After the opening and reform in 1978, Mainland China has undergone economic development for 30 years and is currently the fourth largest economic body in the world. Taiwan, on the other hand, has not been able to response actively and began industrial distribution when faced with the impact of the rise of China. Taiwan adopted a closed-door policy that caused the migration of industries and resulted in hollowing-out and marginalization. This phenomenon is particularly serious in Kaohsiung that is dominated by traditional industry that caused steady high unemployment rates. After the new government took office, the interactions between the straits became frequent, and that created a valuable development opportunity for Kaohsiung. This study takes the integrated framework for public affairs management to analyze the difficulties encountered in the development of Kaohsiung. With ¡§Strategy of Cross-Strait Harbor City Cooperation to Promote Talent Development in Kaohsiung in Response to Direct Flight ¡¨ as the research topic, this study utilizes interactive management (IM) to conduct rational debates from various perspectives. After two discussions, 12 strategies were concluded and their implementation order has been conducted through interpretative structural mode (ISM). The strategies are as follows: The Kaohsiung City Government shall: 1. Establish the ¡§Mainland China Affairs Office¡¨ to be responsible for talents in China to study or work in Taiwan; 2. Amend or establish relevant laws and regulations on the cross-strait exchange; 3. Consolidate the investment of private business to improve the performance of school in order to cultivate local talents through school performance while recruiting talents from China; 4. Lift laws and regulations to utilize public manpower and organization flexibly; The schools shall: 5. Establish departments and research projects regarding harbor city development; 6. Recruit internationally renowned scholars to conduct short-term courses in higher education; 7. Organize relevant workshops for teachers to understand the background and policy of cultural exchange across the straits; The government and the private sector may: 8. Establish a certification mechanism to recognize degrees across the straits; 9. Plan and establish a perfect science park; 10. Include professionals from China into the scope of the current foreign workers for special professions or technical assignments; 11. Provide attractive incentives to attract professionals and students from China to Kaohsiung; To accomplish the goal: 12. Provide attractive incentives to attract business to establish operational headquarters in Kaohsiung in order to promote the development of Kaohsiung. This study also examines 1. The view on establishing offices in Kaohsiung and the major cities in China such as Shanghai, Beijing, Guangzhou, etc. to reinforce the marketing of cities and conduct cross-strait harbor city cooperation; 2. How the Kaohsiung City Government attracts tourists from China; and 3. How the Kaohsiung City Government shall prepare to respond to the opening of the cross-strait relations. Through expert interviews, this study aims to provide substantial and feasible strategic recommendations.

China-Taiwan relations have been for decades a hot issue in East Asia as well as worldwide. The thesis researches on the China’s foreign policy toward Latin America and the Caribbean region in terms of competition with Taiwan for diplomatic recognition from the perspective of zero-sum and non zero-sum game. This study’s objective is to examine the impact of recently improved cross-Strait relations on the intensity of diplomatic competition for recognition in Latin America and the Caribbean between both sides of the Strait. Two following questions are going to be answered: Is a complete victory in diplomatic competition in Latin America and the Caribbean region a short-term goal for the PRC? How can China’s refusal of its diplomatic recognition by Paraguay be interpreted? First, literature review and theoretical framework is provided. Second, China’s and Taiwan’s policy towards Latin America and the Caribbean is researched. Third, cross- Strait rapproachement is depicted. Fourth, relations between the PRC and Taiwan after year 2005 are presented. Fifth, three case studies of Costa Rica, Panama, Paraguay are discussed. In the study I am going to look for evidence to prove that the rapprochement and the new cross-Strait diplomacy are good signs of non-zero sum game between Taiwan and China with a significant impact on diplomatic competition in Latin America and the Caribbean region. To fulfil the aim of this master thesis I am using secondary data. The scope of the paper in terms of the time period is from the establishment of the PRC but the bigger part of the paper is focused on the recent events.

