Research Problem: The pressure for brands to stand out and at the same contribute to a better world is a constant battle in a competing digital media landscape. Advertising campaigns are ways for brands to separate themselves from their competition. In a recent campaign launched by Scandinavian Airlines (SAS) their advertising campaign What is truly Scandinavian? backfired and caused an active media audience to engage. SAS feared that their campaign got hijacked which resulted in a temporary withdrawal of their film. In light of the rise of online counterpublics and the upswing of so-called cancel culture this essay draws upon these concepts to analyse the reactions to SAS advertising campaign on the Swedish discussion forum Flashback. Aim: The study intends to examine how the reactions to SAS advertising campaign, What is truly Scandinavian?, can be understood as part of a counterpublic and a cancel culture on Flashback. Questions: (1) Which most prominent themes and reading positions can be distinguished among the reactions to SAS's advertising campaign in the selected Flashback thread? (2) How can the studied part of the Flashback thread be understood as a counterpublic? (3) How can the studied part of the Flashback thread be understood as part of a cancel culture? Theories: Active audience theory, counterpublics, cancel culture The empirical material: A specific Flashback thread with a selection of the first 96 posts. Methods: A combination of netnography, qualitative content analysis and reception analysis. Results: Primary themes identified in the thread are Culture and identity, Boycott and other consequences and Negative reactions and emotions. The majority of the Flashback posts are considered to be cynical readings of SAS advertising campaign. Sympathetic and skeptical readings were not as prominent. The reactions in the Flashback thread can be considered a counterpublic where a cancel culture takes place. Significance: Further understanding of an audience reaction and response to a specific advertising campaign in relation to counterpublics and cancel culture. Results on a current case.

This dissertation explores the relationship between state, citizen and public culture through an ethnographic and historical examination of the Thessaloniki International Film Festival in northern Greece. In the two-year period leading up to and following its fiftieth anniversary in 2009, the festival was caught up in the larger economic, political and social crises that have overtaken Greece in the last five years - a painful period of rapid transformation and neoliberalization for one of Europe's staunchest social-welfare states. As the Greek state faces bankruptcy - both economic and political - it is being forced to revisit the terms of its social contract with its citizens. In a country where "culture" was once touted as a national "heavy industry," the relationship between the state and cultural production is also being restructured. Public culture is one of the areas of social life in which people are now struggling with these changes and attempting to redefine what it means to be a citizen of the Greek state - utilizing and revising local, national and transnational identities in the process. / Anthropology

The present thesis is constructed upon the findings of a two month long field research, a Minor Field Study (MFS), in Casablanca, Morocco between February and April 2017. The aim is to understand how Moroccan satirical journalists can be understood in relation to the Moroccan media, and seeks out to answer the following research questions: 1) how can the relationship between Moroccan satirists and the majority media be theorized, and 2) how do the satirists relate to journalistic ideals in regard to the truth? The thesis was conducted by applying semi-structured interviews with six satirical journalists. The analysis is based on theories on public spheres, counterpublics, juxtaposition and journalistic ideals, and evolves as a discussion that intertwines the Moroccan and global media arena and the rise of a subjective narrative in global journalism. This thesis concludes that the Moroccan satirists are driven by ideals that are substantially in line with that which we connect to journalism. And while there are reasons to believe that the satirists of this thesis are countering the Moroccan media – a conclusion supported by factors such as hegemony, expression and content – I argue that it is more accurate to define the relationship between satirist and the dominant media as a juxtaposition. This is supported by the way the satirists view their work – accentuating the need to be truthful, responsible, and by acting as the public's surrogate when interrogating and questioning the power elite.

