Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited / Since 1988, democracy in Taiwan has evolved and developed a great deal. Experts argue whether this growth constitutes "democratic consolidation" but there is no contention of the idea that the ROC is more democratic now versus pre-1988. In addition, public opinion polls show that the populace view themselves very differently in 2004 than they did in 1988 in terms of their national identity and their preferences for mainland relations. Finally, the democratic period in Taiwan witnessed greater hostility between the PRC and ROC than in the preceding thirty years combined. This heightened level of belligerence has subsided in recent years, but still remains a Sword of Damocles hanging over each step of Taiwan's democratic process. With these facts in mind, it is clear that the addition of ROC democratization has destabilized relations between the China and Taiwan. One should note that Taiwan's political liberalization has not damned cross-strait relations to a cataclysmic fate. As noted many times in this essay there are prospects for hope and increased cooperation. However, with the advent of democracy for the first time in an ethnically Chinese society, relations moved from a fairly stable equilibrium to a somewhat chaotic new reality resplendent with uncertainty and ripe for catastrophic miscalculation. / Captain, United States Air Force

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China-Taiwan relations have been for decades a hot issue in East Asia as well as worldwide. The thesis researches on the China’s foreign policy toward Latin America and the Caribbean region in terms of competition with Taiwan for diplomatic recognition from the perspective of zero-sum and non zero-sum game. This study’s objective is to examine the impact of recently improved cross-Strait relations on the intensity of diplomatic competition for recognition in Latin America and the Caribbean between both sides of the Strait. Two following questions are going to be answered: Is a complete victory in diplomatic competition in Latin America and the Caribbean region a short-term goal for the PRC? How can China’s refusal of its diplomatic recognition by Paraguay be interpreted? First, literature review and theoretical framework is provided. Second, China’s and Taiwan’s policy towards Latin America and the Caribbean is researched. Third, cross- Strait rapproachement is depicted. Fourth, relations between the PRC and Taiwan after year 2005 are presented. Fifth, three case studies of Costa Rica, Panama, Paraguay are discussed. In the study I am going to look for evidence to prove that the rapprochement and the new cross-Strait diplomacy are good signs of non-zero sum game between Taiwan and China with a significant impact on diplomatic competition in Latin America and the Caribbean region. To fulfil the aim of this master thesis I am using secondary data. The scope of the paper in terms of the time period is from the establishment of the PRC but the bigger part of the paper is focused on the recent events.

Sovereignty over Taiwan remains one of the most contentious issues of the modern era, and disagreements on both sides of the Taiwan Strait persist to this day. The United States continues to have an active interest in the situation, often playing the role of arbiter between the governments of Beijing and Taipei. With Taiwan’s transition to a multi-party democracy in the late 80s and early 90s, there has been a growing body of research into public opinion on the island. Existing literature has found both party identification and independence/unification support to impact on public attitudes regarding cross-strait security issues. However, the impact of generation is comparatively under examined. The current study builds on recent research into Taiwan’s generational politics. A questionnaire was distributed to members of the public in Taiwan to determine how attitudes vary by generation on the security commitment between the United States and Taiwan. An analysis of survey responses failed to establish a correlation between generation and attitudes towards U.S. support. Nevertheless, generational politics adds nuance to our understanding of public opinion in Taiwan concerning cross-strait relations. / 摘要： 台灣的主權依然是現代最具爭議性的問題之一。至今，兩岸的意見分歧依舊 存在。美國對這樣情況仍然積極地介，而且美國經常扮演在北京政府和台北 之間的仲裁者角色。隨著台灣在八零年代末至九零年代初逐漸轉向自由民主， 對這座島上的輿論研究也越來越多。先前的研究發現，人民支持哪一個黨派， 支持獨立還是統一，影響著大眾對兩岸的輿論。然而，不同世代對於輿論影 響的研究卻比較少。本文所探討的主題是建立在對台灣的 世代政治 （generational politics）的研究上。向台灣民眾進行問卷調查，以了解不同的 世代對於台美安全關係法及其實施是否有不同的見解。從問卷調查分析結果 來看，並未能發現世代的不同與美國 對台灣安保做法的理解之間有顯著相關 性。不過，世代政治有助於了解台灣人民對於在美國介入下兩岸關係的看法。

