Crimes under International Law in the Rome Statute of the ICC and Their Prosecution Abstract This diploma thesis deals with crimes under international law in the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court and their prosecution, with a special focus on the issues of applicability of senior state officials' international immunity when it comes down to the proceedings before this court. The first part of the thesis outlines the meaning of the term crimes under international law and explains the difference between this term and the terms international crimes and transnational crimes. Next, the prosecution of these crimes under international law is set within its historical context with a special focus on the period after the start of World War I. The second part discusses the International Criminal Court's jurisdiction and, mainly, each individual crime under international law and its definition in the Rome Statute. The second part ends with a chapter concerning mental elements of these crimes and particularly the institute of command responsibility. The third part describes the procedural provisions of the Rome Statute and it guides the reader all the way from the initiation of the proceedings to the enforcement of the court's decision. The third section also offers several practical examples regarding...

Trata-se de relatório técnico vinculado à linha Instrumentos da Jurisdição, Acesso à Justiça e Direitos Humanos, do Mestrado Profissional Interdisciplinar em prestação Jurisdicional e Direitos Humanos da Universidade Federal do Tocantins (UFT) e Escola Superior da Magistratura do Tocantins(ESMAT) com o objetivo de demonstrar a necessidade de preservar as escolhas, a vida privada e a intimidade dos usuários e dependentes de drogas no Juizado Especial Criminal na Comarca de Dianópolis Estado do Tocantins. A pesquisa realizada se refere ao período relativo aos anos de 2012 até 2016. O percurso metodológico, almejando aprimorar a prática da prestação jurisdicional na Comarca de Dianópolis, foi orientado pela pesquisa quantitativa, visto que os respondentes tem receio de bisbilhotice nas cidades de pequeno porte. A submissão do usuário de drogas ao sistema de justiça é estigmatizante, onerosa para o Estado, além de não atender as expectativas da maioria dos especialistas que pretende que o problema seja da competência do sistema de saúde. Qual é a alternativa para os usuários de drogas problemáticos ou não que se recusam a frequentar atendimentos da rede pública como o CAPS nas cidades pequenas para que não cumulem o estereótipo de criminosos e doentes, atenuando o estigma que recai sobre eles. Aplicar aos usuários e dependentes de drogas medidas estruturantes compatíveis com a legalidade. Uma alternativa legal é aplicação apenas da advertência para os usuários de maconha, considerando a tendência descriminalizante que emerge do julgamento suspenso do Supremo Tribunal Federal (RE 635659), em que os três votos colhidos, com algumas ressalvas, adotam esta tese. Tratar o dependente como criminoso fere o super princípio da dignidade da pessoa humana. O proibicionismo tem agravado a situação das classes sociais dominadas, valendo de argumentos de ordem médica e do pânico moral, para criminalizar condutas, atendendo a propósitos de controle social. Os operadores do direito apresentam um olhar conservador ao aplicar a lei com açodado rigor, não raro atribuindo o crime de tráfico de drogas a usuários hipossuficientes. Conclui-se ainda a proposta de sugestões para o Tribunal de Justiça do Estado do Tocantins quanto a padronização dos Termos Circunstanciados de Ocorrência, contar com auxílio de equipes multidisciplinares para as comunicações com os jurisdicionados acerca dos procedimentos penais e os procedimentos de encaminhamentos para serviços de saúde, uniformização de procedimentos diversos que auxiliam, regulamentam e oportunizam a melhoria efetiva da atenção jurisdicional a estes usuários, bem como finaliza com a proposta da criação de Varas com competência especifica para atuação na área de drogas a semelhança do que ocorre com as varas relativas ao Crime de Violência Doméstica. / This is a technical report linked to the line instruments of jurisdiction, access to justice and human rights, of the interdisciplinary professional Master's in the judicial and human rights of the Federal University of Tocantins (UFT) and school Superior of the judiciary of Tocantins (Asmat) with the objective of demonstrating the need to preserve the choices, the private life and the intimacy of users and drug addicts in the Special Criminal Court in the Dianópolis District of Tocantins State. The research carried out during the period from 2012 to 2016. The methodological course, aiming to improve the practice of judictional provision in Dianópolis District, was guided by quantitative research, since respondents are afraid of gossiping small cities. The drug user‟s submission of the justice system is stigmatizing, to the State, and does not meet the expectations of most experts who want the problem to be the responsibility of the health system. What is the alternative for problematic or non-problematic drug users who refuse to attend CAPS in small towns so that they do not fulfill the stereotype of criminals and patients, alleviating the stigma attached to them. Apply to drug users and dependents structuring measures compatible with legality. A legal alternative is to apply only the warning to marijuana users, considering the decriminalizing tendency that emerges from the suspended judgment of the Federal Supreme Court (RE 635659), in which the three votes collected, with some caveats, adopt this thesis. Treating the dependent as a criminal violates the super principle of the dignity of the human person. Prohibitionism has aggravated the situation of the dominated social classes, using medical arguments and moral panic to criminalize conduct, for purposes of social control. Law-makers are conservative in applying the law with harsh rigor, often assigning the crime of drug trafficking to low-cost users. It is also concluded the proposal for suggestions to the Court of Justice of the State of Tocantins as to the standardization of the detailed terms of occurrence, with the assistance of multidisciplinary teams for communications with the jurisdiction on the Criminal procedures and procedures for referrals to health services, uniformization of various procedures that assist, regulate and oportunizam the effective improvement of judicial attention to these users, and concludes with the proposal of the creation of rods with specific competence to act in the area of drugs the similarity of what happens with the rods related to the Crime of domestic violence.