臺灣，與其它後共國家政治發展經驗極為相似的，在後冷戰時代屬於身份認同的衝突成為每一個解脫威權桎梏的國家皆經歷過的歷史，政治轉型中「被壓抑者的重返」所激起的社會矛盾成為政治學與社會學研究的主題。而在民主化眾聲喧嘩的後解嚴階段，每一種集體身份在言論市場中都獲得出賽的機會，能夠囊括最大多數人的國族身份認同成為文化、社會與政治力量爭論的焦點，而能夠使大部分民眾接受的國族自我意象就越有可能取得執政的可能性，因此，國族自我意象內涵的填充以及管理是每一個政黨每日都在進行的工作，掌握意識型態領導權者就掌握了決定國家未來方向的權力 臺灣在國際社會的特殊處境使得被壓抑者的重返過程中不只要面對過去的威權體制，即便掌握國家權力者也直接面對不放棄武力犯台以及在國際上擠壓臺灣生存空間的北京政權。如何面對海峽對岸國力與國際影響力迅速增長的大國，成為國內政治、社會與文化力量在界定我們是誰、我們要往何處去等集體身份與目標時，都無法迴避這個無所不在的中國因素。在台灣每一種國族自我意象的生成過程都無法迴避中國因素，臺北的中國/大陸政策的制定過程即國族身份政治投射其熱情與利益的訴求的過程，過去的研究已經花費相當多的資源在探討臺灣社會面的國族身份形成與動員，而未系統性地對國族身份認同政治與政策產出之間的關係進行探究。 有鑑於每一位總統都反映與代表了在社會中流行的國族我意象，作為某特定國族自我意象的代表，他根據國族自我意象而揭示的國家政治目的以及提昇集體尊嚴感的目標制訂與執行的中國/大陸政策。因此，本研究從執政者每日的言論進行系統性的分析，主要探究的是不同的國族自我意象變成具有官方身份的國族身份之後會如何形塑對中國的認知，本研究的焦點是中國威脅的認知，當中國威脅認知升高，臺北制訂緊縮性的中國/大陸政策的可能性就提高了。國族自我意象固然有其穩定性，但也具備流動性，國族自我意象是靈活還是僵固地就「中國威脅」進行協商，成為臺北制訂中國/大陸政策的依據，從而帶來緊張還是和緩的兩岸關係。 / Taiwan’s post-cold war national identity issue is quite similar to other post-communist countries. Free speech made national identity issues going public much easier as Marshall Law was lifted. The social conflict agitated by “The Return of the Repressed” during democratic transition era was not only make new social cleavage possible but also giving birth to new political landscape. Every fractions of national identity has the chance to win the game but only those who supported by most of the population could arouse societal attention and get more chances to win the election. The social engineering of contents and contestations of national identities is so important to those who dedicated to their political life. As George Orwell ever mentioned 66 years ago: “Who controls the past controls the future, who controls the present controls the past.” The Chineseness and Beijing who acclaimed PRC is the only legitimate country that represent China become very “significant other” to Taiwanese national identity formation from 1980s to now. Many scholars have been studied the nation-formation and state-building process but a few of them linking that processes and cross-strait and diplomatic policies made by Taipei altogether. This study is trying to fill this gap. As every president of the state is the symbol and entrepreneur of distinct national identity, getting at the root of state or national interest means digging out what elites’ identified as nation’s political purposes and international status of the state. This thesis focused on how national identity, the broadest collectively held idea in one country, brings about Taiwan’s state interest where Taipei’s China policy and its implications for cross-strait relations lied.

