<p>The research presented in this dissertation investigates the influence of soil-structure<br> interaction on seismic isolation of nuclear reactor vessels using numerical simulations. This<br> research is motivated by the nuclear industry searching for viable solutions to standardize<br> the design of reactor vessels. Seismic isolation of reactor vessels is a potential solution as it<br> enables deployment of standardized reactor vessels irrespective of site seismic hazard<br> thereby saving time and cost by allowing large-scale factory fabrication of standard<br> modules and by eliminating the need for repeated approval of reactor vessel design. Seismic<br> isolation is also a technology that has matured from successful implementation in buildings<br> and bridges allowing easier transition to nuclear applications. Currently, the<br> implementation of component-level seismic isolation in nuclear industry is challenging due<br> to gaps in research and lack of specific guidelines.</p> <p><br></p> <p><br> In this research, the effectiveness and potential limitations of using conventional friction<br> pendulum bearings for component-level isolation are investigated based on conceptual<br> numerical models of seismically isolated reactor vessels at different nuclear power plant<br> sites subject to a variety of ground motions. The numerical modeling and analysis<br> approach presented in this research are checked using experimental data and results from<br> multiple numerical codes to ensure reliability of the obtained analysis results.</p> <p><br></p> <p><br> Within the scope of this study, it is found that slender vessels are particularly vulnerable<br> to rotational acceleration at the isolation interface. Rotational acceleration at the isolation<br> interface is caused by rotation at the foundation level of the containment building housing<br> the isolated reactor vessel and by excitation of higher horizontal translational modes of the<br> seismically isolated system. Rotation of the building foundation increases with decrease in<br> shear wave velocity of the soil surrounding the building foundation. When the containment<br> building is embedded below the soil surface, the effect of embedment on peak horizontal<br> acceleration of the isolated vessel depends on the amount of increase in shear wave velocity<br> at the foundation level of the building. When embedment does not result in any change in<br> shear wave velocity, it is found to have negligible impact on the acceleration response of the<br> isolated vessel.</p> <p><br></p> <p>  The optimum location to support a vessel for seismic isolation is found to be on a plane<br> passing through its center of mass. It minimizes horizontal acceleration in the isolated<br> vessel as well as the tendency of isolator to uplift. Isolator uplift and exceedence of<br> displacement capacity of the isolator during extreme events are possible drawbacks in using<br> seismic isolation technology since they produce impact forces due to uplift and<br> re-engagement of the isolator or due to collision between the isolated system and the moat<br> wall. If such cases are avoided, seismic isolation of reactor vessel could provide more than<br> 50% reduction in peak acceleration of vessel except for low-intensity motions that do not<br> engage the isolator.<br>  <br>  </p>

The frequency of the Nordic power system has been increasingly deviating outside the normal frequency band (50 ± 0.1 Hz) in the past two decades. In an effort to counteract this, the Nordic Transmission System Operators (TSOs) have proposed new and stricter requirements on the units participating in Frequency Containment Reserve (FCR) market. The implication of these new requirements is that all units participating in the FCR markets must be re-evaluated and early predictions state that double regulated (DR) hydropower turbines, such as Kaplan and Bulb types, will have problems meeting these new requirements. To limit the amount of work required to re-evaluate all DR turbines, which might ultimately show that the unit will not pass the requirements, it is highly beneficial for power producing companies to be able to simulate the turbine response accurately enough, without full-scale physical testing, to filter out the possible cases from the impossible ones. This thesis is aimed at finding a hydropower turbine model that could accurately