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:24:05Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 mauricioaraujo.pdf: 436422 bytes, checksum: 6d1f2ed853ea14c4d94222c5a74fe3ed (MD5) Previous issue date: 2005-04-20 / The objective of this paper is to assess the constitutional bases that allowed Brazil to subscribe to the International Criminal Court and the resulting obligation to respect its jurisdiction and to provide judicial cooperation. Therefore this paper discusses the concept of State sovereignty, within the context of national and international law and its historical evolution, from the beginning of international law and the sovereign States up until the institutionalization of an international legal order with the enforcement of an international jus cogens, based on the pacific resolution of conflicts and on the universalization of human rights. The creation of the International Criminal Court is discussed from the principles of complementarity and non-intervention. This study analyses the compatibility between the International Criminal Court and the current concept of sovereignty, the system of the United States Organization, the treaties on human rights and the constitutional principles of criminal proceedings present in the Brazilian Constitution of 1988. In order to evaluate the compatibility among these systems, it was necessary to establish a comparison between the principles of criminal proceedings in the Federal Constitution of 1988, especially the due process of law and the principle of a fair trial, present in international treaties on human rights and in the international military courts of Nuremberg and Tokyo, in the ad hoc courts of the United Nations for the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda and in the International Criminal Court from the Statute of Rome. Finally, this paper analyses the principles of criminal proceedings in the International Criminal Court, as in the wording of the Statute of Rome, comparing them with the principles of a fair trial as determined by international treaties on human rights, which are a true international jus cogens. / Este trabalho tem como objetivo verificar os fundamentos constitucionais que permitiram ao Brasil aderir ao Tribunal Penal Internacional, a conseqüente obrigação de respeitar a sua jurisdição e de oferecer cooperação judicial. Para tanto, foi abordado o conceito de soberania do Estado em face do direito interno e internacional, sua evolução histórica, desde a origem do direito internacional e dos Estados soberanos até a institucionalização de uma ordem jurídica internacional, com a imposição de uma norma cogente internacional, ou jus cogens internacional, baseada na solução pacífica dos conflitos e na universalização dos Direitos Humanos. A criação do Tribunal Penal Internacional é abordada tendo em vista o princípio da complementaridade e da não intervenção. É realizada uma análise da compatibilidade do Tribunal Penal Internacional com o atual conceito de soberania, com o sistema da Organização das Nações Unidas, com os tratados de Direitos Humanos e com os princípios constitucionais do processo penal na Constituição brasileira. Para a verificação da compatibilidade entre os sistemas, foi necessário realizar uma comparação entre os princípios do processo penal da Constituição Federal de 1988, mormente o do devido processo legal, com o princípio do julgamento justo (fair trial), constante dos tratados internacionais de Direitos Humanos e nos tribunais militares de Nuremberg e de Tóquio, nos tribunais ad hoc da Organização das Nações Unidas para ex-Yugoslávia e Ruanda e no Tribunal Penal Internacional do Estatuto de Roma. Por fim, foram analisados os princípios do processo penal do Tribunal Penal Internacional, contemplados na redação do Estatuto de Roma, comparando-os com os princípios do processo justo previsto nos tratados internacionais de Direitos Humanos, que se constitui em verdadeiro jus cogens internacional.

The thesis examines the extent to which the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (Rome Statute) has been implemented by Uganda and South Africa. State parties to the Rome Statute are expected to perform their obligations under the Statute in good faith. This entails conducting investigations and prosecutions for ICC crimes by virtue of the principle of complementarity, as well as fully cooperating with the ICC in its investigations and prosecutions where the state is unwilling or unable to do so. However, the Rome Statute does not provide clear guidance on what measures need to be undertaken by states to implement its provisions. This leaves states with the discretion to determine how best to give effect to the provisions of the Rome Statute. Drawing from the practices of various states, the thesis gives an overview of the ways through which the Rome Statute has been implemented and makes a detailed analysis of the case studies of Uganda and South Africa. The focus is on the national implementing legislation, institutions that enforce the legislation and resultant court decisions. The emerging challenges faced by institutions in implementing the Rome Statute are discussed and using examples of other states, solutions are suggested to eliminate these problems. The thesis argues that effective implementation of the Rome Statute at the national level requires not only enacting legislation to domesticate the Rome Statute but also actual enforcement of the legislation to ensure adherence with the law.

