自從立法院於2000年3月21日通過「離島建設條例第十八條」，明訂「為促進離島發展，在臺灣本島與大陸地區全面通航之前，得先試辦金門、馬祖、澎湖地區與大陸地區通航」，排除「兩岸人民關係條例」的限制，為前述離島與大陸地區通航提供法源後，臺灣開放兩岸「小三通」的政策終於明朗，該法稍後並於4月5日公布實施；行政院隨於同年12月13日據此訂定及通過「試辦金門馬祖與大陸地區通航實施辦法」，以作為「小三通」的管理依據。次年1月1日，金門、馬祖與對岸的「小三通」啟動，遂使兩岸關係邁向另一個里程碑。 政府推動兩岸「小三通」工作迄今已逾三載，其主要的目的是希望有助於：一、解決金馬人民的生活問題，增進當地觀光與商業活動，促進離島經濟繁榮，照顧當地民眾日常生活之需要；二、促成離島與大陸地區的貿易正常化，降低離島地區民眾犯罪之風險。進而實現金馬廈福之間的跨界整合，並促成金馬戰略地位角色的重新調整。所以本論文的研究目的是希望從系統理論的思考架構下探討「小三通」的形成背景、政策規劃、執行現況和缺失檢討；並觀察「小三通」與政府大陸政策之間的互動關係。 本論文共分六章，茲將其內容分述如下： （一）第一章為緒論，主要說明本文的研究動機與目的，運用之研究方法、研究架構、研究範圍與限制、研究文獻等。 （二）第二章先探討臺灣、中共與美國等現階段的戰略關係後，再進入「小三通」的本題，敘明兩岸關係的歷史背景、「小三通」的由來及其定位與意涵，其次則分析臺灣推動「小三通」的因素以及中共的回應與美國的看法。 （三）第三章係在探討臺灣推動「小三通」的策略，如何以和平的手段達到兩岸實質的「對等」，並落實雙方經濟合作的基礎。 （四）第四章則分析中共的反應及其所提出對應的策略是否符合其「和平統一」及「一國兩制」的大政方針。 （五）第五章就整個「小三通」實施所帶來各方面的效應，如法律面、交流面及實務面等，不論是兩岸政府或民間做一分析。 （六）第六章即結論，試將前述各章學理與實務的探討，進而尋求發現與建議。 / A Study of Taiwan’s Implementation of the Cross-Strait “Mini-Three-Links” Summary The Article 18 of “The Statute of Off-island Infrastructure”, passed on 21 March, 2000, suggests an experiment on shipping between Kinmen, Mstsu, Penhu areas and Mainland China as to boost the development of the off-islands. This Article excludes the limitations of ”The Statute Governing Relations Between Peoples of the Taiwan Area and the Mainland China”, and provides a legal basis for the shipping experiment. Therefore, Taiwan’s policies on “Mini-three Links” between the cross-strait is getting clear. The Statute was released and put into practice later on 5 April. The Executive Yuan completed the legislation of “Methods on the Experiment of Shipping Between Kinmen, Matsu, and Mainland China” on 13 December in the same year as the legal basis for management. On 1 January, 2001, “Mini-three Links” between Kinmen, Matsu, and Mainland China got started, as a milestone for the development of cross-strait relations. The “Mini-three Links” policy has run more than three years, whose purposes are, for examples, resolving the living problems of people in Kinmen and Matsu,，increasing the tourism and business ,bringing the off-islands prosperity, taking care of the daily needs of the local people. Second, the main purposes are to increase the trade normalization between the off-islands and Mainland China, to reduce the risk of committing crime by the off-islanders. Therefore, we can realize the cross boundary integration between Kinmen and Matsu，and readjust the roles of Kinmen and Matsu which used to be the military zones of Taiwan. The purpose of this study is to explore the background, planning, the results of the experimentation of “Mini-three Links”, and its weakness for further development. We can observe the inter-relations between “Mini-three Links” and the Taiwan government policies. There are six chapters in this study, respectively stated as follows： □ Chapter One is an introduction to this study, including the research motives, purposes, methods, ranges and limitation, and the literature review of this study also. □ Chapter Two explores the current strategic relations between Taiwan、Mainland China, and the United States. In the following part, includes the historical background, status, and the implication of “Mini-three Links”, and the analysis on the factors contributing to “Mini-three Links” policy, and a review on the attitudes of Mainland China and the United States. □ Chapter Three covers the implementation strategies of “Mini-three Links”, and the means in pursuit of equal status and mutual economic cooperation. □ Chapter Four covers reaction of Mainland China and its strategies in response. Analysis on these strategies examine if those are identical with the “Peaceful Reunification” and “One China Principle”. □ The overall effects of “Mini-three Links” will be discussed in Chapter Five, such as the law, exchange aspects. There will be discussion from both the civil and the authority point of view. □ Chapter Six is conclusion, through exploration on both theoretical and practical basis, the researcher proposes major findings and suggestions.