predict the FCR prequalification outcome for a DR hydropower turbine in Simulink from only pre-existing testing and design data. Three hydropower turbine models, one single regulated (SR) and two DR, were tested and validated for FCR Normal operation (FCR-N). The validation was performed by comparing the model results to field test data attained from a full-scale FCR-N test performed on one of Fortum’s DR hydropower units. Furthermore, two of these models were simulated and tested with regard to the FCR Disturbance (FCR-D) requirements but not validated as no such data was available. The results showed that simulating DR turbines with SR models can give inaccurate results as the SR model could not capture the more complex dynamics of the DR turbine accurately enough. The SR model underestimated the active power response drastically while at the same time overestimating the dynamic stability. The DR turbine models managed to capture the dynamics better with the most prominent model, DR Model 2, giving less than 3 % overestimation of the FCR-N capacity and a correctly predicting that the unit would fail the dynamic stability for FCR-N. The thesis results further showed that when modelling DR turbines, the calculation of the net head is vital for accurate model response. Finally, both the SR and DR model agreed that the unit would likely not pass the FCR-D requirements and therefore confirm the early predictions that DR hydropower turbines, such as the one modelled in this thesis, may have problems passing the new FCR prequalification requirements. Ultimately this might impact electrical price or frequency quality negatively. / Frekvenskvaliteten i det nordiska kraftsystemet har stadigt avvikit alltmer från det normala frekvensbandet (50 ± 0,1 Hz) under de två senaste decennierna. I ett försöka att motverka denna trend har de nordiska kraftsystemoperatörerna (TSO) föreslagit nya och striktare krav på aggregat som deltar i frekvensreservsmarknaden (FCR). Dessa nya krav innebär att alla aggregat som redan deltar på FCR-marknaden måste omvärderas och de bedömningar som har gjorts antyder att dubbelreglerade (DR) vattenkraftturbiner, som kaplan- och bulbturbiner, kommer att ha svårt med att uppfylla dessa nya krav. För att begränsa mängden arbete som krävs för att omvärdera alla DR-turbiner, som i slutändan kan visa att aggregatet inte kommer att klara kraven, är det mycket för fördelaktigt för kraftföretag att kunna noggrant simulera turbinresponsen innan de fysiska testerna utförs, för att filtrera bort de omöjliga fallen från de möjliga. Detta examensarbetes syfte var att hitta en turbinmodell som med bra noggrannhet kan förutsäga FCR förkvalificeringsresultatet for en dubbelreglerad vattenkraftturbin, med hjälp av Simulink från endast befintliga driftdata och information om aggregatets konstruktion. Tre turbinmodeller, en enkelreglerade (SR) och två dubbelreglerade, testades och validerades för FCR Normal drift (FCR-N). Valideringen utfördes genom att jämföra modellresultaten med fälttestdata från ett fullskaligt FCR-N-test som utfördes på en av Fortums dubbelreglerade vattenkraftturbiner. Dessutom simulerades även två av dessa modeller och testades med avseende på frekvensreglering vid störd drift (FCR-D) men validerades inte på grund av avsaknad av fälttestdata. Resultaten visade att simulering av dubbelreglerade turbiner med enkelreglerade turbinmodeller kan vara problematisk eftersom enkelreglerade modellen inte kunde fånga dubbelregleringsturbinernas mer komplexa dynamik tillräckligt bra. Enkelreglerade modellerna tydligt underskattade den aktiva effektresponsen samtidigt som de överskattade den dynamiska stabiliteten. De dubbelreglerade turbinmodellerna fångade däremot dynamiken bättre, där den mest framstående modellen, DR model 2, gav mindre än 3 % överskattning av FCR-N-kapaciteten och en korrekt förutsägelse att enheten skulle misslyckas uppfylla den dynamiska stabiliteten för FCR-N. Resultaten visade vidare att beräkningen av nettofallhöjden är avgörande för korrekt modellrespons. Slutligen var både singel- och dubbelreglerade modellerna överens om att aggregatet sannolikt inte skulle klara FCR-D-kraven och bekräftar därmed de tidiga bedömningarna att dubbelreglerade aggregat, som den som modellerades i denna avhandling, kan ha svårt att klara de nya FCR kraven. I slutändan kan det påverka såväl elpris som frekvenskvalitet negativt.