La jurisprudence de la Cour a été commentée et comparée à celle des tribunaux ad'hoc par de nombreux chercheurs. Cependant, ses interactions avec le système international (Etats, organisation internationales) furent quelque peu délaissées. Or, en tant que partie intégrante de ce système, elle ne peut être analysée comme un élément isolé. La stratégie du Procureur est incompréhensible si elle n'est pas rapprochée des attentes et préoccupations de la société internationale. Elle véhicule des valeurs et idéologies en provenance d'une certaine partie du monde au détriment des autres. il est vrai qu'elles sont largement acceptées par la communauté des nations, mais ce fait peut valider certaines réticences face au statut de Rome.Pour l'Union Africaine, la Cour est partiale, faite sur mesure pour les Etats africains plus faibles et la considère comme une nouvelle forme de néocolonialisme. Les ONG internationales, telle Human Right Watch, considèrent nombre de ses membres comme responsables de violations des droits de droits de l'Homme. Faut-il pour autant rejeter leurs préoccupations ?Quand les experts analysent le conseil de sécurité, ils oublient l'illégitimité des membres permanents en matière de respect des droits de l'Homme. L'intervention américaine en Irak fut en son temps dénoncée comme un crime d'agression, et leur incapacité à manipuler en leur faveur le Conseil de Sécurité les a encouragé à envisager une autre invasion en Syrie. Le manque de réaction internationale devant l'illégalité d'une telle opération est signe d'un traitement inégalitaire des Etats. Le rôle des médias ne doit pas être oublié.Pendant l'élaboration du statut de Rome, ses rédacteurs ont voulu préserver la souveraineté des Etats. Ils ont en fait donné aux Etats puissants l'assurance qu'ils échapperont aux poursuites devant la Cour.Ce travail analysera les accusations de partialité et d'efficacité de la Cour et proposera des mesures afin de la rendre plus juste et équitable. / The ICC jurisprudence has been abundantly commented and compared to the others ad'hoc tribunals' works. However, its interaction with the international system (states, international organizations) was not as closely examinated. As an integral part of this system, the court can not be considered as a lone element. It is impossible to understand the prosecutor strategy if the wants and preoccupations of the international society are ignored. As such, the jurisdiction promotes values and ideologies coming from some states or some continents. They are largely accepted by the community of nations but this can validate some states' resistencies to the Rome Statute.The African Union claims that the ICC is partial, made solely for the weaker African nations, and is just another form of neocolonialism. It is true that international NGOs such as Human Right Watch consider most of its leaders as perpetatrors of Human Rights violation. Does it mean however that their concern must be dismissed? When experts analyse the Court or the Security council involvements they failed to point for example the illegitimacy of the five permanent members when it comes to Human Rights. The U.S intervention in Irak is seen by many as a crime of aggression and their inability to move the Security Council in their favour prompted their reaction to invade Syria. The lack of concern of the international community for this new development's illegality is another sign of the inequality of treatment between nations. Mass medias' role will not be forgotten in this research.The Court reacts to this unfair environment and its cases are chosen accordingly. When the Rome Statute was elaborated, the redactors tried to preserve state sovereignty. But in fact they insured that the most powerful states will escape the jurisdiction of the Court.In this paper, we will examine the claims of partiality and dependence of the Court and propose some changes to make it a more equitable and fair jurisdiction.

[pt] O trabalho consiste na análise do processo de internacionalização dos Direitos Humanos com base no Direito Internacional Penal. Partindo de abordagens interdisciplinares na criação do Tribunal Penal Internacional, é feita uma leitura jurídico-penal do Estatuto de Roma a partir da aproximação dos conceitos oriundos do Common Law e do Civil Law em busca de um maior aprimoramento na construção de uma Parte Geral do Direito Internacional Penal. Assim, pretende-se contribuir para uma maior preocupação no tocante à responsabilização penal no plano internacional, sempre com o foco voltado para o incremento da proteção internacional dos Direitos Humanos. / [en] The work analyses the process of internationalization of the Human Rights based upon International criminal law. Beginning with an interdisciplinary approach on the creation of the International Criminal Court, the Roman Statute is analyzed through a criminal law reading, that acknowledges an approach between Common Law and Civil Law traditional concepts. Therefore, the work seeks to contribute to an improvement on criminal law enforcement on the international level, always focusing on assuring the international protection of the Human Rights.