人才對於促進一國經濟發展的重要性，從人力資本理論在二十世紀五、六十年代興起以來，隨著知識經濟來臨，受到廣泛的重視便可得知。面對中國大陸經濟迅速發展，人才的需求越來越高，台灣卻存在人才流失及金融產業競爭力下降等現象。尤其近幾年來，台灣與中國往來密切，兩岸貿易及業務越趨開放，人才流動也更加頻繁。 在金融交流方面，雙方於2009年11月簽訂兩岸金融監理備忘錄後，開始有了較正式且完善的進展，兩岸人才流動將擴及金融業，可能加遽台灣人才的外流。為了釐清此現象並探究成因，本文以分析兩岸金融開放與交流之經驗以及深度訪談學界及產業界人士的方式，來探討兩岸金融人才的流動狀況。研究發現，鑑於大陸的經濟成長、人才強國戰略以及金融市場需求，兩岸金融人才的流動並不平衡。銀行業、證券業、保險業在不同時期都呈現出不同的流動族群及流動模式。總的來說，兩岸的人才流動從2001年開始，由陸資金融機構挖角、外資金融機構從台灣培訓人才以拓展大中華業務，到2009年簽訂兩岸金融監理備忘錄後，轉向以台資金融機構外派為主。本文進一步透過推拉因素來解釋這個現象，其中薪資所得、政策、金融市場是中國吸引台灣金融人才的拉力因素，而社會融入、升遷管道、以及家庭因素、生活環境等問題則是中國的推力因素。這些因素在不同程度上影響人才移動的決策。最後，本文也提出金融業人才流動的正負影響以及流動現象背後所隱含的台灣經濟環境的問題。 / Talent, one of the most important factors of fostering a country’s economic development, has caught great attention with the development of knowledge economy since human capital theory boomed in 1950s and 1960s. With the rapid growth of Chinese economy, the demand of talent is huge. As for Taiwan, it is facing brain drain and the decrease of competitiveness in financial industry. Especially in recent years, the relationship is getting closer between Taiwan and China. The trade and business are increasing, as well as talent flow. In terms of financial communication, Taiwan and China have made a big progress since the agreement of Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) was signed in November, 2009. However, it may worsen the problem of brain drain in Taiwan. In order to get a clear idea of this situation, the research thesis examines the condition and discusses the reasons by analyzing cross-strait financial exchange experience and interviewing professionals from academic and industrial fields. The findings are as follows. Due to economic growth, talent strategy with nation strengthening and the demand of financial market in China, the cross-strait talent flow is unbalanced. It shows that banking industry, securities industry and insurance industry have their own type of talent flow within recent years. Generally speaking, the cross-strait financial talent flow started from 2001, with Chinese financial industry’s poaching to learn more skills and foreign financial industry’s training to expand their business in greater China. Until 2009 when the agreement of MOU was signed, it changed by more and more expatriates in China sending from Taiwanese financial industry. Furthermore, the research thesis analyzes the reasons through Pull and Push Theory, which salary structure, policies and financial market are pull factors of China, while social integration, career path plan, family, dwelling environment, etc. are push factors of China. These factors variably affect peoples’ decisions by their own concern. Finally, the thesis comes up with pros and cons of financial talent flow and thus tells the problems which Taiwanese economic circumstances are facing.

政府開放赴大陸投資二十年，逐漸放寬對大陸投資限制，在大陸廣大市場商機誘因下，對大陸投資規模日益擴大，投資業別亦擴及服務業，對大陸投資形成新局面，究竟兩岸經貿政策對台商赴中國大陸投資影響如何，乃為本研究動機。 本研究採文獻分析與焦點座談暨深度訪談法，經由次級資料分析，兩岸經貿政策鬆綁對台灣競爭力、經濟成長、貿易、商港貨櫃裝卸量及來台旅客均呈現成長。另一方面，近年主要產品在海外生產比重增加，我國在美國、日本、大陸進口市場佔有率逐漸下滑，台商在台灣採購設備及零組件比率降低，且台商在海外研發當地化情形日益明顯。另一方面產學界專家認為政府輔導策略首先應強化在大陸之聯繫網絡；善用台商在大陸既有通路，以整體行銷台灣產品；引導創新研發及高階製程留在台灣；政府加速鬆綁產業交流所涉及之法規；強化智慧財產權之宣導與投資保護；透過台資銀行在大陸分行，提供台商融資管道。未來並應加強與台商產業鏈連結，將海外台商納入台灣產業發展一環，同時落實ECFA實施效益，創造國內經濟發展的正面效益。 / Since allowing investment in China 20 years ago, the government of Taiwan has gradually lifted restrictions on China-based investments by its citizens. Enticed by the expanded market opportunities in China, R.O.C. nationals are rapidly scaling up their investments on the mainland China by broadening their investments to many industries and the service sector, which has become a new development in investing in China. Whether the cross-strait economic and trade policies affect the investment of Taiwan businessmen in mainland China, is a motivation of this study. The literature review and focus groups & depth interviews were used in this study . Through the secondary data analysis, Cross-Strait