Submitted by JOSIANE SANTOS DE OLIVEIRA (josianeso) on 2017-11-30T15:12:17Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Sidnei da Silva Perfeito_.pdf: 1480498 bytes, checksum: be584b0dbad66bb993ebb9a645870f0d (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-11-30T15:12:17Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Sidnei da Silva Perfeito_.pdf: 1480498 bytes, checksum: be584b0dbad66bb993ebb9a645870f0d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-08-14 / Nenhuma / É notório que os conflitos por terras reclamadas por indígenas ainda persistem, mesmo depois do reconhecimento conferido pela Constituição Federal de 1988 e da paradigmática decisão sobre a demarcação da Terra Indígena (TI) Raposa Serra do Sol. A vasta normatização sobre o tema, tanto no âmbito global como local, não foi suficiente para que o Supremo Tribunal Federal (STF) prolatasse decisão que reconhecesse a ancestralidade do direito à ocupação, e com isso colaborasse na pacificação do assunto. Portanto, a pergunta que se pretende responder contempla tal cenário contraditório: se houve efetivo reconhecimento formal, por que, apesar disso, os índios ainda reivindicam as terras que simbolizam sua cultura e sua razão de existir? A partir dessa indagação é que se lança um olhar perspectivado pelas teorias de Axel Honneth e de Nancy Fraser na busca de ideias que possam representar a superação do quadro de falta de efetividade dos direitos dos povos indígenas. De início, Honneth defendeu uma teoria monista de reconhecimento cujo fundamento reside na autorrealização, pois entende que as experiências de sofrimento e de exclusão formam o combustível capaz de desencadear lutas que repercutem nos movimentos sociais, e assim haveria a emancipação do indivíduo a ponto de resolver também os problemas de distribuição. Noutra direção, em debate com Honneth, Fraser alega que o reconhecimento por si só é incapaz de resolver todas as injustiças e que é preciso conjugar medidas aptas a promover a distribuição. A partir desses estudos, os doutrinadores concebem outras propostas que objetivam superar a invisibilidade, transpor a subordinação de status, entender a reificação como produto do esquecimento do reconhecimento antecedente e a importância dos contrapúblicos em relação às arenas oficiais de debate. Norteando-se por esse referencial teórico, empreendeu-se uma revisão da evolução do reconhecimento formal dos direitos dos indígenas e uma crítica ao modo como referidas normas foram recebidas na decisão da demarcação da TI Raposa Serra do Sol e outras decisões que igualmente não contribuíram para a pacificação dos conflitos. Ao final, tencionou-se mostrar que as teorias de Honneth e de Fraser - isoladamente ou aliadas - podem contribuir para a efetivação dos direitos territoriais já reconhecidos aos indígenas. / It is well-known the conflicts for land claimed by indigenous peoples still persist, even after the recognition of the lands granted by the Federal Constitution of 1988 and the paradigmatic decision about the demarcation of Raposa Serra do Sol Indigenous Land. The vast regulation concerning the theme, both at global and local level, was not enough for the Federal Supreme Court to pronounce a decision recognizing the ancestry of the right to occupation and, thereby, to collaborate to pacify the issue. The question to be answered has this contradictory scenario: if there was an effective formal recognition, why, despite this, do the Indians still claim the lands that symbolize their culture and their reason to exist? From this question, a look is cast, under the theories of Axel Honneth and Nancy Fraser, in the search for ideas that can represent the overcoming of the frame of effectiveness of indigenous peoples’ rights. At the beginning, Honneth defended a monistic recognition theory, based on self-realization, once he understands the experiences of suffering and exclusion are able to form the fuel that will commence struggles which have repercussion on social movements and, with this, would happen an individual emancipation able to solve distribution problems. In another direction, debating with Honneth, Fraser says recognition, by itself, is unable to solve all injustices and so it is necessary to combine measures capable of promoting distribution. From these studies, the authors conceive other proposals aimed at overcoming invisibility, subordination status, understanding reification as a product of forgetfulness of antecedent recognition, and the importance of counterpublics in relation to official debate arenas. Always guided by this theoretical reference, it was done a review of the evolution of formal indigenous rights recognition and a critique of the way these norms were received in the demarcation trial of Raposa Serra do Sol Indigenous Land and other decisions likewise did not contribute to pacify conflicts. At the end, it was attempted to demonstrate that Honneth and Fraser’s theories, isolated or allied, can contribute for the realization of territorial rights already recognized to indigenous.