Witchcraft discourse in South Africa has increasingly permeated all social structures, thereby becoming a real threat to the process of reconstruction and development. The neglect of witchcraft accusations and their resultant consequences can cause the country to lose all it gained as a result of the liberation struggle. In this study I examine the historical developments of witchcraft accusations around the world in general, and in South Africa in particular as well as the threats they pose to society. I analyse five broad areas: 1) The inborn h tendency to scapegoat; jealousy; and the role religion plays in the escalation of these problems; 2) The African world-view and its consequences on interpersonal relationships; 3) Colonial and missionary attempts to suppress the African world-view; 4) Ways and means of containing the conflicts arising from the witchcraft problem; and 5) Summary of findings. The research was occasioned by the untold suffering victims of witchcraft accusations have to undergo in the three Northern Provinces of South Africa. Because of the cruelty and misery such accusations cause the poor people of these rural provinces urgent attention is needed to contain them, especially since such accusations have not diminished despite all governmental efforts to curtail them. At the centre of witchcraft accusations there are stress, hatred, vindictiveness, and aspirations to become famous. The fear that one may be victimised by either being accused of witchcraft or being bewitched is very real even today. The relevance of the study is apparent when one considers the feelings of helplessness that paralyses the opponent of this carnage, such as government and the churches. A number of resources should thus be employed to counter would be put into it. This threat which is aggravated by the abject poverty prevalent in the rural communities of the three Provinces. The prevailing conditions of abject poverty play a definite role in the creation, promotion and escalation of the scourge. Policy makers should therefore have clear grasp of the extent to which poverty has influence on society in any effort to contain witchcraft accusations. I conclude the study by ~ecommending transformational paths to the Government, NonGovernmental Organisations and other Community Leaders to follow in attending to improve the lot of the poor. This is done by highlighting ten findings that emerged during the study. The findings were the result of analyses of archival records, literature and case studies on witchcraft accusations. Because the subject of witchcraft is so wide and emotive I have employed several sociological and anthropological theories to cover as wide a field as possible. The incorporation of so many theoretical approaches into the study presents on interpretive and analytical explanation of the causes, effects and containment of witchcraft accusations. The overall conclusion is encapsulated by the title of the study Moloi ga a na mmala (A witch has no colour). A witch remains unidentifiable, but witch-hunters and sniffers know how to identify their witches. Although the process remains paradoxical, it is practised on a daily basis. / Religious Studies & Arabic / D.Litt. et Phil. (Religious Studies)

Em 31 de março de 1964, um golpe civil-militar depôs o presidente João Belchior Marques Goulart (7 de Setembro de 1961 a 1º de abril de 1964), iniciando um ciclo de aproximadamente vinte e um anos de ditadura militar no Brasil (1º de abril de 1964 a 15 de março de 1985), durante o qual o comando do Poder Executivo foi exercido por generais do exército, inspirados pela Doutrina de Segurança Nacional (DSN). Concebida na Escola Superior de Guerra (ESG), essa orientação ostentava forte conotação geopolítica e ancorava-se no binômio segurança e desenvolvimento, que tinha como pressupostos fundamentais a busca pelo acelerado desenvolvimento econômico e a segurança do país contra a ação de supostos agentes subversivos vinculados ao comunismo internacional. Os governos militares também acreditavam na possibilidade de transformar a nação em uma potência capaz de exercer plena liderança na América do Sul e em sua área atlântica, concretizando, assim, uma antiga aspiração nacional: a construção do Brasil Potência. O golpe de 1964, que chegou a ser considerado a principal batalha da Guerra Fria, contou com forte apoio ideológico e material dos Estados Unidos da América, inaugurando