(in English): This diploma thesis focuses on the phenomenon of criminalization in Indian politics. The extensive subject is dealt with in several ways. Apart from the general phenomena surrounding the criminalization of politics, there is, for example, an analysis of institutionalized corruption in the highest spheres of Indian society, as well as ongoing cooperation between regional politicians and local minor criminals. We also analyze the deeper causes of massive electoral support for controversial candidates and their success in a democratic electoral contest. This is closely related to another chaptersummarizing the development of legislative measures taken by the Indian state in order to avoid criminalization and other negative phenomena. In the final section, the diploma thesis examines the phenomenon of "bandit heroes" taking into account the Indian environment and the specific features of the local society. It is concerned in more detail with Phoolan Devi and Veerappan's bandits and explains how these two prominent personalities influenced the recent Indian policy and how they used policies to achieve their own goals. At the same time, we are trying to prove that the establishment of bandits in the state apparatus is a symptom of the final phase of criminalization of politics and not just...

Corruption from a criminological perspective forms the basis of this dissertation. The crime component of corruption the 'what', 'why' and 'how' is the dominant theme throughout the study and includes corruption in the South African public sector, highlighting police corruption in the Western Cape. Although this study is exploratory, certain qualitative interviewing techniques, including an interview guide, were used to maximise the information obtained from knowledgeable interviewees. Corruption was further elucidated by the employment of criminological theories to explain pertinent findings in the research, by highlighting risk factors that lead to corruption, by giving examples of corruption and by discussing anti-corruption agencies and the effectiveness of existing legislation. Corruption in the public sector has always been around and will be ad infinitum. The severity of the consequences of this phenomenon can be curtailed by the will of politicians, the involvement of civil society and an operational criminal justice system. / Criminology and Security Science / MA (Criminology)

This dissertation creates a typology of conflict of interest laws, rules and policies implemented and practiced in all 50 state legislatures. The research identifies characteristics of conflict of interest regimes and suggests relationships between these characteristics and public corruption. If finds that the political culture of a state, and the professionalism of the legislature, influence the definition of what constitutes a legislative conflict of interest, thereby sanctioning some conflict of interest regimes to engage in greater self profit of its members than other regimes.

This dissertation investigates various micro and macro level domestic factors affecting attitudes towards immigrants and emigration of international students. The first chapter examines if an individual’s religiosity affects his attitude against immigrants in jobs in rich and poor countries using data from World Values Survey, wave 6 for the period 2010-2014. The main finding of this study is that per capita income affects an individual’s attitudes against immigrants in getting hired but religiosity does not matter in affecting attitudes of people against immigrants in rich and poor countries. The second chapter explores Europeans opposition against Muslims, Jewish and Roma immigrants based on perceived economic, religious and security threats in strong and weak economies using European Social Survey for the period 2014-2015. The results suggest that the state of economy dominates a respondent’s perception of economic, religious or security threats against banning Muslims, Jews and Roma immigrants. The third chapter sheds lights whether corruption in countries promote students to study abroad using data on outbound students from UNESCO for the period 1999-2015. The results indicate that corruption promotes emigration of international students for only high income countries in the sample but this result does not hold for low and middle income countries.

The study sought to investigate the impact of systemic corruption in public enterprises in the Harare metropolitan area in Zimbabwe. This research study used a case and explanatory research designs as its major research approaches. The study was largely prompted by the high level of corruption in public enterprises as reported to the Anti - Corruption Commission and the media. In this study, fourteen (14) directors and twenty six (26) public enterprise officials were used as research subjects. Questionnaires, interviews and documentary reviews were used as research instruments to collect information on the impact of systemic corruption in public enterprises in the Harare metropolitan area. The study showed that low remuneration levels for both low and high level public enterprise officials, patronage appointment to higher level of management and the lack of political will to empower public enterprise officials on the evil of corruption were the causes of systemic corruption. Greed, the disintegration of work morality and ethics in the manner in which public affairs across public enterprises were being handled, were key causes of systemic corruption (see chapter 4 for details). The high level of secrecy in the management of public affairs, the lack of transparency, discipline, fairness, responsibility, equity and weak legal system on corruption were also noted to be corruption drivers. With regard the manifestation of corruption in public enterprises, it was established that systemic corruption occurred in the following forms: abuse of power, fraud, favouritism, embezzlement, weak control, extortion and ghosting.The study also showed that systemic corruption created problems such as administrative inefficiency and parasitism, a social atmosphere of tension and dishonesty within public enterprises (see chapter 4 for details). Corruption reallocated resources to the rich and powerful public officials who were aligned to the ruling party or those in authority. The study also noted that public enterprises officials were using technical complexity in procedures and regulations to conceal under-dealings.It was iv the findings of this study that rewarding for reasons not related to performance, dishonesty, over claiming expenses, falsification of reports/records and favouritism in public enterprises were high. The study also revealed that bid-rigging, shifting from core business, ghosting, and giving gratitude/gift to influence decision were some of the prevalent unethical activities in public enterprises. Against this backdrop, it is recommended that the level of remuneration in public enterprises for public officials is improved so that the minimum grounds for corruption motives are reduced. When salaries are too low, officers are obviously forced to indulge in unethical activities which in turn affect the general public directly or indirectly. It is critical that all public enterprise officials undergo training in the dimension of corruption and corporate governance as a means of empowerment. Corrupt individuals and business organisations in the Harare metropolitan area should not be employed or engaged in public related work and that public affairs must be managed in a transparent and open manner although confidentiality must be observed. The study also recommends that the appointment of public enterprise officials must be based on competence, relevant educational qualifications and experience. Another recommendation is that all cases of corruption must be treated as high level criminal cases which attract longer and deterrent court judgments (see chapter four for details). / Public Administration and Management / M.P.A.

