In 2008,the KMT became the ruling party of R.O.C. again, and many new cross-strait policies had been addressed . The cross-strait direct transportation was established since December 15th, 2008. Of all visitors to Taiwan, there are 35 thousand tourists from mainland in December, 2008. The numbers of tourists from mainland in 2008 is three times more than those in 2007 . Although financial crisis is world-wide, the direct transportation is benefit to tourism industry of Taiwan. Around the world, the mainland tourists have the No. 1 expenditure in Hong Kong. After Hong Kong signed the CEPA with P.R.C. , tourists to Hong Kong increases from 150 million in 2003 to 252 million in 2006. The growth rate is 63% . Developing tourism can improve Taiwan economy and the direct transportation is good to most industries. This study discusses the history of direct cross-strait transportation and new policies of airline limitation and the number of persons in a tourist group. We also review articles to explain the market of tourism in Kaohsiung, Taiwan, Asia and the world. The study send 250 questionnaires to people living in Beijing , Nanking , Shanghai , Guangzhou , and Xaimen . The main purpose of this questionnaire is to understand mainland tourist¡¦s favors about resorts ,foods ,landscapes , consumptions in Taiwan. The interview with experts is based on the result of questionnaires. According to results, we also make a SWOT analysis of Kaohsiung tourism. The conclusion is that the key points of developing tourism in Kaohsiung city are those operators in tourism-related industries . The development of tourism in Kaohsiung city is feasible.

With the 2016 election of Tsai Ing-wen and the Democratic People’s Party, the number of Mainland Chinese visitors in Taiwan has fallen precipitously. There is much debate as to whether or not this will prove to be a catastrophe for Taiwan’s tourism sector or whether it will even be felt. The purpose of this thesis is to ascertain the impact of the reduction in Mainland Chinese tourist numbers on the economy, and what it may mean for China-Taiwan economic and political relations. Due to the large amount Mainland Chinese tourists spend relative to other visitors, their length of stay, and their propensity for traveling to locations rarely visited by other types of tourists, the decrease in Mainland Chinese visitor numbers will have negative consequences for some parts of the Taiwanese economy. Furthermore, Chinese tourism trends in Taiwan correlate with larger Cross-Strait economic concerns, implying that what happens with tourism may be mirrored in trade. Should this prove to be the case, a cooling of China-Taiwan economic relations may be an indicator of difficult times for the China-Taiwan relationship as a whole. However, there is certainly opportunity for Taiwan’s tourism sector, and there is evidence that by refocusing on a more diverse array of visitors, Taiwan is capable managing without such heavy, and coercive, Chinese influence.

Since the early 1990s, more and more people in Taiwan have come to view Taiwan itself as a country independent of China. They consider themselves Taiwanese rather than Chinese. Drawing on a social constructionist perspective to nationalism and Laclau and Mouffe's theory of discourse, this dissertation attempts to analyze the discursive mechanisms that have constructed this new collective imagination by many people in Taiwan that now regard themselves as members of an independent Taiwanese nation. The research questions of this dissertation are: how has the post-1949 national identity of Taiwan been discursively transformed since the early 1990s? What are the discursive and institutional mechanisms that have reproduced the Taiwanese national identity? What challenges is the Taiwanese national identity facing? To answer these questions, this dissertation outlines three nationalist discourses and five representations that have been derived from them regarding Taiwan's status, its relationship with mainland China, and the national identity of people in Taiwan. It examines the changes in Taiwan's discursive regime and symbolic economy since the early 1990s, showing how the rise of Taiwanese national identity has been closely related to political leaders' identification with Taiwanese nationalism. I argue that the rise of Taiwanese national identity in Taiwan has been an effect of a discursive contestation among the three major nationalist discourses and the polarization of the discursive field. This dissertation also explores the provincial origin issue---which has been closely related to ethnic tension in Taiwan---and the relations between the nationalist discourses and democratization. In addition, to explore the possibility for a deconstruction of the Taiwanese national identity, I examine the challenges that the Taiwanese national identity faces, focusing on democracy, the Democratic Progressive Party's performance as the ruling party, and the cross-Strait economic integration and political interactions. / Ph. D.