Sovereignty over Taiwan remains one of the most contentious issues of the modern era, and disagreements on both sides of the Taiwan Strait persist to this day. The United States continues to have an active interest in the situation, often playing the role of arbiter between the governments of Beijing and Taipei. With Taiwan’s transition to a multi-party democracy in the late 80s and early 90s, there has been a growing body of research into public opinion on the island. Existing literature has found both party identification and independence/unification support to impact on public attitudes regarding cross-strait security issues. However, the impact of generation is comparatively under examined. The current study builds on recent research into Taiwan’s generational politics. A questionnaire was distributed to members of the public in Taiwan to determine how attitudes vary by generation on the security commitment between the United States and Taiwan. An analysis of survey responses failed to establish a correlation between generation and attitudes towards U.S. support. Nevertheless, generational politics adds nuance to our understanding of public opinion in Taiwan concerning cross-strait relations. / 摘要： 台灣的主權依然是現代最具爭議性的問題之一。至今，兩岸的意見分歧依舊 存在。美國對這樣情況仍然積極地介，而且美國經常扮演在北京政府和台北 之間的仲裁者角色。隨著台灣在八零年代末至九零年代初逐漸轉向自由民主， 對這座島上的輿論研究也越來越多。先前的研究發現，人民支持哪一個黨派， 支持獨立還是統一，影響著大眾對兩岸的輿論。然而，不同世代對於輿論影 響的研究卻比較少。本文所探討的主題是建立在對台灣的 世代政治 （generational politics）的研究上。向台灣民眾進行問卷調查，以了解不同的 世代對於台美安全關係法及其實施是否有不同的見解。從問卷調查分析結果 來看，並未能發現世代的不同與美國 對台灣安保做法的理解之間有顯著相關 性。不過，世代政治有助於了解台灣人民對於在美國介入下兩岸關係的看法。

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Since the beginning of this century China has been expanding its influence in the South-East Asia region and beyond. It has introduced a new term to describe its pre-superpower status - a “peaceful development”. The PRC has been creating a new country brand for its legitimacy as a rising power - it underlines that it doesn’t want to interfere in any country’s internal matters, and relationship with China is mutually beneficial to all, who choose to cooperate with it. The brand-creation process reached its peak during the recent Olympic Games held in Beijing in August 2008. China showed its rich history and tradition, connected with high level of governmental and individual entrepreneurship, which has brought it to the position of the fastest growing economy in the world. The same brand creation strategy, as in the case of international strategy, has been used towards the Taiwanese in order to fulfill the big dream of “One China”- to reach the strategic goal of unification. Taiwan Strait has been considered as one of the potential trouble spots in the rivalry between the current (USA) and coming (PRC) superpowers. For this reason, researchers, political advisers and decision-makers need to keep a close eye on the events in the Strait. Currently the Taiwan – China relations seem to experience a détente, but as Taiwan is a democratic country and there are other than KMT players on the domestic political arena, next president might change his perspective and lead the Formosa to the collision course with the PRC and the PLA. Therefore the matters regarding bilateral relations of the ROC and the PRC need to be handled with a particular care in order not to cause an unnecessary military confrontation, most likely even the nuclear one. The general interest of this paper is to assess the influence of the rising interdependence between Taiwan and China on the Taiwanese people, and try to predict the future of Taiwan and the development of its relationship with the PRC. That is why this study wants to empirically examine China’s means to achieve its most wanted goal - incorporation (integration) of Taiwan and obtaining territorial integrity of the “Greater China” area.