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本文將以目前台灣最大的網路新聞時事討論區──PTT Gossiping看板（以下簡稱「八卦板」）為研究對象，分析透過BBS媒介所形成的網路群眾文化，並探究其民主意涵。有別於一般網路公共領域的研究，本文將由「對抗性公共」與「狂歡節」這兩個概念切入，並借鏡俄國文學批評家Bakhtin所提出的「眾聲喧嘩」與「公共廣場」等說法，嘗試論證透過網路媒介所形成、並帶有集體性狂歡節色彩的社會互動空間，如何落實異於Habermas菁英式公共領域的公共生活想像。 就內容而言，本文可粗略區分為兩部分：首先我們將以Gossiping看板為例，從集體性的角度描繪網路群眾文化的樣貌（第二、三章），接著再進一步說明其民主意涵（第四章）。在第二章當中，我們將藉由回顧八卦板的看板歷程，說明本文所討論的八卦板「網路公眾」，在評論新聞、針砭時事的表面下，其實潛藏著某種不同於理性個人交往的社會關係形態；對於這樣的現象，我們可以暫且稱之為「網路起鬨」。在第三章，我們將透過集體亢奮與狂歡節的概念，進一步擴充網路起鬨現象的抽象意義，並嘗試說明：即便到了今天，人們透過網路媒介進行的互動，仍然表現出「非凡、例外」的強烈集體情緒；這樣的集體性，既不同於公共領域理性論辯的互動方式，亦無法簡單斥之為「非理性」的劣質文化。以此種互動關係樣態為背景，在第四章我們將著重討論帶有狂歡節特質的網路群眾文化，如何透過語言的運用，體現Bakhtin強調多元觀點的「眾聲喧嘩」概念；此種狂歡節語言，能夠跳脫代表語言中心化力量的Habermas公共領域設想，從而落實「公共廣場」概念所描繪的、強調對話而不強加共識的公共生活。最後在第五章結論當中，本文除了對全文進行簡要總結之外，並討論了「社會關係／mob-ility」、「遊戲」以及「日常生活」等等概念，嘗試為網路文化的進一步研究，提供可能的參考方向。 / Taking Taiwan’s largest internet news forum “PTT Gossiping” as research object, this thesis analyses the culture of internet crowds formed through the medium of BBS (Bulletin Board System), and explores its democratic implications. Different from existing researches of “internet public sphere”, this thesis set out its arguments by resorting to concepts of “counterpublics” and “carnival”, and concludes with the notions of “heteroglossia” and “public square”, both proposed by Russian literary critic Mikhail Bakhtin, to demonstrate how a collectively carnivalistic social space of interaction, formed by internet, can provide us with an alternative imagination of public life that is different from Habermasian (elite) public sphere. This thesis consists of two parts: firstly, it analyses the culture of internet crowds from the sociological perspective of collectivity, taking PTT Gossiping as example (Ch. 2 & Ch. 3); secondly, it elaborates the democratic implications of this culture (Ch. 4). In Ch. 2, we review the historical development of PTT Gossiping, in order to demonstrate that the “internet public” constituting this news forum shows a non-personal as well as non-rational mode of social interaction, which we can provisionally describe as “internet mobbing”. In Ch. 3, we elaborate the sociological meaning of internet mobbing, by resorting to concepts such as “collective effervescence” and “carnival”, arguing that the “extraordinary, exceptional” feature of strong collective emotions can still be observed nowadays in internet interactions. This collectivity is neither similar to rational, reasoning mode of interaction proposed by the idea of “public sphere”, nor can it be denounced simply as “irrational” or bad culture. Based on this kind of social interaction, in Ch. 4 we explore how the using of carnivalistic language by internet crowds can embody Bakhtinian heteroglossia. By emphasizing the value of multiple perspectives, the carnivalistic language use of internet crowds breaks away from Habermasian public sphere, and helps to bring about a public life depicted by Bakhtinian “public square”, encouraging dialogue rather than forcing consensus. Finally, in Ch. 5 we sum up the thesis, and discuss ideas such as “social relationship / mob-ility”, “game”, and “everyday life”, which can serve as possible directions for further studies on internet culture.