The aim of this master thesis is to assess present situation and current aspects of cross-strait relations in the area of mutual negotiation, achieved progress as well as possible future development. First, a brief summary of existing historic development of mutual relations of China and Taiwan is presented with the emphasis laid on historic moments influencing attitude and relations of both states. The main factors that have a significant influence on views and behaviour of both China and Taiwan and on their relationship as well are identified in the next chapter. The last chapter deals with the future of cross-strait relations; the main possible alternatives of prospective development of mutual relations of both sides of the Taiwan Strait with reference to the above mentioned factors are presented. The conclusion summarizes the main problems of current cross-strait relations and it also evaluates which variant of the future development of mutual relations of China and Taiwan is the most probable one.

Taiwan successfully accomplished the second transfer of power in May 2008. During the presidential campaign period, one could easily discover that issues with respect to cross-strait relations always occupied the center of the attention both at home and abroad. The biggest difference on the issues of cross-strait policy between the two competing parties was regarded as conservativeness and openness. Among major proposals presented by the Kuomintang (KMT) during the campaign in 2008, the key incentive and quickest way to improve and rejuvenate Taiwan’s sluggish economy was to introduce cross-strait direct charter flights and encourage Mainland tourists to visit Taiwan. As of July 2013, there are 616 direct passenger flights flying to and from Mainland China on a weekly basis and over seven million Mainland tourists have visited Taiwan. This thesis utilized Secondary Data Analysis to investigate the negotiation process and developments of the cross-strait direct air transportation. This thesis does not aim at evaluating the comprehensive impacts of the full implementation of cross-strait direct air transportation; instead, it emphasizes the political view, policy-making considerations, and the negotiation process made by Taiwan’s ruling parties at different eras and interactions with their Mainland counterparts in an effort to offer productive recommendations for the competent authorities across the Taiwan Strait. / Taiwan successfully accomplished the second transfer of power in May 2008. During the presidential campaign period, one could easily discover that issues with respect to cross-strait relations always occupied the center of the attention both at home and abroad. The biggest difference on the issues of cross-strait policy between the two competing parties was regarded as conservativeness and openness. Among major proposals presented by the Kuomintang (KMT) during the campaign in 2008, the key incentive and quickest way to improve and rejuvenate Taiwan’s sluggish economy was to introduce cross-strait direct charter flights and encourage Mainland tourists to visit Taiwan. As of July 2013, there are 616 direct passenger flights flying to and from Mainland China on a weekly basis and over seven million Mainland tourists have visited Taiwan. This thesis utilized Secondary Data Analysis to investigate the negotiation process and developments of the cross-strait direct air transportation. This thesis does not aim at evaluating the comprehensive impacts of the full implementation of cross-strait direct air transportation; instead, it emphasizes the political view, policy-making considerations, and the negotiation process made by Taiwan’s ruling parties at different eras and interactions with their Mainland counterparts in an effort to offer productive recommendations for the competent authorities across the Taiwan Strait.

本文研究目的在於以Brantly Womack的不對稱關係理論，來研究兩岸關係，並測試其理論的有效性。有關不對稱關係理論，原本以經濟及軍事面向為分析焦點。本論文則將民主及主權等相關理論列入分析範疇，並使得不對稱理論的研究範圍擴大。此外，有關第三方的角色，尤其是美國的角色，也納入了論文的討論與分析。因此，不對稱關係的研究，也將從雙邊關係，拓展到三邊關係。本論文將對不對稱的三角關係，作出了理論及政策上的貢獻。 / The basic aim of this current thesis is to place the connection between China and Taiwan into Brantly Womack’s concept of asymmetric connections. The main question of the study is if the relations across the Taiwan Strait are an asymmetric one and if so, does this connection fit into the framework of the mentioned theory. The presence of non-symmetry or the lack of it is to be proven uniquely through the sectors of economy and military, by comparing the two actors in these spheres. With the step of taking these two sectors as the basis of the examination and including a democratically governed territory in the study, not just the limitations of the original concept will be broadened, but a gap will be filled that has existed in the field. Additionally, a third party, the United States is introduced into the connection between Beijing and Taipei. The nature of the study of the relations will change from bilateral to triangular. As a result, the concept of asymmetric triangle will take the place of the asymmetric connections theory for the duration of one chapter.