trade policies have manifested in progress and growth in Taiwan’s competitiveness, economic growth, trade, container throughput by commercial ports, and the number of tourists visiting Taiwan. However, the government should pay close attention to the fact that during the last few years the proportion of major products produced overseas has increased, while the market share of Taiwanese imports in the United States, Japan, and China markets has gradually declined and procurements of machines/equipment and components/parts by Taiwanese businesses has dropped. Moreover, the localization of R&D overseas by Taiwanese businesses has noticeably increased. The government’s assistance strategy should first focus on the strengthening of contacts and networks in China. It should also leverage existing Taiwanese business channels in China to expand the sales of Taiwanese products in the China market through an integrated marketing campaign and facilitate innovative R&D while keeping high-end production processes in Taiwan. The government should also relax laws governing industry exchanges, strengthen the education of Taiwanese businesses with regard to intellectual property rights and investment protections, and provide financing channels for Taiwanese businesses through Taiwanese-invested banks with branch offices in China. In the future, the government should strengthen links with the supply chains of Taiwanese businesses and to include overseas Taiwanese businesses as part of Taiwan’s industrial development plans. At the same time, it should fully realize the benefits of the ECFA and create a positive effect on Taiwan’s domestic economic development.

海峽兩岸關係從敵對僵局到近年來炙熱化的開放互動，其中負責兩岸鈔券印製重責大任又同根同源的台灣中央印製廠與中國上海印鈔有限公司、北京印鈔有限公司，卻自1949年徐蚌會戰後隔岸相望迄今。除晚近能在少數國際鈔券會議或展覽中碰面外，雙方鮮少互動，目前仍同。尤其在中斷了62年的漫長歲月中，兩岸印鈔事業在長期分治後，各自的組織發展與經營模式演變有何異同，國內相關研究相當稀少，此乃為本研究的動機與目的。 本研究運用文獻分析法及深度訪談法，藉由兩岸印鈔企業文獻資料的文獻加以比較，其中歷史文獻為相當重要的連結。並透過訪談兩岸相多位關人士及對鈔券有深度研究的學者，佐以相關理論進行研究分析。 經由文獻與訪談分析後，本研究發現兩岸印鈔事業在企業組織、經營模式、企業文化等方面大多不同。透過本研究，可對中國大陸印鈔企業有更多的瞭解，並藉此能更深一層的瞭解中國大陸印鈔事業的運作情形，俾能為兩岸印鈔廠經營提供建議。 / In recent years, the cross-strait relationship between Taiwan (ROC) and China (PROC) has evolved from political hostility and stalemate into intense economic interactions. However, as the legal tender producers of both sides, Taiwan’s Central Engraving and Printing Plant (CEPP) and China Banknote Printing and Minting Corporation (CBPM) are identically rooted while have been isolated from each other since the communist victory in 1949 in the Chinese Civil War. Except a few brief contacts during the international conferences or exhibitions, these two organizations barely have any interactions. To date, there is little study on the comparison between CEPP and CBPM with the focus on their organizational developments and business models, and thus motivates this research project. In this research, literature Analysis and In-depth Interview were used. We reviewed documents regarding CEPP and CBPM, especially by addressing the critical events and commonality between their historical documents. In addition, we interviewed the officials of CBPM who were invited to visit Taiwan and scholars who have profound knowledge in printing banknotes, security documents and government documents. Based on the documents and interviews, we analyze the organizational development and business models of CEPP and CBPM respectively with related theories. Through the analysis of the literature and interviews, this study found that the two sides of banknote printing career in business organization, business model, corporate culture, are mostly different. Through this research, we expect to have better understanding about CBPM and will be able to explain the rationale of its business model and the causality of its rapid organizational development. Consequently, this in-depth understanding should be helpful in providing CEPP with valuable references and suggestions.