Many contemporary grassroots environmental campaigns do not begin in urban areas but in small towns, rural enclaves, and racially or economically disadvantaged communities. Citizens with no previous activist experience or association with the established environmental movement organize to fight industry-created degradation in their communities, such as coal-fired power plants in Texas, the focus of this dissertation. The Texas coal plant opposition movement is identified as sites of environmental justice, particularly as discriminatory practices against sparsely populated communities. The movement’s collaborative efforts are defined as a new category of counterpublic, co-counterpublic, due to the discrete organizations’ shared focus and common purpose. The concept that a growing number of environmental activists are atypical is advanced; atypical environmentalists often engage in environmental practices while rejecting traditional environmentalist language and identity to avoid stigmatization as tree-huggers, extremists, or affluent whites. Presented are rhetorical analyses of identity negotiation and modalities of public enactments of citizenship within the Texas coal plant opposition movement and a critique of plant proponent hegemonic discourses. Research focused on five sites of coal plant opposition in Texas, gathered through ethnographic fieldwork and through a compilation of mediated materials. Asen’s discourse theory of citizenship was used to analyze the data for instances of rhetorical negotiation of environmentalist identity in politically conservative and in ethnically marginalized communities, their localized performances as public citizens, and the collaborative processes between established environmental groups and discrete local organizations. Texas anti-coal activists engaged in what Asen called hybrid citizenship; activists were primarily motivated toward enacted citizenship by a sense of betrayal by authorities. Issue and identity framing theories were implemented to critique rhetorical strategies used by plant proponents. In order to silence the opposition, plant supporters marginalized local anti-coal activists using what Cloud called identity frames by foil; proponents borrowed derogatory rhetorics from well-established anti-environmentalist discourse through which they self-identified positively by framing opponents as Other. The means through which proponents deflected their responsibility to the community by promoting technological solutions to pollution and deferring authority to industry executives and government agencies is analyzed within Chong and Druckman’s competing frames and frames in communication theories. / text

The study of the relationship between Hindu nationalism and Hindu activist traditions of seva (selfless service) has been principally organised into three approaches: firstly, the instrumentalist deployment of the practice, secondly, the political appropriation of traditions of seva, and thirdly, that these related associational spaces are internally homogenous and distinct from alternative ‘legitimate’ religious arenas. These frameworks largely reflect approaches to Hindu nationalism which place emphasis on its forms of political statecraft and relationship to spectacular violence. These approaches raise manifold concerns. This thesis retheorizes the relationship between Hindu nationalism and seva with reference to primary and secondary sources, together with field research in the seva projects of the Vanavasi Kalyan Kendra (VKK), a Hindu nationalist association. Through deploying a reworked understanding of Fraser’s (1990) approach to associational space and Butler’s (1993, 2007) theorisation of performative acts and subject formation, this thesis contributes to rethinking Hindu nationalism and seva. I demonstrate firstly that the colonial encounter worked to produce a series of social imaginaries which were drawn upon to transform traditions of seva. Through their articulation in shared religious languages, practices of seva were productive of porously structured Hindu activist spaces in which the tradition was contested with regard to ‘radical’ and ‘orthodox’ orientations to Hinduism’s boundaries. Increasingly, articulations of seva which invoked a sangathanist ‘orthodoxy’ came to gain hegemony in Hindu activist arenas. This influenced the early and irregular Hindu nationalist practices of seva. Fractures in Hindu nationalist articulations developed as a result of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh’s (RSS) sangathanist organisational idioms, allowing the association to inscribe its practices with pro-active meanings. In the post-independence period the alternative arenas of Hindu nationalist seva projects expanded greatly, a point evident in the degrees of dialogue between the Sangh and the sarvodaya movement. The importance of porous associational boundaries is further demonstrated through noting how engagement in visibilized arenas of popular Hindu religiosity worked to both broaden the fields of reference and vernacularize Hindu nationalist practices of seva. With reference to field research, I demonstrate that central to the expansion of the VKK’s arenas of service into spaces associated with Ayurvedic care is the incorporation of both refocused and transgressive practices. In the educational projects of the VKK, I note how seva works to inscribe daily practices of hygiene, the singing of bhajans and daily assemblies with Hindu nationalist meanings, and so works to regulate conduct through the formation of an ‘ethical Hindu self’. However, arenas of seva are also a location where we can witness subjects negotiating power. I demonstrate this through examining how participants in the VKK’s rural development projects rearticulate Othering practices of seva, with actors using the discourse to position themselves as active subjects, break gendered restrictions on public space, and advance an ‘ethically Hindu’ grounded claim on development and critique of power. This work illustrates that far from being of inconsequence to the circulation of Hindu nationalist identities, alternative arenas of seva operate as spaces where discourses are performatively enacted, refocused, transgressed and rearticulated. These acts contribute to the consolidation and disturbance of Hindu nationalist subject formations.

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