o Código florestal e a Resolução n. 303, do CONAMA. Utilizou-se o sistema de informações geográficas - SIG Idrisi Andes 5.0 onde foram processadas as imagens do satélite LANDSAT TM5. A área de estudo possui declividade menor que 20%. A rede de drenagem do município reduziu 9,8 km³ na comparação da carta do IBGE de 1974 com escala de 1:50000 e a imagem LANDSAT 5 do ano de 2008. Através da classificação supervisonada Maxver obteve-se os mapas de uso do solo que revelaram que em 1984 a área ocupada pela cultura da cana-de-açúcar era de aproximadamente 10.500 ha (70%) e em 2008, 10.900 ha. Na analise dos conflitos de uso do solo em áreas de preservação permanente evidenciou-se que nos 24 anos a cana-de-açúcar aumentou 3,6% sobre a APP. A ocupação adequada foi representada pela mata que ocupava por 279,25 ha (31,5% do total) no ano de 1984. No ano de 2008 verifica-se que a cultura da cana-de-açúcar representava o maior conflito na APP ocupando 357,9 ha da área e 11,4% corresponde ao solo em preparo. Neste ano, 59,5% do total da APP encontra-se em desacordo com a legislação ambiental. / Abstract : This study aimed to recognize the significant temporal changes in land use between 1984 and 2008 in the Barra Bonita / SP and analyze the conflicts of land use in areas of permanent preservation with reference to the legal code forestry and Resolution N. 303 of CONAMA. We used geographic information system - GIS Idrisi Andes 5.0 where the images were processed LANDSAT TM5. The study area has slopes less than 20%. The drainable area in the city decreased 9.8 kilometers ³ comparison of the letter from the IBGE 1974 with scale 1:50000 and LANDSAT 5 in the year 2008. By Maxver supervised classification was obtained maps of land use which showed that in 1984 the area occupied by the culture of cane sugar was about 10,500 ha (70%) and in 2008, 10,900 ha. In the analysis of conflicts of land use in areas of permanent preservation showed that in 24 years the cane sugar increased 3.6% on the APP. The occupation was represented by adequate forest that occupied by 279.25 ha (31.5% of total) in 1984. In the year 2008 it appears that the cultivation of cane sugar was the biggest conflict in APP occupying 357.9 ha in area and 11.4% corresponds to the ground in preparation. This year, 59.5% of total APP is at odds with environmental legislation. / Mestre

Made available in DSpace on 2015-04-11T13:59:33Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Luana Rodrigues.pdf: 537370 bytes, checksum: 6f88d118b5fcb59ae3edd24700ba5c79 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-12-16 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / O objetivo desta dissertação é realizar uma etnografia do Programa Integrado dos Recursos Aquáticos e da Várzea (PYRÁ), projeto de extensão em comunidades de várzea do município de Manacapuru, desenvolvido pela Universidade Federal do Amazonas (UFAM) ao longo de dez anos. Tratou-se de reconstituir no tempo a trajetória de implementação e efeitos sociais decorrentes da intervenção do Programa, enfocando particularmente a avaliação da experiência de gestão participativa dos recursos naturais, bem como a emergência de crenças, solidariedades, hierarquias e conflitos