本研究主要動機在於兩岸關係的複雜與動態發展的特性，不能簡單的一言以蔽之，複雜在於中國的變化以及兩岸主權的特殊性。本文聚焦的重點在於，透過角色理論的爬梳，先探討中國角色型塑的過程。透過中國的歷史自我以及中國是天下觀底下培養出的他者投射，兩相結合整理中國的角色變化。尤其在中國邁入現代後賦予其「身分」與「地位」兩個自我概念，再試圖整理現代中國自我認知與他者投射後產出的角色。透過中國大陸的角色建構過程，分析中國在特定時間內的角色以及其特性。 其次，透過大小政治實體理論，以及中國自身的角色變化，觀察中國越南與中國朝鮮兩個不對稱理論的案例實踐中，中國作為大政治實體展現出的特性。中國在實踐中越關係以及中朝關係時，一方面受到自身角色的影響，另一方面受到不對稱關係交流中的限制，並不能無視小國意願的為所欲為。因此。透過中國與越南和朝鮮的關係實踐，可以對於中國在大小政治實體概念中，處理兩岸關係的啟示。 最後，整理不對稱理論中小國對於大國的可能選擇，以及中國大陸的角色變化，搭配兩岸關係三十年間的重要轉折點，將兩岸關係分為四個具有重要特性的時間段。希望藉此回答中國大陸自身在兩岸關係中的變與不變。

為維護海上人命、船舶及財產安全，各國均依「1982年聯合國海洋法公約」規定，建立區域搜救合作機制，並參考相關國際公約及搜救作業手冊，規範海上航行安全及緊急事故處理程序，惟因各國地理、水文及氣候不同，執行航行安全維護能力有限，皆必須透過多邊或雙邊搜救合作，強化區域航行安全，藉由搜救交流、兵棋推演或聯合演習等方式，提升彼此搜救合作默契及技能，以保障海上航行安全。 臺灣海峽自古以來即為東亞重要航道，兩岸航運亦自1987年開放兩岸探親，2001年金馬小三通，直至2008年正式海、空運直航以來，臺灣與大陸人民往來逐漸到達頂峰，而海難事故發生頻率亦不斷提高，藉此搜救合作契機在此為氛圍下形成，並在簽署「海峽兩岸海運協議」基礎上，透過輪流舉辦演練、搜救交流互訪及建立緊急聯繫管道等工作，逐步建立兩岸海上搜救合作機制，以「就近就便、及時救援」之原則，共同合作展現兩岸「人道救援」之普世價值。 在兩岸海上搜救合作機制下，兩岸搜救機關不斷共同執行海上搜救合作，增進彼此合作默契與搜救技能，但在兩岸分治的政治現實下，合作機制僅能透過民間團體的協助逐漸常態化，卻未能明文制度化，且隨著政治環境的轉變，搜救合作機制似有停頓，但海峽海域環境依然惡劣，往來人民持續熱絡，因此，為維護海峽航行安全，兩岸搜救機關仍應持續努力，共同完善合作機制，以確保兩岸人民生命財產安全。 / For the sake of maintaining people’s safety and property at sea, every coastal State establish the regional search and rescue (hereinafter SAR) cooperation mechanism in accordance with the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, 1982, and formulate the navigation safety rules and standard operation procedure of responding to the emergency cases at sea. Due to the discrepancy of geography, hydrology and climate as well as limited ability for maintaining the navigation safety among counties, every state shall enhance the regional navigational safety by lateral or multilateral cooperation in SAR exchange, table-top exercise and joint SAR drill to strengthen the SAR cooperation mechanism and technique in order to provide the safe environment for navigation. Taiwan Strait is the pivotal shipping route of Eastern Asia through the ages. The shipping of the cross-strait starts from visit relatives between both sides in 1987, and gradually increases after the transport links between the Kinmen, Matsu areas and the Mainland area in 2001. The air and sea transport between Taiwan and Mainland area begin in 2008, and the number of Taiwanese and Chinese travel between Taiwan and Mainland reaches the highest record which leads to the increasing disasters at sea. In order to respond to this situation, the cooperation between the cross-strait are needed and the SAR drills are held in turns and officials’ visiting as well as emergency communication channel in accordance with the Cross-Strait shipment agreement which came into effect in 2008. Those measures concrete the SAR cooperation mechanism of the cross-strait on the basis of saving life and property at sea promptly when one side is close or ready for it and demonstrate the common vision of humanitarian rescue. According to the cross-strait’s SAR cooperation mechanism, the rescue authorities of both sides conduct the SAR mutually to enhance the coordination and SAR skills for their work. However, due to the politic relationship of the cross strait, the cooperation is under the non-official channel. Since the political change with the new government in Taiwan, the cooperation between Taiwan and Mainland China is suspended. The Taiwan Strait is a high risk area for people of both sides. Furthermore, in order to provide the safe navigational area, the cross-strait SAR authorities shall continuously establish the cooperative mechanism to maintain the people’s safety and their property.