金門長期受戰地政務體制之限制，五十餘年來的發展受到侷限，嗣後解除戒嚴，開放觀光，開放與大陸地區三通等，金門在歷經這些社會變遷後，住民意識勢必有所變化，究竟當前的金門住民意識如何？其次，「小三通」使金、廈兩地歷經五十多年分隔後再度接軌，在小三通的衝擊下，金門鄉親對金門各方面現況的看法如何？深值探究。此外，金門島嶼具有濃濃戰爭色彩與神秘氣氛，更有密度排名全國第一的文史古蹟，盱衡金門未來經濟發展，可否前瞻規劃這些豐富的文化資產，推動觀光產業以突破產業困境；而金門住民對對此觀感如何？ 基於以上動機，本研究的目的在於：一、探索金門在「解嚴」、「開放觀光」與「小三通」的衝擊之後，住民對社會基礎結構之家庭的價值觀，對金門之意象，以及對各項重要生活維護措施及滿意度之變化等。二、實證金門住民的社區、家庭、婚姻等價值態度，與社會變遷之間關係如何。三、金門各種文物古蹟、戰地風光，如何轉化為商機，目前發展與未來潛力如何？透過住民之實際感受與觀察，期在實務上能有應用之價值。 本研究時程係以民國九十年元月一日政府公佈「試辦通航案」（即俗稱小三通）起始至九十二年底為期。期間專門或深入討論「小三通」此一重大影響金門社會變遷之研究顯有不足。基於縱向研究所累積資料之缺乏，難以做時間序列之比較，僅能從事探索性質之研究，此乃限制之一；其次，由於「小三通」涉及兩岸關係，其中有關兩岸政治關係部份則不列為研究之範圍，因此僅著限於人文觀光、社會基礎結構之家庭與社區等三個層面，且僅以感受到衝擊後的現狀加以理解，故研究之面向與時間均有所限制。第三，本研究採取立意抽樣，並非以整體金門住民為母樣本所進行之結構性抽樣，因此所得結果，僅能以樣本看出傾向，不能作為金門住民整體顯現之推估。 本研究調查採立意抽樣，分成四個具有代表性的層次，即公務員、商人、酒廠工人、一般民眾等各抽出二百份以推論母體，並限金門地區居民，年齡在20歲以上的成年人。總計發放900份問卷，扣除無效問卷，有效問卷為713份，有效樣本比例為79.2％。在統計分析方面，回收後的問卷登錄電腦進行描述性統計、T（T-test）檢定與F（one –way ANOVA）檢定、因素分析、等方法分析。 首先，金門意象方面的調查結果，總共命名七個因素，分別為：（1）環境（2）人文生態（3）文化涵養（4）發展機會（5）環境適應（6）心靈充實感（7）生計。總解釋量60.38％，問卷自行設計，能夠達到如此高，表示不錯。其次，小三通議題的調查，主要在探討受訪者對於金門受小三通影響的看法，但僅限於經濟活動、社會、職業生活層面，政治不提，命名四個因素分別為：（1）產業發展（2）安全衛生（3）生活素質（4）居家環境。總解釋量為57.22％。第三，社會最基礎是家庭與婚姻，區分七個因素調查：（1）婚姻需要（2）婚姻幸褔（3）角色分工（4）權力關係（5）婚姻拘束（6）婚姻重要性（7）相親成家。由於金門民風比較保守，金門住民大體對於家庭與婚婚觀持積極、肯定態度，對單身、同居則較持否定的看法。第四，金門產業目前發展情形及未來潛力方面，從描述性統計可知，金門住民大體持積極肯定與普通之間的態度，亦即抱持審慎樂觀的態度。 最後根據個人的研究，提供建議十項，分別是：協助民間投資，創新金門產業；整合珍貴史蹟，拓展獨特觀光；建立規範機制，以利地區商貿；妥謀通匯問題，活絡金融商務；加強藝文交流，充實精神內涵；以家為重婚姻觀，必須持續堅持；維護居家安全，以免心增負擔；強化政策內涵，凝聚居民意識；善用溝通管道，解決實務問題；前瞻非軍事區，開啟嶄新榮景。 至於今後繼續研究發展當然還有空間，比如：工作價值觀；金門社區歸屬感；社會地位升遷管道；或者以金門作基礎，進一步與不同地區的城鄉作比較研究；小三通以後，大陸農漁產品傾銷對金門傳統農漁村之衝擊；旅居在外的鄉親以及駐防在金的國軍人員對金門現況與未來發展的看法等，均是值得再進一步深入研究的課題。

金門位處福建省南海岸與廈門、漳州、泉州對口的孤島，住民沿習中華閩南文化生活，自1949年大陸國共兩黨內戰成為台灣反共前哨，長年來的兩岸歷史恩怨，隨著歷史的變遷，時局的更迭，兩岸的敵對關係逐漸轉為緩和，進而共謀發展，其具體表徵之一為金門與廈門實施「小三通」。而小三通之實施，對於金門人來說，為前所未有之經驗，此項措施對於金門人來說，帶來何種衝擊，金門人真正需要的是什麼，自小三通實施以後，金門人的感受又是如何？此項課題值得深究，而研究者為金門的一份子，基於長年以來對於鄉土的熱愛，以學術的角度，對此議題加以研究，是理所當然亦是職責所在。 本研究為瞭解「小三通」與金門住民生活需求及滿意度，事涉受訪者主觀經驗詮釋，本文採用深度訪談法，以40歲以上金門原住民13位在不同職業、性別、年齡、居住地作為訪談對象。研究發現： 一、「小三通」以來金門住民環境依賴對岸。金門需要擴張港口基礎整建。教育環境：採認開放承認大陸學歷、規劃金門為大學城。醫療環境：開放與廈門醫院合作醫療健保。消費娛樂：提升更多元化的優質休閒管道。產業環境：創造有利的投資環境，開放陸資進駐金門、設置免稅區，提升觀光人口增加創業就業。 二、金門住民對「小三通」的生活滿意度： （一）、交通改善最大受益是台商。 （二）、地方建設看不到實質的成效。 （三）、在文化親情方面呈一致性的滿意。 （四）、在生活品質上持正面的看法與滿意。 三、金門住民對「小三通」經濟滿意度： （一）、對金門的復活商機呈現不滿意。 （二）、金門的資源條件遠不如廈門。 （三）、產業成長：金門酒廠除外百業萎縮，惟有旅遊業與特產業有微幅成長。 四、依據本研究發現提供以下建議 （一）、加速修正落實「離島建設條例」。 （二）、落實民生基礎建設、交通建設、水資源開發政策。 （三）、觀光產業配套：金門重新定位、流程法令鬆綁、提升觀光基礎建設內涵、實施兩岸交流合作。 （四）、落實醫療環境軟硬體設施。 （五）、落實金門設為大學島構思，作雙學歷採認制度。 / Situated as an offshore island on the Southern coast of Fujian Province and opposite to Xiamen, Changzhou and Quanzhou, Kinmen inherited Chinese culture from the South Min and its residents were thus imbued. Kinmen has become Taiwan’s outpost against China since the Civil War between KMT and the Chinese Communists in 1949. In recent years, the long-term aversion and hostility between Taiwan and China has been fading with the pass of time and change of cross-Strait political tides. In this regard, further cooperation and development are mutual concerns for both sides of the Strait, and one of the concrete symbolic policies is the so-called Kinmen-Xiamen “Mini Three Links”. For the people of Kinmen, the policy is an unprecedented experience; therefore, it is important to understand what impact will be brought forth, and what Kinmen’s residents exactly need and how they feel after the implementation. Being a local resident of Kinmen, the author tends to pay more attention and enthusiasm to this homeland; moreover, it is thus the responsibility as well for the author to concentrate on the study in the context of “Mini Three Links”. The objective of the study is to understand Kinmen residents’ livelihood demand and satisfaction with the “Mini Three Links”. A semi-structured interview method was applied and conducted in this study, focusing on 13 local residents of different occupations, genders, ages, and townships. The findings of this study are as follows: 1. For Kinmen’s residents, their living environment deeply relies on the Mainland after the implementation of the “Mini Three Links”. Thus it is necessary for Kinmen to expand its infra-structure on harbor construction. With reference to education, it is suggested that Chinese educational system and degrees should be recognized, and a university community should be established in Kinmen. In the medical-care environment, future cooperation in health insurance with Xiamen hospitals is highly recommended. With respect to consuming and recreational conditions, it is indispensable that a pluralistic channel for upgrading leisure and recreation development has to be explored. As to the industrial environment, the policies such as creating a better investment surrounding, openness of Chinese funds in Kinmen, setting up a duty-free zone, and increasing tourists to Kinmen are also highly recommended. 2. Kinmen residents’ livelihood satisfaction with the “Mini Three Links”: a. Taiwanese businesspeople benefit the most from the improvement of traffic. b. Local infra-structure and construction is not substantially upgraded. c. Residents have overall satisfaction with cultural and fraternal relations. d. Positive opinion and satisfaction with living quality. 3. Kinmen residents’ satisfaction with economy: a. Dissatisfaction with likely rehabilitation of Kinmen’s economy. b. Kinmen’s resource conditions are much worse than that of Xiamen. c. Excluding Kinmen’s liquor company, business industries have been declining. However, tourism industry and local specialties are slightly flourishing. 