The crucial point for winning the presidential election of Taiwan comes mostly from the trends of ¡§ Cross-Strait Policies¡¨ for each candidate takes. After Ma was elected as president of Taiwan, the rapid warming relations between cross strait make some local Governments to be caught unawareness. Being Compared with local government of northern Taiwan to be filled with resources from central government, local government in southern Taiwan facing with difficult situation. In this way, the major purpose of this thesis is on developing useful and feasible policies directions under the situation of three direct links. The thesis comes with the research method called ¡§Interactive Management¡¨. After two days of intensively meeting, the experts come out with implementing policies goals as below: (1)Reset the goal for Kaohsiung¡¦s development then building the brand and image for Kaohsiung city.(2) Clarify the future tourism direction of Kaohsiung city.(3)Develop cultural, art and creative industries of Kaohsiung city. (4)The positive and active attitudes for Kaohsiung city government to solve problems and enforce the policy propaganda.(5)Scheme the second period of sixth Container Terminal of Kaohsiung Harbor.(6)Build the southern international airport to integrate the other four airports.(7)The mass media to balance the reports toward Mainland China and educate Taiwan people to regard mainlanders in a perspective way.(8)Redraw the free trade zone and lift the related laws and decrees to accelerate the flows between human resources, cargos and funds.(9)Enforce the international Convention and Exhibition certifications and expand the human resources base of tour guides tour leaders. And most important of all: (10)Let more people to participate the discussions of public affairs by purposely and frequently forums involving programs. Another major purpose is to discuss how the central Government coordinative unit,¡¨ Executive Yuan Southern United Service Center, EYSC¡¨ to elaborate Kaohsiung city Government to cope with cross-strait affairs. This research based on the designed questionary with government officials from EYSC and kaohsiung city government. The experts sum up with the conclusions in the dimensions below :(1)Reduce the height between central and local government. (2)Redevelop the function of coordination. (3)Give direct help from EYSC to kaohsiung city government (including policy communications and coordination, the future policy implements, cross strait interactions and cooperation).

一、兩岸對建立軍事互信機制，避免兩岸軍事衝突雖有爭論，卻也希望彼此間能夠找出一條可行之路。雖然「軍事互信機制」在歐洲已經建立起一套完整的理論及發展模式，但是其經驗未必就能適用於複雜多變的兩岸關係。 二、軍事互信機制在亞洲之發展案例中，可以發現失敗原因有因雙方缺乏政治意願執行、互信基礎脆弱、核武競賽、歷史淵源與大國的戰略布局等。 三、中共提出兩岸建立軍事互信機制，始於2004年的「五一七聲明」，「胡四點」、「連胡公報」，將軍事互信機制優先順序調整；兩岸關係改善後，「胡六點」亦希望穩定台海局勢，「減輕軍事安全顧慮」，顯示胡擔心無法掌握的意外隨時會發生，這些徵候似可連結到中共迅速通過反分裂法的制定，名義上針對台灣的各項台獨作為，實質上卻將解放軍出兵的舉動用法律來約制。 四、實在廣義的層面上，兩岸對於軍事互信均抱持正面的態度，雖說在時間點、優先順序、實質交流內容等面向或有不同意見，惟大體言之兩岸之間建立軍事互信機制的環境其實已經成熟。 五、本文研究發現中共的「軍事互信機制」是階段性策略、兩岸發展「軍事互信機制」的本質與目的與歐陸不同、兩岸發展軍事安全互信機制內涵迥異、兩岸軍事互信機制建立環境已趨成熟、國防安全上的軍事衝突隱憂仍然存在、軍購仍為我建構軍事互信機制重要籌碼。 六、兩岸應在九二共識下探討軍事（軍事安全）互信機制建構框架，我應建置對中國大陸談判軍事互信機制之跨部會專責機構，以整合政府政策與資源。並應充分運用民間智庫研究能量，聚焦軍事互信機制議題與審慎培育與納管規劃及談判人才，另需積極爭取軍售，以增強軍事互信機制談判實力，最後應加速投入海西特區發展建構非軍事化區域之價值。