台灣開放陸資赴台直接投資已逾七年，相關投資法制體系初步形成，而法制環境對評估投資而言，一直都是最重要的影響因素。本文基於對陸資赴台投資直接適用之法令，並結合與之相關的其他法規範，通過研究，對陸資赴台直接投資之法制有較為清晰之認識。 由於台灣對陸資與僑外資採分別立法管轄，並將陸資經由第三地區公司赴台投資視為陸資間接投資，與陸資直接投資適用相同之法律規範。故本文首先對陸資的意涵進行分析，釐清其所指代的範圍，並說明主管機關在實務認定上的要點。其次，本文結合台灣公司法上涉及股東出資的相關規定，對陸資赴台直接投資可為之出資方式進行討論。最後，陸資投資業別項目的歷次開放說明，以及陸資可選擇之投資型態亦為本文論述的重點，目的在於明確現階段台灣市場對陸資的開放程度，以及陸資的相關投資待遇。 在對陸資赴台進行了法令結合實務的研究之後，本文進一步將其與外資赴台投資進行比較分析，並從開放投資業別項目、投資主體身分限制、申請程序、後續核查機制四個方面論述了二者投資台灣的差別待遇。兩岸雖然已經在逐步減少投資限制，促進投資便利化等方面達成協議，但台灣對陸資與外資在事實上的差別對待仍然較為明顯。 隨著陸資赴台投資逐漸顯現其正面效益，台灣同樣應該對現行的陸資政策進行檢討，適時作出調整，逐步放寬對陸資的限制，改善陸資投資環境。 / Taiwan has permitted Mainland China to make direct investment in the Island over seven years, and the relevant preliminary legal investment system has been formed. This thesis has made a research on the directly applicable laws for the direct mainland investment in Taiwan and other related laws and regulations, so as to give readers a clearer understanding of the law of direct investment in Taiwan. Considering that Taiwan has made different laws to manage mainland investment and overseas investment, firstly, this paper analyzes the connation of mainland investment and clarifies its meaning ranges. Secondly, combined with the part of contributions of shareholder stated on Taiwan company law, the paper also discussed what way the investors from mainland could choose to make direct investment in Taiwan.Finally, descriptions of all previous business categories that could be invested and investment patterns that could be chosen by mainland investors are also the important discussion points of the paper. After a research combining the practice with regulations, this thesis will make a further contrasting analysis of mainland investment with the foreign investment in Taiwan, as well as their treatment difference for aspects of opening investment projects, investment restrictions on the identity, application procedures and the subsequent verification mechanism. Although, the two sides have gradually reduced investment restrictions and promote to make agreements on investment facilitation, there are still obvious differences of Taiwan’s treatment on mainland investment and foreign investment. As mainland investment is gradually making positive effect on Taiwan’s development, Taiwan should also review the current policy on mainland investment and make timely adjustments, so as to slowly relieve its restrictions and improve the investment environment for mainland investors.