4. Suggestions: a. Speeding up revision of the “Offshore Island Construction Act”. b. Substantiating policies of infra-structure, traffic, and water resources exploration and development. c. Repositioning Kinmen’s role in the cross-Strait relations, enhancing in-depth infra-structure in tourism industry, and strengthening cross-Strait interflow and cooperation. d. Building up medical-care surrounding and hardware and software facilities. e. Constructing Kinmen an Island of Universities, and bilaterally recognizing educational degrees and diplomas with China.

2000年，民主進步黨籍的陳水扁以39.3％得票率當選中華民國第十任總統，完成中華民國歷史上第一次政黨輪替。陳水扁就任後，台海兩岸的政治關係雖然沒有顯著的進展，但是兩岸在經貿方面卻是屢創紀錄，兩岸貿易金額超越台灣－美國、台灣－日本之間的雙邊貿易額，中國成為台灣最大且最重要貿易夥伴。 任何國家的經濟政策，皆必須因不同時空背景、內外環境及政策目標而適時修訂與調整。特別是在2000~2004年，兩岸先後加入世界貿易組織，彼此的經貿關係從此進入國際經貿框架中。本文希望探討台灣政府如何因應加入世貿組織後的新局面，構思並提出適宜的兩岸貿易與投資政策，並嘗試分析直接通航對台灣的利弊與衝擊。因此，本文選定「小三通」政策、「8吋晶圓廠赴大陸投資」政策以及「春節包機」政策進行個案分析，探究這些政策的成效與影響。 研究結果發現，陳水扁在首次執政期間，對於兩岸經貿的往來相當重視，也提出不少試辦性或開放部分管制措施；然而，這些動作卻是在外在壓力環境下不得不為的動作，缺乏主動性與積極性。此外，扁政府主導的大陸經貿政策受限於多方角力的制約，導致政策開放幅度與內容不盡理想，不能滿足企業的佈局和民眾之需求。本文建議，台灣政府應以積極、開放且主動的策略與中國大陸就經濟層面的議題進行合作與協商，未來亦可朝向「兩岸自由貿易區」的層次邁進，方能有效維持台灣整體競爭力與國家最高利益。

2008年5月，在新政府上台後兩岸間經貿往來越來越密切，兩岸間勢必將面對一個新的互動關係，也將對兩岸產業間的互動產生直接及間接的衝擊。在兩岸交流日益活絡的情形下，熱錢湧入，包括陸資、外資、與回流的台商資金等「三資」正悄悄的進入台灣。市場各種訊息顯示，這股錢潮對房市、股市已迅速產生相當的衝擊。在國際資金眼中，台灣已成了佈局大陸大戰略棋局中極優質的選擇，本文研究之目的在於探討兩岸三通後對於台北市房價之影響。 本研究係採用2000年至2009年之信義房屋房價指數資料為樣本，藉由迴歸分析來做實證研究。實證結果顯示，台北市人口總數對於房價變動的影響為負向影響；股價加權指數、平均每人國內生產毛額、台北市消費者物價指數、台北市家庭收支、匯率及兩岸三通等，對於台北市房價均有顯著正向之影響；而台北市結婚對數、勞動力參與率及金融海嘯等，則對於台北市房價的變化無顯著關係。 / As new government inaugurated in May 2008, economic and trade exchanges cross Taiwan Strait became intent. A new and friendly interaction model across the strait was born and it would inevitably cast direct and indirect impacts on business activities of both sides. Hot Money, including Chinese funds, international funds and oversea Taiwanese funds are gradually inflowing to Taiwan. Market statistics show that, this wave of Hot Money has had rapid and significant impacts in property market and stock market. From international investment community’s point of view, Taiwan has become a quality target to deploy into the gigantic market of China. The purpose of this research aims to discuss the impacts Three Links will have impacts on Taipei City property market. This research adapts housing price index from 2000 to 2009 provided by Sinyi Real Estate, using regression analysis to provide empirical studies. Empirical studies show that, population of Taipei city versus housing price alteration is negative correlated, where as TAIEX, GDP, CPI, Family Income & Expenditure, Exchange Rates and Three Links have direct impacts on Taipei City property market. As for Marriages, Labor Force Participation Rate and financial crisis show no significant correlation in Taipei city property market.