uma importante parceria entre os dois países, com o objetivo de barrar qualquer possibilidade de avanço das propostas de esquerda no continente latino-americano. Para os formuladores da ESG, tal comunhão de interesses já estava delineada, pois o Brasil, enquanto país ocidental, cristão e democrático, deveria cerrar fileiras com a maior potência do mundo capitalista no projeto de contenção ao comunismo. Tal associação terá inevitável reflexo na condução da política externa brasileira. O objetivo desta dissertação é investigar e compreender a ação internacional e a política externa do Brasil durante os três primeiros governos do regime militar (1964-1973), especialmente as gestões de Costa e Silva e Emílio Médici, com ênfase na construção do sistema de informação e repressão aos movimentos sociais e políticos de oposição, nas intervenções do país nos assuntos internos das nações vizinhas, em seus vínculos com os Estados Unidos da América e a na centralidade do grupo militar que ocupa a liderança do Poder Executivo na definição e na formulação desses objetivos. / In March 31, 1964, a civil-military coup détat ousted the Brazilian president João Belchior Marques Goulart (his administration began in September 7, 1961 and finished in April 1, 1964), starting a period of about twenty one years of military dictatorship in Brazil (since April 1, 1964 up to March 15, 1985), in which the presidency was occupied by a sequence of generals, inspired by National Security Doctrine. Devised by Superior War School (ESG, an institution comparable to the American National War College) and structured under geopolitical concepts, the National Security Doctrine was based on a binomial expression development and security which enveloped the quest for rapid economic development and a concern for national security against subversive agents from international communism. The military governments also believed in the possibility of transforming the country into a power able to exercise full leadership in South America and its Atlantic area, realizing thus an old national aspiration: the construction of Brasil Potência (Brazil Power). The coup détat in Brazil, an event that is often considered the most important battle within the Cold War, had strong material and ideological support from the United States, and started an important partnership between the two countries in order to block any possibility of success to leftist ideas in Latin-America. To ESGs policy makers, an US-Brazil alliance was given, since Brazil as a Western, Christian and democratic country, should be a partner with the U.S. in the fight against communism. This association is inevitably reflected in the conduct of Brazilian foreign policy. The aim of this dissertation is to investigate and understand Brazils international posture and foreign policy during the first three governments of the military regime (1964-1973) especially the Costa e Silva and Emílio Médici administrations. The dissertation covers the construction of the information system and the repression of social movements and opposition politicians, as well as the Brazilian intervention in the internal affairs of neighboring nations, its ties with the United States and the centrality of the small cadre that led the executive branch in the definition and formulation of these objectives.

Em 31 de março de 1964, um golpe civil-militar depôs o presidente João Belchior Marques Goulart (7 de Setembro de 1961 a 1º de abril de 1964), iniciando um ciclo de aproximadamente vinte e um anos de ditadura militar no Brasil (1º de abril de 1964 a 15 de março de 1985), durante o qual o comando do Poder Executivo foi exercido por generais do exército, inspirados pela Doutrina de Segurança Nacional (DSN). Concebida na Escola Superior de Guerra (ESG), essa orientação ostentava forte conotação geopolítica e ancorava-se no binômio segurança e desenvolvimento, que tinha como pressupostos fundamentais a busca pelo acelerado desenvolvimento econômico e a segurança do país contra a ação de supostos agentes subversivos vinculados ao comunismo internacional. Os governos militares também acreditavam na possibilidade de transformar a nação em uma potência capaz de exercer plena liderança na América do Sul e em sua área atlântica, concretizando, assim, uma antiga aspiração nacional: a construção do Brasil Potência. O golpe de 1964, que chegou a ser considerado a principal batalha da