2008年7月政府開放第一類大陸人民來臺觀光， 復於2011年6月開放陸客來臺個人旅遊，霎時大陸旅客蜂湧來臺，然持續擴大開放政策之同時，陸客利用觀光來臺涉犯諸如竊盜、詐欺、賣淫等違法案件所在多有，不禁令人擔憂後遺症是否浮現？ 本文研究目的，即在分析政府開放陸客第一類來臺觀光以來，對臺灣治安有哪些影響，並探討其因應對策。文中採用文獻分析法、深入訪談法及次級資料分析法等，並援引「非法移民」、「理性選擇」、「跨境犯罪」等理論，探究該政策實施迄今對我社會治安影響為何？及分析各治安機關執行陸客來臺觀光審核、管理與查緝之問題與瓶頸？ 經研究發現，政府開放陸客第一類來臺觀光以來，衍生之治安現象如下：(1)先脫團、後犯案模式轉變；(2)審核不嚴方便『合法入境掩護非法活動』行為；(3)人蛇集團仲介色情賣淫及跨境重大竊盜案、詐騙犯罪問題；(4)違法模式隨政策持續改變。另執行安全管理問題如下：(1)法令受政策影響，有欠通盤考量；(2)陸客人流審核管理現隱憂；(3)安全與經濟、人權呈現拉扯；(4)法制不同影響打擊犯罪合作；(5)審核人力、專業性不足；(6)旅行社業務轉讓，危機意識欠缺；(7)電信犯罪偵查困境仍待突破。 經歸納後提出以下建議：(1)法律制定作長期性考量；(2)設置兩岸官方辦事處，強化源頭管理、促進打擊犯罪；(3)卡式入境許可證結合悠遊卡、電子錢包促銷觀光；(4)兩岸防治跨境犯罪相關規定法制化；(5)檢討移民署組織人力與需求；(6)加強查察旅行社違規接待或轉讓業務；(7)強化治安實務交流與訓練，建構兩岸犯罪資料庫。 / In July 2008, Taiwanese government passed a legislation allowing tour groups from Mainland China to travel into Taiwan. In June 2011, Taiwanese government first allowed travelers from Mainland China on an individual basis and soon generated tremendous numbers of Chinese tourists in Taiwan. Nevertheless, when the opening policy for individual tourists from Mainland China increased substantially, illegal activities such as larceny, fraudulence, prostitution and so on emerged at the same time. It’s worrying that Chinese tourists may have had negative impacts on Taiwan. The aim of this paper is to analyze the impacts on the public security in Taiwan and countermeasures since legislation allowing tour groups from Mainland China to travel to Taiwan. In this paper, research methods (such as literature review, in-depth interview and secondary data analysis) are applied to investigate the impacts of the opening policy for Chinese tourists on the public security in Taiwan. Theories about “illegal immigrants,” “rational choice theory,” “transnational crime,” and so on are cited. The research found that the following negative influences on public security brought by allowing tour groups from Mainland China to travel into Taiwan: (1) tourists from Mainland China leaving the tour group first and using the different modus operandi to do illegal activities, (2) lenient examination on tourists from Mainland China leading to illegal activities covered by legal immigration, (3) criminal behaviors (e.g. trans-border larceny, prostitution, fraudulence, etc.) being conducted by people smuggling syndicates, (4) illegal activities appearing in different forms when the policy change happens. The following are problems of execution of safety control: (1) enactment of laws and orders being influenced by policies, not taking all things into consideration. (2) potential problems with the examination on tourists from Mainland China. (3) dilemma of choosing economy booting, safety control, or human right protection. (4) different legal systems influencing the cooperation of crime-fighting. (5) lack of manpower and insufficient professionalism. (6) travel agencies being lack of the awareness of crisis when transferring business. (7) the plight of the investigation on telephone fraud. Here are some suggestions inducted to solve the problems: (1) enacting the laws and orders with the long-run consideration. (2) establishing the official cross-strait office to enhance safety control and crime-fighting cooperation. (3) combining EasyCard and Visa Cash with entry permit to boost tourism. (4) enacting relating laws to prevent trans-border illegal activities. (5) reviewing the lack of manpower of National Immigration Agency. (6) enhancing the examination on travel agencies to check whether they accept tourists or convey business illegally or not. (7) intensifying the training courses of crime-fighting for police officers, sharing the practical experiences, and setting criminal databases.