Taiwan successfully accomplished the second transfer of power in May 2008. During the presidential campaign period, one could easily discover that issues with respect to cross-strait relations always occupied the center of the attention both at home and abroad. The biggest difference on the issues of cross-strait policy between the two competing parties was regarded as conservativeness and openness. Among major proposals presented by the Kuomintang (KMT) during the campaign in 2008, the key incentive and quickest way to improve and rejuvenate Taiwan’s sluggish economy was to introduce cross-strait direct charter flights and encourage Mainland tourists to visit Taiwan. As of July 2013, there are 616 direct passenger flights flying to and from Mainland China on a weekly basis and over seven million Mainland tourists have visited Taiwan. This thesis utilized Secondary Data Analysis to investigate the negotiation process and developments of the cross-strait direct air transportation. This thesis does not aim at evaluating the comprehensive impacts of the full implementation of cross-strait direct air transportation; instead, it emphasizes the political view, policy-making considerations, and the negotiation process made by Taiwan’s ruling parties at different eras and interactions with their Mainland counterparts in an effort to offer productive recommendations for the competent authorities across the Taiwan Strait. / Taiwan successfully accomplished the second transfer of power in May 2008. During the presidential campaign period, one could easily discover that issues with respect to cross-strait relations always occupied the center of the attention both at home and abroad. The biggest difference on the issues of cross-strait policy between the two competing parties was regarded as conservativeness and openness. Among major proposals presented by the Kuomintang (KMT) during the campaign in 2008, the key incentive and quickest way to improve and rejuvenate Taiwan’s sluggish economy was to introduce cross-strait direct charter flights and encourage Mainland tourists to visit Taiwan. As of July 2013, there are 616 direct passenger flights flying to and from Mainland China on a weekly basis and over seven million Mainland tourists have visited Taiwan. This thesis utilized Secondary Data Analysis to investigate the negotiation process and developments of the cross-strait direct air transportation. This thesis does not aim at evaluating the comprehensive impacts of the full implementation of cross-strait direct air transportation; instead, it emphasizes the political view, policy-making considerations, and the negotiation process made by Taiwan’s ruling parties at different eras and interactions with their Mainland counterparts in an effort to offer productive recommendations for the competent authorities across the Taiwan Strait.