Au milieu du XVIIème siècle, l’Espagne connaît une crise politique et économique profonde. L’Espagne s’essouffle et elle se voit obligée de signer le traité des Pyrénées en 1659. Cette lourde période de crise que traverse la monarchie espagnole se dessine tout au long de deux sources informatives du milieu du XVIIème siècle : les Avisos attribués à Pellicer (1639-1644) et les lettres de Barrionuevo (1654-1658). La première vit en direct les révoltes des "périphéries" catalane et portugaise alors que la seconde met en exergue la "fatalité" de l’Espagne dans un contexte de caisses vides : les ennemis sont nombreux, l’armée manque d’hommes et de moyens, les fonctionnaires sont corrompus, la noblesse n’est plus digne de son rang, le clergé manque de vocation et tous, du plus haut au plus bas de l’échelle sociale, s’adonnent à toutes sortes de délits d’ordre moral, politique, pécuniaire, judiciaire, etc. Ces deux sources, de longue durée mais de périodes rapprochées, offrent d’autres avantages. Les nouvelles sont (bi-)hebdomadaires, engageant l’auteur à informer régulièrement, ce qui évite une synthétisation de l’ensemble des informations. Aussi, les Avisos de Pellicer semblent destinés à être lus par un plus grand nombre (la publication était envisagée) et l’expression du "je" est très timide, alors que les lettres de Barrionuevo s’adressent à un correspondant et il sait qu’il est lu par un cercle réduit de connaissances. Traquer l’information et la transmettre comporte un risque : les nouvelles proviennent de sources fiables mais bon nombre sont issues de la rumeur qui est colportée. Cette dernière englobe essentiellement des personnes dignes de confiance chez Pellicer alors que, chez Barrionuevo, elle peut être constituée de personnes au palais ou de tout un chacun. Enfin, l’état d’esprit et les centres d’intérêt varient d’un auteur à l’autre. Ces deux sources informatives présentent des similitudes mais aussi de nombreuses différences, et des limites ; ces caractéristiques constituent leur richesse. / In the middle of the seventeenth century, Spain undergoes a deep political and economic crisis. It becomes difficult to survive and Spain has to sign the Treaty of the Pyrenees in 1659. This heavy crisis that the Spanish monarchy undergoes is described by two different information sources from the mid-seventeenth century : the Avisos attributed to Pellicer (1639-1658) and the Barrionuevo letters (1654-1658). The first source gives a daily account of the Catalan and Portuguese rebellions whereas the second source points out Spain’s "misfortune" due to its very bad economic situation : there are many enemies, the army lacks men and means, the civil servants are corrupt and the Nobles are no longer representative of their rank, the Clergy lacks vocation and everybody from the lowest to the highest social background is involved in all sorts of moral, political, financial and legal crimes etc. These two long-term but of short interval sources have other advantages. The news is given twice a week, forcing the author to inform the readers regularly which avoids summarizing all the information. Moreover, the Pellicer Avisos seem to be written and read by a large number of people (the publication is planned) and the use of the first person "I" is very limited whereas the Barrinuevo letters are addressed to a correspondent who knows that he is read by a small circle of people. Tracking down information and transmitting it is risky : the news is mostly reliable, but most of it comes from rumours. The Pellicer informants are more reliable and trustworthy whereas the Barrionuevo ones are composed of people from the Palace as well as any and everybody. Finally, the state of mind and interest points vary from one author to another. Both information sources show similarities but also many differences and limits and these characteristics is what makes them so full of interest.

Les frontières guinéennes, pur produit de la colonisation, ont été mises en place au gré de conventions internationales entre puissances, mais aussi d’actes administratifs pris dans le cadre de l’organisation interne des territoires de l’AOF, de la fin du XIXe au début du XXe siècle. Leur institutionnalisation instaure un nouveau mode de vie et de pratiques chez les frontaliers qui se les sont vus imposer.À partir de la seconde moitié du XXe siècle, les bouleversements socio-politiques et économiques que connait le monde, suscitent l’éveil de conscience des peuples colonisés, désireux de prendre en main leur propre destin. Dans ce contexte africain et mondial, la Guinée se singularise par son choix politique et accède à l’indépendance le 2 octobre 1958. Le nouvel État, en dépit de nombreux défis à relever, fait aussi face à la délicate gestion des frontières héritées de la période coloniale, en proie à des conflits inter-communautaires qui émergent à partir des années 1970, et qui restent encore d’actualité. / The Guinean borders, a pure product of colonization, were established with the consent of international conventions between powerful nations, but also the administrative acts taken within the framework of the internal organization in the French Western African territories, from the end of 19th to the beginning of the 20th century. Their institutionalization intaures a new lifestyle and practices that they imposed in the border communities. Starting from second half of the 20th century, the socio-political and economic instability that the world knew, cause the awakening of conscience of the colonized people, eager to take over their own destiny. In this African and world context, Guinea was made conspicuous by its political choice and gained its independence on October 2nd, 1958. The new State, in spite of many challenges to take up, also has been confronted with the tricky management of new borders inherited from the colonial period, and captured by intercommunity conflicts which emerged from the years 1970, and which still remain in the system.