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兩岸關係對台灣政治、經濟之影響甚鉅！台灣地區國中生對於兩岸關係之看法主要是受到大眾媒體之影響，其次則為家庭之影響，歷史課程對於國中生兩岸關係之看法的影響僅次於傳媒及家庭。根據統計分析，對歷史課程興趣越高、成績越好的學生對中國大陸之看法越正面，同時也較支持兩岸更積極之交流。此外，公民課程及同儕對國中生兩岸關係之看法也有影響，但不如傳媒、家庭及歷史課程重要。 / Development of cross-strait relations has considerably affected Taiwan’s politics as well as economy for decades. Therefore, it plays a very significant role of people’s perspectives on political and economic issues in Taiwan. During the process of political socialization, junior high students in Taiwan mainly cultivate their views on cross-strait relations under the influences of family, mass media, peers and school education. Findings of the survey conducted for this thesis reveal that the mass media is the main source of influences on students’ views about cross-strait relations. Parents’ educational level, party identification, ethnicity and socio-economic status also affect students’ views on the same issue remarkably. Regarding influences of course of History, it ranks the third most important factor affecting students’ attitudes towards cross-strait relations. Students with higher interest in history and better grades of history tend to have more positive impressions on China (except for its democratic development) and take a more open stance toward Taiwan’s cross-strait policies. Besides, they are more enthusiastic about interaction across the Taiwan Strait. As for peers and course of Civics, they are able to affect students’ views on cross-strait relations as well, yet, not as influential as mass media, family and course of History. In addition to these factors, whether students have visited China or have family in China also influences their attitudes towards Chinese government and people. In general, mainland experience increases students’ good impressions on China along with will to have interaction with Chinese people.

This study focuses on the official political line of Taiwan’s President Tsai Ing-wen. By conducting a qualitative text analysis in the form of a structured, focused comparative study on President Tsai’s National Day addresses over the period of 2018-2022. The chosen research questions of the study are; how are President Tsai Ing-wen’s official statements on the diplomatic relation to China presented in the National Day Addresses over the period 2018-2022 and to what extent do they differ? And how is Taiwan's National Unity presented by President Tsai Ing-wen in the National Day Addresses over the period 2018-2022 and to what extent do they differ? The study deemed the themes China, ‘Us’ and ‘ Them’ and National Unity to be of importance. Furthermore, the conclusion showed that President Tsai's National Day addresses seem to have adapted to the increase of severity in threats that Taiwan faces over time. As the threats from China have grown more severe, but also as the world faced a pandemic, economic difficulties and other major conflicts world wide. Finally, President Tsai referenced Taiwan's international allies increasingly over the years. Emphasizing the importance of like minded democratic allies to strengthen Taiwan’s National Unity and security.