Guerra Fria, contou com forte apoio ideológico e material dos Estados Unidos da América, inaugurando uma importante parceria entre os dois países, com o objetivo de barrar qualquer possibilidade de avanço das propostas de esquerda no continente latino-americano. Para os formuladores da ESG, tal comunhão de interesses já estava delineada, pois o Brasil, enquanto país ocidental, cristão e democrático, deveria cerrar fileiras com a maior potência do mundo capitalista no projeto de contenção ao comunismo. Tal associação terá inevitável reflexo na condução da política externa brasileira. O objetivo desta dissertação é investigar e compreender a ação internacional e a política externa do Brasil durante os três primeiros governos do regime militar (1964-1973), especialmente as gestões de Costa e Silva e Emílio Médici, com ênfase na construção do sistema de informação e repressão aos movimentos sociais e políticos de oposição, nas intervenções do país nos assuntos internos das nações vizinhas, em seus vínculos com os Estados Unidos da América e a na centralidade do grupo militar que ocupa a liderança do Poder Executivo na definição e na formulação desses objetivos. / In March 31, 1964, a civil-military coup détat ousted the Brazilian president João Belchior Marques Goulart (his administration began in September 7, 1961 and finished in April 1, 1964), starting a period of about twenty one years of military dictatorship in Brazil (since April 1, 1964 up to March 15, 1985), in which the presidency was occupied by a sequence of generals, inspired by National Security Doctrine. Devised by Superior War School (ESG, an institution comparable to the American National War College) and structured under geopolitical concepts, the National Security Doctrine was based on a binomial expression development and security which enveloped the quest for rapid economic development and a concern for national security against subversive agents from international communism. The military governments also believed in the possibility of transforming the country into a power able to exercise full leadership in South America and its Atlantic area, realizing thus an old national aspiration: the construction of Brasil Potência (Brazil Power). The coup détat in Brazil, an event that is often considered the most important battle within the Cold War, had strong material and ideological support from the United States, and started an important partnership between the two countries in order to block any possibility of success to leftist ideas in Latin-America. To ESGs policy makers, an US-Brazil alliance was given, since Brazil as a Western, Christian and democratic country, should be a partner with the U.S. in the fight against communism. This association is inevitably reflected in the conduct of Brazilian foreign policy. The aim of this dissertation is to investigate and understand Brazils international posture and foreign policy during the first three governments of the military regime (1964-1973) especially the Costa e Silva and Emílio Médici administrations. The dissertation covers the construction of the information system and the repression of social movements and opposition politicians, as well as the Brazilian intervention in the internal affairs of neighboring nations, its ties with the United States and the centrality of the small cadre that led the executive branch in the definition and formulation of these objectives.

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This thesis examines the American Military Assistance Advisory Group (MAAG) sent to French Indochina, from 1950 to 1956, when the United States provided major monetary and material aid to the French in their war against the communist Viet Minh. MAAG observed French units in the field and monitored the flow of American materiel into the region. Relying upon primary research in the National Archives, the thesis departs from previous interpretations by showing that MAAG held generally positive assessments of France‟s performance in Indochina. The thesis also argues that MAAG personnel were more interested in getting material support to the French, than in how that material was used, to the point of making unrealistic assessments of French combat abilities. By connecting primary research with the greater history of Cold War American military assistance, the thesis contributes to the scholarship on American involvement in Vietnam.