MONTE, José Cleyton Vasconcelos. Interfaces da corrupção política no Brasil: a CPMI dos correios. 2012. 119f. Dissertação (Mestrado em Sociologia) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Departamento de Ciências Sociais, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Sociologia, Fortaleza-CE, 2012. / Submitted by Maria Josineide Góis (josineide@ufc.br) on 2012-07-31T12:16:37Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2012_Dis_JCVMonte.pdf: 1078237 bytes, checksum: 8ab49b48e37c939e47119b7ec8ce292d (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Maria Josineide Góis(josineide@ufc.br) on 2013-02-16T18:35:19Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2012_Dis_JCVMonte.pdf: 1078237 bytes, checksum: 8ab49b48e37c939e47119b7ec8ce292d (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-02-16T18:35:19Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2012_Dis_JCVMonte.pdf: 1078237 bytes, checksum: 8ab49b48e37c939e47119b7ec8ce292d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012 / The research aims to understand the phenomenon of political corruption in Brazil. Initially, I trace elements that characterize these practices, discussing the causes and implications of corrupt behavior to democracy, by reference to the international analysis and the main Brazilian studies on this topic. Next, we analyze the role of parliamentary committees of inquiry (PCI), highlighting its major challenges and critical discourse on corruption in the parliamentary arena and the relationship with the journalistic field. Based on material produced by the press and especially the Final Report prepared by the JPCI of the Post Office, which in 2005 and 2006 investigated famous scandal of the "monthly allowance", an elaborate analysis of the relationship between the Brazilian political system and corrupt practices highlighting the main points of discussion during the period of this scandal: the issue of campaign finance and the complex relationship between political parties, private and state companies, treated from the "valerioduct" and the debate on the formation and maintenance of parliamentary coalitions, approached through the "monthly allowance". In conclusion, it just draws attentions to some proposals for political reform, brought to the fore at the time of research and the need for parliamentary participation by civil society, conceived as mechanisms to combat corruption. / A pesquisa tem como objetivo compreender o fenômeno da corrupção política no Brasil. Inicialmente, traço os elementos que caracterizam essas práticas, discutindo as causas e consequências do comportamento corrupto para a democracia, tomando como referência as análises internacionais e os principais estudos brasileiros sobre o tema. Em seguida, analiso o papel das comissões parlamentares de inquérito (CPIs), ressaltando seus maiores desafios e críticas, os discursos sobre corrupção na arena parlamentar e a relação com o campo jornalístico. Partindo de matérias produzidas pela imprensa e, principalmente, do Relatório Final elaborado pela CPMI dos Correios, que investigou nos anos de 2005 e 2006 o famoso escândalo do “mensalão”, elaboro uma análise sobre a relação entre o sistema político brasileiro e as práticas de corrupção, destacando os principais pontos de discussão no período do referido escândalo: a questão do financiamento de campanha e a complexa relação entre partidos, empresas privadas e estatais, tratados a partir do “valerioduto” e o debate sobre a formação e manutenção das coalizões parlamentares, abordado através do “mensalão”. Na conclusão, chamo atenção para algumas propostas de reforma política, trazidas à tona no momento dos trabalhos de investigação parlamentar e a necessidade de participação por parte da sociedade civil, pensados como mecanismos para combater a corrupção.

Esta dissertação estuda a corrupção política e o Caixa 2 de campanhas eleitorais no Brasil, avaliando o seu impacto na qualidade da democracia, em especial na responsividade dos governos às preferências da maioria dos cidadãos. Com base em observações descritivas a partir de depoimentos, notícias de jornal e dados de pesquisa, busca-se investigar como os fenômenos estudados afetam o funcionamento do accountability vertical e distorcem a competição eleitoral. / This dissertation studies political corruption and slush funds in electoral campaigns in Brazil, assessing their impact in the quality of democracy, specially on the responsiveness of governments to the preferences of the majority of the citizens. Based on descriptive observations from public statements, newspaper articles and existing research data, an attempt is made to investigate how these phenomena affect the proper functioning of vertical accountability and distort electoral competition.