本文係針對大陸台商的「當地化」現象進行探討。隨著兩岸經貿的開展，台商的當地化經營已成為一個不可避免的趨勢，而本文所欲探討之「當地化」，係從經濟的角度出發，亦即在經濟全球化之後，跨國公司（台商）的海外投資為求利益極大化，勢必將調整原本的經濟策略，以合乎當地市場的需求；而此一調整則可能包含其市場、原物料及進用人才等各個面相，筆者並運用價格要素均等及比較優勢建立本文之假說。 在此一前提下，本文利用深度訪談及半結構式問卷，針對大上海地區（上海、吳江、昆山）的台商企業之當地化經營現象進行研究，共計獲得三十份訪談紀錄及八十五份問卷，對於此一現象進行深入且廣泛的經驗分析。研究結果發現，台商企業不但認同當地化經營對於企業永續生存之重要，已在經營或用人方面進行大幅度的當地化，並強調此一趨勢將繼續進行。本文之研究結果驗證了先前之假說，但此一發現亦有例外之處，即對於攸關「信任」的職務，台商普遍不願輕言進行當地化。 / This thesis studies the progresses of localization in the Taiwanese businesses in Great Shanghai. It aims to make sense this process in a larger context of economic integration across the Strait and market competition around the world. Based on the findings, it is the economic forces, might be understood as factor price equalization or regional comparative advantages, that play the key role in bringing about the localization of these Taiwanese enterprises. Under the pressures to compete on global market and also to reap regional advantages, these Taiwanese enterprises are forces to give up their earlier import-processing-export pattern to produce from Chinese raw materials, for the Chinese market, and under the management of Chinese cadres. The empirical study of the thesis is based on two field trips in greater Shanghai, i.e., the Shanghai city, plus two other county –level cities, Wujiang and Kunshan. During the two-month field research, the author combines in-depth interviewing and semi-structured questionnaire on more than 100 Taiwanese entrepreneurs, with the result of 30 full-length transcripts and 85 questionnaires. The empirical data suggest that most Taiwanese entrepreneurs not just recognize the necessity of localization but also enjoy the profits brought by the advancements of localization. There is but one exception: localization can hardly go beyond the limit of personal trust. Thus, when deep trust is involved—say, managing financial matters—the principle of localization will be compromised.

自1949年國民黨政府播遷來臺，兩岸分治從軍事對立與衝突時期（1949-1978）至相互對峙互不往來（1979-1987），直到1987年我宣布解除戒嚴令，基於人道及親情考量，開放民眾赴大陸探親，方開啟我方與大陸之交流。並於2002年1月1日起，開放大陸地區人民來臺觀光，2008年新政府規劃將從7月4日開始，陸續擴大開放大陸人民來臺觀光，預估每年將有110萬人次。就國家安全觀點，尤其有無情報人員藉此來臺滲透、蒐情？實值深入研究與探討。 由於中共至今並未放棄以武力犯臺的意圖，其中來臺觀光對象中之特殊人員，在入出境審核作業上，亦以國家安全為主要考量，為謹慎評估威脅國家及其利益的範圍，在確定威脅之後，下一步驟是發展應變，並保護國家利益的政策設計。致本文在研究方法上，採用文獻分析法、歷史研究法及個案研究法來分析相關資料，並就已查獲之共諜案例研究分析。 本文希望藉由研究結論建議政府相關單位，在規劃擴大開放大陸來臺觀光，更應防範大陸人士假藉觀光名義來臺從事「交通」或滲透之實，並提出更有效國家安全管理機制。 / Since the Kuomintang government withdrew to Taiwan in 1949, Taiwan and Mainland China are divided ruled from the period of military conflict (1949-1978) to the period of non-mutual contact(1979-1987). Until 1987, our government based on the considerations of humanitarian and family ties and announced lifting the Martial Law, then opened residents to the mainland to visit their relatives. And since January 1, 2002, our government opened more mainland people to Taiwan for sightseeing, in 2008, the Kuomintang government won the Presidential Election and plan to continuously open wider to the mainland people to Taiwan for sightseeing by the estimation of annual 1.1 million. From the view point of national security, particularly the Intelligence personnel may infiltrate to Taiwan to make intelligence collection. So,it is worth profound study and discussion. As the Mainland China has not given up the intention to armed invasion of Taiwan, The Intelligence personnel pretended tourists are the main targets in the entry and exit audit operations. For cautious assessment of the scope of threats to national interests and for the protection of national interests to develop contingency plans and the policy Planning, this study take the use of Literature analysis , historical research and case studies ,especially focus on a total of the seized spy case study analysis. We hope that the conclusion of the study would be taken into account by the relevant government units in the planning of further opening up the mainland to Taiwan for sightseeing. in the meanwhile, the relevant units should guard against the guise of mainland tourists to Taiwan in the name of "traffic" but clandestine communication or infiltration in reality, and make more effective national security management mechanism.