Phénomène généralement oublié des études de contentieux administratifs, les conflits de traités internationaux n’en constituent pas moins une problématique juridique de taille pour le juge administratif, devant lequel ils semblent destinés à se multiplier. Ces conflits, souvent présentés comme particuliers, du fait de l’inapplicabilité prétendue des méthodes classiques de résolution des conflits de normes, posent au juge administratif un certain nombre de difficultés juridiques relatives tant à leur reconnaissance qu’à leur résolution. A la frontière de deux ordres juridiques, l’ordre juridique interne, par leur lieu de survenance, et l’ordre juridique international, par l’origine internationale des traités, les conflits de traités sont souvent appréhendés avec réticence par le juge administratif, ce qui se traduit par un régime juridique encore difficilement saisissable.La thèse entend offrir une clé de compréhension du traitement jurisprudentiel des conflits de traités par le juge administratif. Plus particulièrement, en s’attachant à distinguer les forces propres au droit interne des forces inhérentes au droit international, dans les solutions rendues, il s’agit de démontrer que les conflits de traités ne constituent pas un problème juridique de droit international, soumis par accident au juge administratif. Ce dernier, acteur de la reconnaissance et de la résolution des conflits de traités, a développé une jurisprudence, en la matière, relevant d’un équilibre complexe et fragile entre les logiques du droit interne et les logiques du droit international public au cœur de la singularité essentielle des conflits de traités devant le juge administratif. / Although conflicts between international treaties are generally a forgotten topic in administrative litigation studies, they constitute a major legal problem for the administrative judge, which are meant to increase. These conflicts, often considered as particular due to the alleged inapplicability of traditional resolving methods for conflicts of norms, raise a number of legal problems for the administrative judge concerning both their recognition and resolution. On the borderline between two legal systems, the internal legal system, owing to its place of occurrence, and an the other hand the international legal system, due to the international origin of treaties, conflicts between treaties are often deal with reluctance by the administrative judge. As a result, this leads to a legal regime still difficult to grasp.This thesis aims at offering a key to understand the treatment by the administrative judge of conflicts of treaties. It demonstrates, through the distinction of the inherent forces/strengths of domestic law on judicial decisions and those of international law, that the conflicts of treaties do not constitute a legal problem of international law, submitted by accident to the administrative judge. The latter, who is an actor in the recognition and resolution of treaty conflicts, has developed a precedent on this subject, resulting in a complex and fragile balance between the logics of domestic and international public law at the core of the essential singularity of the conflicts between treaties before submitted to the administrative judge.

Cette thèse s’intéresse à l’agentivité des femmes et à la participation de ces dernières aux efforts visant la cessation des hostilités et la consolidation de la paix suite à un conflit armé. Ce travail porte une attention particulière aux obstacles rencontrés par celles désirant participer aux négociations formelles ainsi qu’aux stratégies qu’elles emploient pour les surmonter alors qu’elles sont exclues des modes traditionnels du pouvoir. Trois processus de paix tenus à la suite des conflits en Bosnie, au Burundi et en Afghanistan seront analysés afin d’identifier les divers obstacles auxquelles elles sont confrontées et d’illustrer les stratégies mises en œuvre par celles-ci afin de faire valoir leurs objectifs pour la paix. Ce travail souligne l’apport indéniable des femmes aux efforts de paix et argumente en faveur d’une inclusion systématique de ces dernières dans l’ensemble des initiatives de stabilisation et de reconstruction post-conflictuelles.