Witchcraft discourse in South Africa has increasingly permeated all social structures, thereby becoming a real threat to the process of reconstruction and development. The neglect of witchcraft accusations and their resultant consequences can cause the country to lose all it gained as a result of the liberation struggle. In this study I examine the historical developments of witchcraft accusations around the world in general, and in South Africa in particular as well as the threats they pose to society. I analyse five broad areas: 1) The inborn h tendency to scapegoat; jealousy; and the role religion plays in the escalation of these problems; 2) The African world-view and its consequences on interpersonal relationships; 3) Colonial and missionary attempts to suppress the African world-view; 4) Ways and means of containing the conflicts arising from the witchcraft problem; and 5) Summary of findings. The research was occasioned by the untold suffering victims of witchcraft accusations have to undergo in the three Northern Provinces of South Africa. Because of the cruelty and misery such accusations cause the poor people of these rural provinces urgent attention is needed to contain them, especially since such accusations have not diminished despite all governmental efforts to curtail them. At the centre of witchcraft accusations there are stress, hatred, vindictiveness, and aspirations to become famous. The fear that one may be victimised by either being accused of witchcraft or being bewitched is very real even today. The relevance of the study is apparent when one considers the feelings of helplessness that paralyses the opponent of this carnage, such as government and the churches. A number of resources should thus be employed to counter would be put into it. This threat which is aggravated by the abject poverty prevalent in the rural communities of the three Provinces. The prevailing conditions of abject poverty play a definite role in the creation, promotion and escalation of the scourge. Policy makers should therefore have clear grasp of the extent to which poverty has influence on society in any effort to contain witchcraft accusations. I conclude the study by ~ecommending transformational paths to the Government, NonGovernmental Organisations and other Community Leaders to follow in attending to improve the lot of the poor. This is done by highlighting ten findings that emerged during the study. The findings were the result of analyses of archival records, literature and case studies on witchcraft accusations. Because the subject of witchcraft is so wide and emotive I have employed several sociological and anthropological theories to cover as wide a field as possible. The incorporation of so many theoretical approaches into the study presents on interpretive and analytical explanation of the causes, effects and containment of witchcraft accusations. The overall conclusion is encapsulated by the title of the study Moloi ga a na mmala (A witch has no colour). A witch remains unidentifiable, but witch-hunters and sniffers know how to identify their witches. Although the process remains paradoxical, it is practised on a daily basis. / Religious Studies and Arabic / D.Litt. et Phil. (Religious Studies)

This thesis examines the foreign policy of the 44th President of the United States of America, Barack Obama. A significant theme of Barack Obama's candidacy for presidency was "change"; more specifically change in policy from previous administration. Therefore, the thesis looks at the changes brought about by President Obama once he was elected. First, we look at foreign policy of the United States under President George W. Bush, then we look at foreign policy-related assertions of Barack Obama during his candidacy, and lastly we look at the actual policies of the new administration, with particular focus on the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, drones and extrajudicial killing, Guantanamo detention facility and extraordinary rendition, and NSA surveillance.

Adverse Childhood Experiences (ACEs) include childhood exposure to abuse or violence, a parents' divorce, mental illness, substance use disorder, and are identified as risk factors for negative life outcomes. While ACEs screenings are commonly used in mental health and pediatric settings, screening for ACEs in primary care settings is less prevalent. The purpose of this project is to integrate screening for ACEs into a primary care setting and make appropriate referrals for follow-up, thus reducing potential negative life outcomes. The process was designed for a primary care practice located in Winston-Salem, North Carolina. Part one assessed level of awareness and screening history which determined training focus. Each provider and staff member received 30-45 minutes of training on ACEs screening algorithm, a detailed approach to guide treatment. The training was followed by question-and-answer sessions to address concerns. Part two, involved screening using the Center for Youth Wellness, Adverse Childhood Experiences Questionnaire for Children (CYW ACE-Q Child) which was initiated by the front office employee. Front office employee identified patients present for an annual well visit, briefly explained the screening tool, and handed it to the patient on a clipboard. The patient returned the completed form to the Certified Medical Assistant (CMA) when called in from the waiting room. The provider reviewed the ACEs screening and made referrals as appropriate. Part three involved data collection and analysis. Responses were collected weekly for nine weeks. The responses collected will be analyzed using quantitative statistics. The expected outcome is to note progressive increase in screening activities and when appropriate, followed by referrals to community agencies and organizations. The project educated clinicians about ACEs and created awareness among clinicians in a primary care setting to mitigate potential negative life outcomes. Barriers to integrating ACEs screening included employees' absence of training, lack of confidence in the subject matter, limited time frame to complete the screening, and fear of damaging patient-provider relationships. Barriers were mitigated through employee training, repetitive implementation of ACEs screening, and therapeutic communication with patients. The CYW ACE-Q was reserved for those arriving early or on time for their annual wellness visit to allow adequate time for completion. Recommendations include incorporating the CYW ACE-Q into all primary care visits to further intervene with referrals thereby enhancing patients' overall quality of life.