當今，臨區域性或世界性經濟整合風潮下，與台灣經濟發展密切之兩個鄰邦厥為中國大陸與日本。過去，日本學者提出雁行理論從詮釋台灣經濟奇蹟的發展模式與產業變遷歷程。然而近年來，中國大陸國民所得總量已超越日本成為世界第二大經濟體，而台灣經濟停滯於亞洲四小龍之末，又有經濟轉型瓶頸危機。因此，台灣須一方面保持與日本之傳統經貿關係，另方面，也需加強與中國大陸之經濟合作，以維台灣經濟成長動能。然而，不論台灣與中國大陸或日本之經濟合作，其實是一種既有合作又有競爭的動態關係。 在客觀環境上，台灣是海島型經濟，全球化與區域經濟自由貿易是目前左右全球經濟發展的兩股潮流。近年來，台灣薪資成長率與經濟成長率皆居亞洲四小龍之末以及產業升級瓶頸難以突破等問題，皆導致台灣經濟減速或失去動能等現象。基本上，台灣目前所處時代潮流，外有世界性或區域性經濟整合風潮，內有產業結構轉型瓶頸有待突破。因此，就外環境衝擊研究，本文擬對區域經濟整合做觀察與描述性探討，並在區域經濟整合基礎上，本文提出「兩岸經濟轉型理論」（或稱兩翅理論，以隱喻兩岸經濟之起飛）以為消解內部轉型困境之方，或為台灣產業轉型提供建言，並擬就兩岸目前既有或未來進一步的經濟合作做出理論性探討。在產業合作與未來展望上，本文提出以台灣服務業結合大陸經濟發展，以進軍全球市場。 / Today, under the regional or global economic integrational trend, Taiwan's economic development is closely dedicated by two neighboring countries, China and Japan. From the past, Japanese scholars has advocated from the flying geese paradigm for interpreting on Taiwan's economic miracle to the industrial transformation model. However, in recent years, the total national income in China has overtaken Japan to become the world's second largest economy, while Taiwan's economic stagnation causes the bottom of Four Asian Tigers. There are bottlenecks in economic transition crisis. Taiwan should maintain the traditional trade and economic relations with Japan. On the other hand, Taiwan should strengthen economic cooperation with the Mainland China in order to achieve Taiwan's economic growth momentum. However, regardless of the economic cooperation between Taiwan and Mainland China or Taiwan with Japan, their relationship becomes coopetition (a kind of both cooperation and competition) in a dynamic environment. Since Taiwan is an island-based economy, economic globalization and regional free trade is currently on the board. In recent years, Taiwan's economic growth rate and wage growth rate are far behind Four Asian Tigers and difficult to break through the bottleneck of industrial transformation. These are all leading to Taiwan's economic slowdown or loss of kinetic energy. Basically, in the current trend in which Taiwan and outside global or regional economy, there are industrial restructuring bottlenecks to be breakthrough. Therefore, in this paper on the regional economic integration, I observe and describe based on the proposal of "cross-strait economic transformation theory" (also known as Liang Chi theory, the metaphor of cross-strait economic takeoff ) that digests the internal party difficulties in transition, or provides suggestions for Taiwan's industrial transformation, and intends to maintain good relationships of two sides (Japan and Mainland China) for the further economic cooperation. On industrial cooperation and future prospects, we propose to combine service industry (finance, cultural and creative industries and so on) of Taiwan’s experience learnt from Japan, and the vast developing space in Mainland China’s service market, there is a chance to enter the global service market.