<p>The aim of this thesis is to understand the reasons behind the decision of the United States to stand in opposition to the International Criminal Court. This policy seems to contradict the United States'leading role in international justice and commitment to universal human rights. The opposition to the ICC presents an apparent contradiction between principles and interests, and provokes the question of what role power, identity and principles play in the formation of national interest. </p><p>The author reviews the concept of national interest in International Relations theory. It is found that only a constructivist identity approach takes account of both power and identity in the formation of national interest. The constructivist identity approach presents the concept of national interest as endogenous to social interaction and linked to identity. National interest is thus not seen as an objective analytical concept from which one can derive and explain rational behavior by rational actors, but as the very phenomenon that we are trying to understand. This theoretical framework is firmly located in an understanding tradition. </p><p>In the search for an understanding of why the United States’ decision-makers considered opposition to the ICC to be in the national interest of the United States, role theory serves as a method. The empirical part of this thesis consists of analysis of speeches and statements, and of role conceptions found therein. </p><p>The results of this approach show that the apparent contradiction between principles and interests does not exist. The reason why the behavior examined appears to be contradictory is that the spectator lets his or her own expectations of behavior appropriate for a certain belief or a certain role conception stand as a guide. The only way we can understand the reasons behind a given behavior is by looking at the actors’ view of the problem and what beliefs and role conceptions come into play for the actors when they face a foreign policy issue. </p><p>The analysis makes it clear that the United States views its behavior as contradictory neither to its principles, nor to its perceived roles. Instead, it is the roles of the United States, the sources of which include both principles and capabilities, that are the reasons behind the policy.</p>

The aim of this thesis is to understand the reasons behind the decision of the United States to stand in opposition to the International Criminal Court. This policy seems to contradict the United States'leading role in international justice and commitment to universal human rights. The opposition to the ICC presents an apparent contradiction between principles and interests, and provokes the question of what role power, identity and principles play in the formation of national interest. The author reviews the concept of national interest in International Relations theory. It is found that only a constructivist identity approach takes account of both power and identity in the formation of national interest. The constructivist identity approach presents the concept of national interest as endogenous to social interaction and linked to identity. National interest is thus not seen as an objective analytical concept from which one can derive and explain rational behavior by rational actors, but as the very phenomenon that we are trying to understand. This theoretical framework is firmly located in an understanding tradition. In the search for an understanding of why the United States’ decision-makers considered opposition to the ICC to be in the national interest of the United States, role theory serves as a method. The empirical part of this thesis consists of analysis of speeches and statements, and of role conceptions found therein. The results of this approach show that the apparent contradiction between principles and interests does not exist. The reason why the behavior examined appears to be contradictory is that the spectator lets his or her own expectations of behavior appropriate for a certain belief or a certain role conception stand as a guide. The only way we can understand the reasons behind a given behavior is by looking at the actors’ view of the problem and what beliefs and role conceptions come into play for the actors when they face a foreign policy issue. The analysis makes it clear that the United States views its behavior as contradictory neither to its principles, nor to its perceived roles. Instead, it is the roles of the United States, the sources of which include both principles and capabilities, that are the reasons behind the policy.

<p>Sexual violence leaves the victims psychologically traumatised and stigmatised in the eyes of its community. Used on a large scale, sexual violence can destabilise a society as a whole and when used during armed conflicts, it serves as a powerful weapon against members of a community. During armed conflicts, sexual violence is widespread and systematically used as a tool of war and this makes sexual violence amount to crimes against humanity, genocide and war crimes. This research paper critically analyses and evaluates sexual violence as an international crime, as well as its prosecution under international criminal law mainly by the International Criminal Court (hereafter ICC), International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (hereafter ICTY) and International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (hereafter ICTR). It discusses the problem of selectivity that can be observed in prosecuting sexual violence that has in fact, left many victims of sexual violence dissatisfied. By doing so, it analyses the law as it is to determine whether the law applied during sexual violence prosecutions is sufficient. The paper also states recommendations that can contribute to the effective prosecution of sexual crimes under international criminal law.</p>

<p>On 17 July 1998, a total of 120 States, including Malawi, voted for the adoption of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court. The ermanent ICC became operational on 1 July 2002. The ICC has jurisdiction over the crime of genocide, crimes against humanity, and war crimes. These crimes are the most serious crimes of international concern. The&nbsp / ICC operates under the principle of complementarity, which entails that the ICC will only assume jurisdiction over these core crimes in the event that a State Party is unwilling and unable genuinely to carry out the investigation and prosecution. States Parties have, therefore, the primary responsibility to investigate and prosecute these crimes. The States&nbsp / Parties must therefore establish jurisdiction to conduct investigations and prosecution of these core crimes. It is from that background, coupled with the historical evolution and development of international criminal law, with regard to individual criminal responsibility, that this paper argues for the implementation of the Rome Statute in Malawi, through&nbsp / domestic legislation.The paper thus argues that only through domestic legislation can the purports of the Rome Statute be achieved and fulfilled by Malawi.</p>