The introduction of the Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement (ECFA) signed between China and Taiwan in 2010 has added a significantly important economic element to cross-strait relations. Little research has been done on cross-strait integration from an economic standpoint, and to analyze the potential for successful economic integration between the parties it is necessary to determine whether their political economies are compatible for integration. In this research comparative studies of the political economies of Taiwan and China are conducted with focuses on industrial orientation, market mechanisms, and the motivations driving major economic actors. This research focuses on Fujian and Guangdong, Taiwan’s closest economic partners on the mainland and the cornerstones of Beijing’s integration incentives, with a minor study conducted on Hong Kong-China integration due to similarities of economic integration mechanisms. This study uses models constructed by scholars on Chinese provincial protectionism and trade barriers to determine whether Taiwanese integration with the “Common China Market” will be mutually beneficial for the economies on both sides of the Taiwan Strait. Economic indicators, trade trends, and economic policy incentives indicate that integration under ECFA is amplifying trade asymmetries and is stalling real economic growth in Taiwan. Findings also show that trade liberalization has allowed major trade barrier and protectionism-creating phenomena that were once limited to the mainland to contribute to cross-strait competition regime among the economies studied. This research contributes to the fledgling body of academic research on cross-strait economic integration and its impact on the parties directly impacted by it. Implications of this study show that it would be beneficial for the speed of ECFA integration to be reigned in, and for Taiwan to use the trade agreement as a counter to pursue bilateral regional trade that can ensure its competitiveness.

對中國大陸及相關問題的研究，在面對中國大陸以政治、經濟與武力威脅，並不時主張對台擁有主權的台灣而言，實在很難脫離「顯學」的地位；也就是因為中國大陸的威脅一直存在著，兩岸關係與台灣的生存就不得不緊密結合在一起，所以對中國大陸問題的研究，以兩岸關係作為研究結果的呈現，就成為學者所熱中的項目之一。當前，兩岸關係的研究已到汗牛充棟的地步，但對兩岸關係理論的建立卻明顯不足，這個不足對於已有的兩岸關係研究成果，常構成諸多不周延之處，經常被學者提及。 現有兩岸關係的研究，雖有外交史途徑(the diplomatic history approach)、分裂國家途徑(the divided nation approach)、理性選擇途徑(the rational choice approach)、菁英衝突途徑(the elite conflict approach)及不對稱政治過程途徑(the asymmetrical political approach)等五大類，但卻沒有任何一類將台灣國家認同分作制度認同、文化認同及族群認同三個環節加以討論，並依此討論作為研究兩岸關係的途徑者，但明顯的卻是台灣的國家認同內涵變化，對於兩岸關係具有決定性的影響力，因此，本論文在假設中共對台「併吞」態度長期不變的情況下，集中探討台灣民眾由兩蔣時代經李登輝時代，到陳水扁時代的國家認同轉變，及其對兩岸的影響，並意圖建構以台灣國家認同變遷作為自變相，以兩岸關係作為應變相的兩岸關係研究途徑（approach），甚至進一步建立國家認同變遷對兩岸關係影響的理論，至少也應補充現有兩岸關係的各類理論，讓各家理論或研究途徑在解釋、描繪與預測兩岸關係過程中，多加考慮台灣民眾對國家認同的主流意向，使得兩岸關係的相關理論或途徑因而更加周延與完備。 「國家認同」（national Identity）的含意眾說紛紜，國內學者江宜樺教授主張國家認同應該以「族群認同」、「文化認同」及「制度認同」三個主要層面來討論，只有三個層面的綜合表現，才得以稱為完整的國家認同內涵，本文就是借用此三個環節，進行國家認同的討論，本文中更指：「族群認同」是以認同中國人或認同台灣人為討論主軸，「文化認同」則指台灣經由本土化的推動後，台灣人民對於台灣文化或中國傳統文化認同的區隔，「制度認同」是在討論台灣人民認同中華民國政治體制運作，或認同中華人民共和國政治體制運作的區別；由兩蔣時期、李登輝時期及陳水扁時期，台灣在此三個環節中的整體表現，構結出當時特有的國家認同表現，從中以縱向比較的方式，討論台灣國家認同的變遷情形，並就當時的國家認同情形與當時的兩岸關係作相對應的探討，以建立自兩蔣以降台灣國家認同變遷與兩岸關係變化的因果關係，再從因果關係的確立中，推論出現階段及往後兩岸關係，在台灣領導人有意引導國家認同變遷方向，及中共僵硬的對台政策相互衝撞下，兩岸關係的可能發展方向，提供在此領域的研究者另一種值得深思的面向與空間，讓兩岸關係的理論建構更加完備。 / Researches of Mainland China and relative inquires can hardly be separated from the position of “Explicit Learning” in Taiwan, while facing political, economical as well as military threats from Mainland China, in addition to the constant declaration of its sovereign right on Taiwan. Due to the threats from Mainland Chain remain unchanged, cross-strait relations and the existence of Taiwan can’t help but tightly link together. Thus, presentations of research results concerning cross-strait relations have become one of the popular research topics for scholars. At present, numerous researches of cross-strait relations have been carried out, yet the establishment of cross-strait relations