兩岸關係對台灣政治、經濟之影響甚鉅！台灣地區國中生對於兩岸關係之看法主要是受到大眾媒體之影響，其次則為家庭之影響，歷史課程對於國中生兩岸關係之看法的影響僅次於傳媒及家庭。根據統計分析，對歷史課程興趣越高、成績越好的學生對中國大陸之看法越正面，同時也較支持兩岸更積極之交流。此外，公民課程及同儕對國中生兩岸關係之看法也有影響，但不如傳媒、家庭及歷史課程重要。 / Development of cross-strait relations has considerably affected Taiwan’s politics as well as economy for decades. Therefore, it plays a very significant role of people’s perspectives on political and economic issues in Taiwan. During the process of political socialization, junior high students in Taiwan mainly cultivate their views on cross-strait relations under the influences of family, mass media, peers and school education. Findings of the survey conducted for this thesis reveal that the mass media is the main source of influences on students’ views about cross-strait relations. Parents’ educational level, party identification, ethnicity and socio-economic status also affect students’ views on the same issue remarkably. Regarding influences of course of History, it ranks the third most important factor affecting students’ attitudes towards cross-strait relations. Students with higher interest in history and better grades of history tend to have more positive impressions on China (except for its democratic development) and take a more open stance toward Taiwan’s cross-strait policies. Besides, they are more enthusiastic about interaction across the Taiwan Strait. As for peers and course of Civics, they are able to affect students’ views on cross-strait relations as well, yet, not as influential as mass media, family and course of History. In addition to these factors, whether students have visited China or have family in China also influences their attitudes towards Chinese government and people. In general, mainland experience increases students’ good impressions on China along with will to have interaction with Chinese people.

This study focuses on the impact of signing " the Agreement on cross-Strait cooperation in combating crimes and mutual legal assistance" between Taiwan and mainland China. It intends to explore motivation and necessity of signing this agreement, the legal issues and operational process of this agreement, the history of cross-Strait cooperation of fighting against crimes and mutual legal assistance, and current status and problems. There are three major parts in this thesis. First, this study defines cross-Strait mutual legal assistance and of cross-Strait crime, confirms its meaning and scope, and then introduces judicial mutual assistance and cooperation in the international society of both sides. It analyzes the situation and trend of cross-Strait crimes, history of cross-Strait cooperation in combating crimes, the existing legal provisions on mutual legal assistance, and difficulties before the signing of the agreement. Secondly, this study introduces the content and effects of this agreement, includes the provisions, the actual operation, the laws related to it, the impact, and follow-up legislation as well as negative criticism. Finally, this study compares the situation before and after the signing of the agreement, understands the real benefits and finding the existing problems, and make evaluations on this agreement.

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In july 1999, the former President Lee of R.O.C. made a response to questions submitted by the reporter of Deutsche Welle radio station from German. Lee brought up an idea that the cross-strait relationship is "as a state-to-state relationship or at least a special state-to-state relationship." Thus, the statement caused different reflection from internal and international. The statement of "a special state-to-state relationship" that represents in sovereignty and the statehood between the cross-strait relationship abandons the "one China" principle that R.C.C.insisted in the past but differs from the view of P.R.C.. Certainly, P.R.C. criticized such kind of statement that violates "one China" principle and blocks the process of the national unification.Soon, P.R.C. unilaterally declared the fundation of the exchange and the discussion not existed any more. After a series of verbally disparaged and militarily intimidated from P.R.C. and not supported from U.S.A. government, R.O.C. has obviously shrunken back in the statement of "a special state-to-state relationship".Even after the D.D.P. which was definded independential party won the president campain of 2000, the president elect Cheng didn't show out his view of suportting "a special state-to-state relationship" and amending constitution and as soon as possible that brought up before the president campain. Therefor, in the process after bringing up "a special state-to-state relationship", it show out an epitome of the sovereignty conflict between the cross-strait. In fact, the statement of sovereignty that the R.O.C government declared from 1949 had been suppressed by P.R.C.. In the international politics, it bulges out the difficult position of R.O.C.'s sovereignty. The thesis, "the sovereignty between R.O.C. and P.R.C.", investigates the sovereignty issue between the cross-strait from 1949 to 2000. It founds on an approach of international politics and international law. Though sovereignty is the issue of international law. But the thesis supposes an idea that the sovereignty issue between the cross-strait is an political issue more than a legal. The thesis would prove this view by describing the international political events and bringing up a series of international contracts, official proclamation of the sovereignty issue between the cross-strait from 1949.So, the conclusion of the thesis would bring up a point, that is the difficult position of R.O.C.'s sovereignty.