No description available.

None / In the post-Cold War era, China, Japan and Taiwan entered the new phase of their relationship and were forced to reconsider their security and political dialogues. Despite of the US presence in East Asia, they are becoming more active players in the region, thus, shaping a regional “pseudo-strategic” triangle. The main focus in the research is security issues and concerns among the China, Japan and Taiwan in that period without active interference of the US. In 2002, China and Japan celebrated thirty years of relations` normalization. However, some scholars are not optimistic about future intentions of both countries. Contemporary Chinese and Japanese diplomats try to rely on the friendship diplomacy; however, their efforts in an official level still are described as “a mirage of good relations.” Therefore, in the future, China and Japan will keep “equal-but-distant” relationship. On the contrary, even though Japan and Taiwan do not have official relations, however, they both are getting closer by intensifying “unofficial” channels of communication. Overall, one can see that China, Japan, and Taiwan are interested in peace and stability in the region; yet, it remains unclear, whether all of them mean the same thing by security and stability; therefore, this is an important question for future research and security studies of East Asian region.

none / The thesis researches on the nature of the Taiwan’s mainland policy, particularly under the administration of President Ma Ying-jeou. The most important concern of the thesis is the problem of Taiwan’s response towards rising China. First, the balancing-bandwagoning concept of Stephen Walt is researched. Critique of the concept and alternative theories are also considered. Second, the balancing-bandwagoning hypothesis is applied towards the past and present of Taiwan’s mainland policy. The test of Walt’s hypothesis reveals its weaknesses and limitations as a research framework. Despite predictions of Walt, Taiwan doesn’t use pure balancing or pure bandwagoning in its approach towards China but rather applies mixed strategy containing elements of both balancing and bandwagoning. Taiwan’s mainland policy evolves and includes more and more elements of the bandwagoning preserving the essential opportunities for the balancing. This strategy can be called hedging. Third, the thesis develops the concept of hedging and researches on the nature of Taiwan’s hedging strategy. The current mainland policy of Taiwan is a combination of opportunity-seeking and risk-aversion. The changes and continuities in Taiwan’s mainland policy founded and the reasons for the transformation of the Taiwan’s mainland policy also established. The thesis also gives tentative predictions on the future of the Taiwan’s strategy towards rising China as well.

Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited / Since 1988, democracy in Taiwan has evolved and developed a great deal. Experts argue whether this growth constitutes "democratic consolidation" but there is no contention of the idea that the ROC is more democratic now versus pre-1988. In addition, public opinion polls show that the populace view themselves very differently in 2004 than they did in 1988 in terms of their national identity and their preferences for mainland relations. Finally, the democratic period in Taiwan witnessed greater hostility between the PRC and ROC than in the preceding thirty years combined. This heightened level of belligerence has subsided in recent years, but still remains a Sword of Damocles hanging over each step of Taiwan's democratic process. With these facts in mind, it is clear that the addition of ROC democratization has destabilized relations between the China and Taiwan. One should note that Taiwan's political liberalization has not damned cross-strait relations to a cataclysmic fate. As noted many times in this essay there are prospects for hope and increased cooperation. However, with the advent of democracy for the first time in an ethnically Chinese society, relations moved from a fairly stable equilibrium to a somewhat chaotic new reality resplendent with uncertainty and ripe for catastrophic miscalculation. / Captain, United States Air Force