La présente recherche se penche sur le rôle professionnel des journalistes de la RTI (Radiotélévision ivoirienne) dans la crise post-électorale de 2010 en Côte d’Ivoire. En effet, à la fin des élections présidentielles du 28 novembre 2010, la Côte d’Ivoire s’est vue plongée dans une crise sans précédent. Cette crise, connue sous l’appellation de « crise postélectorale », a eu pour élément déclencheur la proclamation des résultats, par le président de la Commission électorale indépendante (CEI) Youssouf Bakayoko, le 2 décembre 2010 qui donnaient Alassane Dramane Ouattara vainqueur avec 54,10 % des voix, contre 45,90 % pour Laurent Gbagbo avec un taux de participation de 81,1%. Ces résultats seront invalidés et inversés le lendemain par le président du Conseil Constitutionnel Paul Yao N'Dré, qui a crédité Laurent Gbagbo de 51,45 % contre 48,55 % pour Ouattara. Dès lors, le pays s’est retrouvé avec deux présidents. Tandis que les militants se sont mis à revendiquer la victoire de part et d’autre, nous assistions à la création, par les partisans d’Alassane Dramane Ouattara, d’une chaine de télévision dénommée TCI (Télévision Côte d’Ivoire). Dès lors, certains journalistes ont fait le choix d’aller servir à la TCI ou de demeurer en poste à la RTI (Radiotélévision ivoirienne). À travers cette migration d’une télévision à une autre, nous nous demandons quels rôles professionnels les journalistes de la RTI ont-ils joué exactement dans cette crise? Pour répondre à cette question, nous avons choisi comme cadre référentiel les conclusions des travaux de Mellado et de Lagos dans lesquels ont été répertorié six rôles du journalisme que sont : l’interventionnisme, le chien de garde, le loyalisme, le journalisme de proximité, le sensationnalisme et le civisme (Mellado et Lagos, 2014). Pour mener à bien cette recherche, nous avons opté pour la méthode qualitative avec comme technique de collecte de données l’entrevue semi-dirigée. Cette technique nous a permis de rencontrer et interviewer des journalistes, témoins privilégiés et acteurs compétents de ce mouvement migratoire entre la RTI et la TCI. Ceci en vue d’appréhender leurs sentiments, leurs opinions, leurs motivations, leurs expériences d’une part et d’autre part de mieux cibler leurs rôles pendant la crise.

Le continent africain est aujourd’hui le théâtre de nombreux conflits caractérisés par une distribution inégale des « ressources naturelles ». Il est aujourd’hui avéré que les risques environnementaux tels que la pollution, les changements climatiques, ou la désertification font peser une menace supplémentaire sur les populations et les écosystèmes afférents. Le débat sur la « sécurité environnementale » a connu une expansion fulgurante en l'espace d'une vingtaine d'années, d'où tout notre intérêt de comprendre ses origines, ses fondements et les différents discours s’étant construits autour de cette notion. Pour autant le concept de « conflits verts » n’a jamais été analysé en profondeur en tenant compte des nombreux exemples touchant le continent africain, et ceci à la lumière de la constitution d’une nouvelle typologie afin de capturer ces nouveaux conflits contemporains d’une manière davantage efficiente.Notre recherche se donne ainsi pour objectif de comprendre en quoi et comment l’ « environnement » et les « ressources naturelles » comme nouveaux facteurs de puissance ont influé les conflits africains aux cours des dernières décennies. Nous aurons à cœur de mettre en lumière l’évolution du concept traditionnel de « sécurité » sur la base des discours changeants parmi les milieux politiques du XXe siècle. Enfin ceci impliquera par essence des discussions tenant à une amélioration de l’efficacité des mécanismes de prévention et de résolution tels qu’appréhendés aujourd’hui par la Communauté internationale, la création des « casques verts » et la notion de « crime environnemental » démontrant les limites en la matière. / Today the African continent is the heart of many conflicts characterized by an uneven distribution of “natural resources”. It is proven that the associated environmental risks such as pollution, climate change, and desertification pose an additional threat to the affected populations and ecosystems. The debate on “environmental security” has expanded tremendously in the space of twenty years, and our interest is thus to try to understand its origins, foundations and the various discourses built around this concept. The notion of “green conflicts” has never been thoroughly analyzed taking into account the many examples affecting the African continent, nor has this been done in the light of the construction of a new typology aimed at capturing these new contemporary conflicts in a more efficient manner. Thus our research aims to give an understanding of how “environment” and “natural resources” have become new factors of power that have influenced African armed conflicts in the recent decades. We wish to highlight the evolution of the traditional concept of security to one of “environmental security” based on the changing discourse among politicians of the 20th century. We will then naturally turn to discussions concerning the improvement of prevention effectiveness methods and the resolution of these new conflicts as faced by the international community, as well the creation of a “green helmets” force and the notion of “environmental crime”, both demonstrating the limitations we are still confronted to on this topic.