台海兩岸，自一九四九年對峙至今，五十餘年，在二十世紀末的歐洲諸國，逐漸放棄了它們所倡導的主權國家觀，而邁向跨國界的統合。想想歐洲的成功，身為同文同種的中華民族，是不是應該開始思考，除了戰爭之外，有沒有其他的選項，有沒有和平的可能?要和平，勢必要經過談判階段，而台灣要如何與中共談?談什麼?中共會採用何種策略?要如何創造雙贏局面!本文試圖探索這些問題，為兩岸老百姓謀一個美好的未來。 一九三五年，中共經過國軍五次圍剿，幾乎已危在旦夕，而西安事變，卻給予了扭轉的時機；一九三七年七月中日之戰爆發，中共更是藉著抗日民族統一戰線，來發動群眾，壯大發展根據地。一九四五年八月抗戰勝利，國府雖是戰勝，但已耗損殆盡，而中共卻是茁壯成長，「北平談判」呈現出優劣的對比，讓中共予取予求。 一九九三年的「辜汪會談上使海峽兩岸從武力的敵對轉而以談判解決問題，意味著某種程度的和解與情勢緩和。但令人遺憾的是，在會談後的不到半年，中共「國務院」竟以七種文字發表「台灣問題與中國的統一」白皮書，不得不讓人相信中共的善變。因此，吾人可以體會，一次的「辜汪會談」雖然開啟了兩岸溝通的大門，但並不能保證大門將永遠的敞開。 中共談判風格的形成，馬列思想是其理論，統一戰線是其運用，中國文化是其根本。在談判行為上，向來先行提出原則，要求對方接受，若要談判成功，只有自己讓步。在談判策略運用上，可謂多變靈活，無論主動或被動的接受談判，並不是為了要解決爭端，求取勝利才是主要目的。在談判技巧方面，最擅長運用媒體，無論在國共鬥爭或「辜汪會談」期間，傳播媒體都不自覺成為其宣傳員。 如今兩岸關係正處在十字路口，如何化解僵局，將成為二十一世紀初國際關注焦點。兩岸關係是前進抑或倒退，關鍵就看雙方執政當局能否展現真誠，從穩定兩岸關係的角度來看，對話、協商仍然是最佳方案。惟有拋棄政黨之私及意識型態，以談判代替對抗，攜手合作，兩岸關係才有一個光明燦爛的未來。 關鍵字：兩岸關係；國共和談；辜汪會談；談判風格；談判行為；談判策略；談判戰術；談判技巧；兩岸三通；三通談判；一個中國；全球化。

信用卡源起於美國。二十世紀之初，美國一些大型誘館對其優良客戶發行信用卡，馮 卡記帳住宿。九一三年開始，百貨公司、石油公司亦開始發行信用卡，持卡人在其銷 售綱內馮卡記帳消費。 一九五一年八月，紐約富蘭克林銀行，首創銀行信用卡，為金融機構介入信用卡業務 之嚆大矢。迄今歷經幾度演變，已使信用卡與傳統支付工具－現金、支票鼎足而立， 而有「第三通貨」之稱。 由於信用卡乃是二十世紀新型交易媒介工具，與傳統交易媒介工具迥然不同，國入對 其均感陌生。本論文旨在研究信用卡在臺正式發生之可行性及其可能對臺灣經濟社會 之影響與貢獻。

金門，一個不起眼的海中蕞爾小島，在歷史漫卷的偶然機遇裡，被捲入了台海兩岸對峙、自由與共產陣營的冷戰衝突中，一躍成為世界知名的「戰地」。隨著世界冷戰的結束、國內民主運動的蓬勃發展，1992年11月7日金門解除戒嚴，褪下戰地的角色。尤其是1990年9月12日兩岸紅十字會簽定的《金門協議》，2001年實施的「小三通」，不但開啟了金門的新機運，亦成為兩岸由對抗、對峙走向和解的重要試點。 因此，本論文將針對兩岸關係演變中金門戰略價值之變遷作為研究的核心目的，內容分為三個部分論述： 一、認知與瞭解金門從兩岸武力對抗及停火對峙階段、終止動員戡亂時期後1995與1996年台海危機事件，以及2008年馬英九總統就任後，各個不同時期金門在軍事上所扮演的角色與價值。 二、探討「小三通」施行後在兩岸關係演變的中介角色、「小三通」與金門經濟價值之連結與擴張，尤其是兩岸簽訂「經濟合作架構協議」(ECFA)之後，金門主要經濟價值的展望。 三、藉由早期的「戰地政務實驗」階段與金門政治建設的關係、兩岸簽訂《金門協議》所突顯的政治戰略價值，以及金門在兩岸政治發展過程的見證，探究金門之政治價值。 爰此，經由以上的分析與論證，說明了長期以來金門在國際、兩岸的變局中所扮演的不同角色，而金門角色的蜕變，也相對見證了時代的變遷，與一部千曲百折的中國現代史。 / Quemoy is an inconspicuous island. In the long history stream, it was involved into Cold War between Taiwan and Mainland China, and also became a world famous battlefield. After Cold War was over and Taiwan Democracy Movement was vigorous development. On 7th November, 1992, Quemoy removed martial law, left the role of war. Especially, the Red Cross between Taiwan and Mainland China signed “Quemoy Agreement” on 12th September, 1990; in 2001, the government executed the “mini-three links” not only