Os altos índices de corrupção no Brasil levaram a criação de algumas leis com o intuito de combater este mal que corrói a democracia e que preocupa todos os países democráticos. Este trabalho busca verificar as novas ferramentas jurídicas, bem como a responder a uma questão. Há mais alguma reforma necessária? Alguns estudos apontam influência de aspectos do sistema eleitoral no índice de corrupção. Se há, que reforma nesse sentido o Brasil poderia adotar? Foram utilizados método dialético e método comparativo, para análise de doutrina e legislação estrangeiras, comparando-as com as nacionais, e método indutivo para a análise de dados. Foram feitos grandes avanços legislativos, mas há que discutir o que pode ser aprimorado para criar um ambiente menos fértil à corrupção e tornar mais eficazes os mecanismos de controle dos agentes públicos. / The high levels of corruption in Brazil have led to the creation of some laws in order to fight this evil that corrodes democracy and worries all democratic countries. This study aims to verify the new legal tools, as well as to answer a question. Are there any other legal reforms needed? Some studies point out the influence of aspects of the electoral system in the corruption index. If so, what reform in that sense could Brazil adopt? The dialectical method and the comparative method were used to analyze foreign doctrine and legislation, comparing them to the national ones, and the inductive method for data analysis. Major legislative advance has been made, but it must be put into discussion what can be improved as to create a less fertile environment to corruption, in order to make control mechanisms for public officials more efficient.

O objetivo dessa tese é analisar a corrupção republicana em Maquiavel, particularmente nos primeiros dezoito capítulos do livro I dos Discursos sobre a primeira década de Tito Lívio (também conhecido como o \"Pequeno tratado sobre as repúblicas\"), procurando conhecer sua natureza, características, o processo pela qual é engendrada e qual o desfecho possível para a república \"corrompidíssima\". A corrupção republicana, exposta nos capítulos de XVI a XVIII, é precedida por uma exposição sobre os fundamentos políticos republicanos, alvos dessa corrupção política. A conclusão a que se chega é que, nesses capítulos, a corrupção pode atingir um grau máximo obrigando a uma mudança de regime, cuja melhor solução é o governo \"quase régio\", representado pelo principado civil descrito no Príncipe, por manter e conservar a dinâmica dos conflitos políticos, motor para as mudanças e responsável pela conservação dos ordenamentos políticos que garantem as liberdades políticas. / This work intends to investigate the corruption of the republic in Machiavelli, focusing the first eighteenth chapters of the first book of Discourse concerning the First Decade of Titus Livius, looking for its nature, most relevant characteristics, the process it comes to be, and the end of corrupted republic. Along the chapters XVI to XVIII, the notion of corruption is preceded by an exposition on the political principles of the republic. Also, inside this small group of chapter, Machiavelli states that the corruption can achieve the highest level, demanding an alteration of the regime. In such a case, the best solution is a virtually regal government, represented by the civil principate, as described in the Prince. That occur because such civil principate is the best way to keep the dynamics of the political conflicts, the cause of change or conservation of political order and political freedom.

O objetivo deste artigo é avaliar se o Programa de Fiscalização de Municípios Pequenos e Médios através de Sorteios Públicos foi eficaz para atingir seu propósito, a redução das irregularidades cometidas pelos municípios na execução dos programas federais sob sua responsabilidade. O artigo se diferencia assim do restante da literatura que procura estabelecer uma relação entre as irregularidades (corrupção e má gestão) encontradas a partir da avaliação dos relatórios das auditorias e alguma variável de interesse. Para atingir este objetivo são usadas duas alternativas. A primeira compara os municípios que foram afetados pelo Programa (grupo de tratamento) e os municípios que não foram afetados pelo Programa (grupo de controle), antes e depois da adoção do Programa em 2003. A segunda compara os municípios que foram sorteados mais de uma vez, a fim de verificar se houve mudança de comportamento entre uma fiscalização e outra. A evidência empírica obtida indica que a fiscalização não exerceu impacto significativo. Esse resultado pode ser atribuído ao aumento inexpressivo na probabilidade de ser pego trazido pelo Programa (na maioria dos casosinferior a 3% ) e também decrescente devido à redução no número de sorteios realizados. / The purpose of this paper is to evaluate if Programa de Fiscalização de Municípios Pequenos e Médios através de Sorteios Públicos reached its goal, the reduction on the number of irregularities made by municipalitis in the execution of federal programmes under their responsibility. The article therefore departs from the rest of the literature that intends to establish a relationship between the irregularities (corruption and mismanagement) described by the audit reports and some variables of interest. In order to reach these goals two alternatives are used. The first one compares muncipalities affected by the Program (treatment group) with municipaliteis not affected by the Program (control group), before and after the adoption of the Program in 2003. The second one compares the municipalities that were audited twice, in order to verify if there was a change in their behavior in the meantime. The empirical evidence suggests that the audit program had no significant impact. This result can be explained by the low probability of being caught brought by the Program (in most cases less than 3% ) and also declining given the reduction in the number of lotteries made.