theory is somehow obviously inadequate. Such insufficiency often results in a variety of negligence to the outcome of existed cross-strait relations researches and it is frequently brought up by scholars. Although present researches on cross-strait relations are categorized into five approaches; the diplomatic history approach, the divided nation approach, the rational choice approach, the elite conflict approach and the asymmetrical political approach. Nevertheless, there is none to categorize Taiwan national identity into three key aspects which are systematic identity, cultural identity and ethnic identity for further discussion, and nor is it discussed accordingly to include it as an approach of researching cross-strait relations. However, it is clearly that the connotation change of Taiwan’s national identity has decisive influence on cross-strait relations. As a result, this dissertation is based on the assumption that China’s attitude of swallowing up Taiwan by military force remains unchanged in the long run and concentrates on the discussion of national identity alteration of the Taiwan people starting from the era of Chiang Kai-Sheik and his son Chiang Ching-Kuo, via the era of Lee Teng-Hui to the era of Chen Shui-Bian , and its influence on Mainland China and Taiwan. It also means to build a research approach on cross-strait relations in this dissertation by setting the change of Taiwan‘s national identity as the independent variable and cross-strait relations as the dependent variable. It further establishes a theory of the influence of national identity alternation on cross-strait relations. Therefore, this dissertation at least provides additional information to assorted theories of cross-strait relations and allows scholars to take the main-stream national identity of the Taiwan People into deeper consideration while they are in the process of explaining, describing and predicting cross-strait relations; hence, it makes the related theories or approaches of cross-strait relations sounder and more complete. The meaning of national identity is rather confusing. Professor Chiang Yi-Hua thinks that national identity ought to be discussed from three aspects of ethnic identity, cultural identity and systematic identity. Without a combined performance of these three aspects complete national identity connotation can’t be existed. This research uses these three aspects to make discussions on national identity. In the research it clearly points out “national identity” is discussed mainly on identifying the Chinese or identifying Taiwan people and “cultural identity” means the identity division of the Taiwan people towards Taiwan culture or Chinese traditional culture after the movement of localization. “Systematic identity” is to discuss the identity difference of the Taiwan people in the political system operations of the Republic of China or People’s Republic of China. Taiwan’s overall performance of these three aspects, from the era of Chiang, Kai-Sheik and Chiang Ching-Kuo, via the era of Lee Teng-Hui to the era of Chen Shui-Bian, created a specific national identity performance during those periods. Vertical comparison was applied to discuss the change of Taiwan’s national identity. Mutual discussions on national identity and cross-strait relations during that period are also completed to launch cause-result connection between Taiwan’s national identity and change of cross-strait relations since the two Chiang era, afterwards, present and future cross-strait relations are inferred from the certainty of cause-result connection and possible development of cross-strait relations under the impacts of Taiwan leader who intends to induce the alternation direction of national identity and Mainland China’s stiff Taiwan policy. It is to present another thinking path and space to researchers who are involved in this field and allow the theory structure of cross-strait relations better equipped.