changed destiny of Quemoy, but also from hostility to reconciliation. Hence, the research of Quemoy strategy value is divided into three parts as below: First, Knowing and realizing Quemoy militarily against between cross-strait and Cold War, after Period of mobilization for the suppression of Communist rebellion, cross-strait crisis 1995 and 1996, and after President Ma sworn in, each different period has different values and roles in Quemoy military history. Secondly, Research the role between cross-strait relations developing after the “Mini-Three Links” was executed. The Quemoy economic value linkage and expending from that kind of links, especially after the ECFA, the forecast of Quemoy economic value. Thirdly, According to “civil-military government” period and some relevant political constructions, “Quemoy Agreement” strategy and political value, and the evidence of cross-strait political development, the essay focuses on the political value of Quemoy. Above all, after the analyzing and certificating, shows the Quemoy different roles between international and cross-strait relations. By following the development of Quemoy value, it also presents the theatrically modern China history.

本研究では李登輝政権以降の台湾における対外経済政策の変化メカニズムを検討した。構造レベルからの入力である米国の台湾政策と台湾企業は、台湾政府に対して対中投資規制の緩和と直航便の開設を求めてきた。これに対して台湾政府は、強固な抵抗・不安定な抵抗・構造への順応という3つの反応をしてきた。これを決定付けるのは、政権基盤の強弱・政権の重心・政権基盤の強化策というユニットレベルの3つの変数であることを明らかにした。 / This study examines the mechanism of changing foreign economic policy of Taiwan. The U.S. Taiwan policy and Taiwanese businesses, which were the inputs from the structure level, had demanded Taiwanese government to ease restrictions regarding investment to PRC and to introduce direct cross-strait link. Taiwanese government's reactions can be divided into three, which are 'Strict Resistance,' 'Partial Resistance,' and 'Accommodation to Structure.' This study shows that 'Strangeness of Administration's Political Power Base,' 'Administration's Direction,' and 'Way of Enforcing Administration's Political Power Base,' which are unit level variables, had determined which reaction the government would take. / 博士(政治学) / Doctor of Political Science / 同志社大学 / Doshisha University