貿易機會為產業間貿易或產業內貿易的發生或開拓，對於以貿易為經濟命脈的臺灣，如何創造貿易機會更是極為重要的課題。近年來簽訂國與國或區與區之間的貿易協定，以制定簽約國或地區相互貿易的優惠條件已蔚為一股風潮。 臺灣與中國大陸僅相隔臺灣海峽，由於地理位置鄰近、歷史背景及語言文化共通等因素，兩岸貿易往來頻繁而密集，於2009年開放陸資來臺投資、2010年簽訂「兩岸經濟合作架構協議」（Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement，ECFA），此後於2012年由海基會與海協會達成共識簽訂「海峽兩岸投資保障和促進協定」（簡稱：投保協定），並於2013年2月1日正式生效，使兩岸雙向貿易更加通行無阻。 本研究以2013年經濟部投資審議委員會「陸資投資事業營運狀況調查表」之問卷資料為分析對象，以廠商規模、行業類別、資本密集度、技術研發比率、國外投資比率、人力資本、關稅障礙、政策法規制約程度、項目開放不足程度、同業競爭共10個決定因素，歸納為廠商特性、營運策略與貿易障礙三大構面，運用Probit Model來探討ECFA與投保協定生效後，影響兩岸貿易機會的決定因素。 實證結果發現，「廠商規模」、「資本密集度」、「技術研發比率」與「政策法規制約程度」為影響兩岸貿易機會的重要決定因素。 / “Trade Opportunities”define as the development of inter-industry or intra-industry trade. For country like Taiwan, trading is an essential part of nation’s economy. As such, how to create trade opportunities is a very important topic. Singing of FTA（Free Trade Agreement）between countries or regions to reduce the trade barriers and develop preferential terms for mutual trading is booming in recent years. Due to geographical proximity（separated by the Taiwan Strait）, historical background and the common language and cultural factors, cross-strait trade has been more frequent and intensive. In 2009, allowing Mainland China Investors to invest in Taiwan. And in 2010, both parties signed the“ECFA （Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement）”. Then in 2012 “Cross-Strait Bilateral Investment Protection and Promotion Agreement” was signed and effective on February 1, 2013, making cross-strait bilateral trade even more unimpeded. This study conducts an empirical research based on the questionnaire survey data of “2013 Investigation Report on Operation Status of The Mainland China-Investment Enterprises”from Ministry of Economic Affairs in Taiwan. I classify the questionnaire survey data into 10 determinants: the scale of the firm, the industry category, the capital intensity, the R&D （research and development）ratio, the foreign investment ratio, the human capital, tariff barriers , the degree of control in policy and regulations, the degree of openness of the project, and the competition. These can be summarized into three aspects: the characteristics of the firm, the operational strategy and the trade barriers. Then using the Probit Model to analyze the determinants of trade opportunity of Mainland China enterprises in Taiwan when ECFA and Cross-Strait Bilateral Investment Protection and Promotion Agreement go into effect. The empirical results show that“the scale of the firm”、“the capital intensity”、“the R&D ratio”and“the degree of control in policy and regulations”are most important determinants of trade opportunity of Mainland China enterprises in Taiwan.

This study focuses on the official political line of Taiwan’s President Tsai Ing-wen. By conducting a qualitative text analysis in the form of a structured, focused comparative study on President Tsai’s National Day addresses over the period of 2018-2022. The chosen research questions of the study are; how are President Tsai Ing-wen’s official statements on the diplomatic relation to China presented in the National Day Addresses over the period 2018-2022 and to what extent do they differ? And how is Taiwan's National Unity presented by President Tsai Ing-wen in the National Day Addresses over the period 2018-2022 and to what extent do they differ? The study deemed the themes China, ‘Us’ and ‘ Them’ and National Unity to be of importance. Furthermore, the conclusion showed that President Tsai's National Day addresses seem to have adapted to the increase of severity in threats that Taiwan faces over time. As the threats from China have grown more severe, but also as the world faced a pandemic, economic difficulties and other major conflicts world wide. Finally, President Tsai referenced Taiwan's international allies increasingly over the years. Emphasizing the importance of like minded democratic allies to strengthen Taiwan’s National Unity and security.

馬克斯‧韋伯曾經表示儒家文化是阻礙儒家國家成為「現代化國家」的障礙，因為儒家思想要求安定的特性和現代化的條件正好衝突，所以即使在最有利的條件下，儒家社會也不能變成現代社會。然而發展起步較晚,屬于儒家文化圈一環的東亞國家如台灣、新加坡、香港，以及大韓民國卻仍舊表現出令人稱羨的經濟發展，更擠身於現代國家之列。就連信奉基督教的已故總統金大中也表示韓國的成功和韓國人的儒家特徵有重要關係。 但即便大韓民國是亞洲較早實現了現代化的一個國家，而且已經是世界第十三大經濟體，然而也必須承認這個國家的現代化之路歷經坎坷。在日本殖民和韓國內戰的影響下，一直到1962年開始才恢復經濟建設，並且因為資源的匱乏使得大韓民國的發展在初期不被任何人看好。可今天的大韓民國不僅在經濟上實現了突破，在儒家文化的傳承上也讓海峽兩岸炎黃子孫自嘆不如，它的成功經驗或者失敗教訓，對於兩岸來說都是一筆非常重要的財富，值得借鑑。 / Max Weber once stated that Confucian culture was the main drawback to the modernization of a country. Therefore, even under the most favorable conditions, the Confucian society is still unable to turn modern. However, in the East-Asian Confucian cultural circle, some of the late-developing countries, like Taiwan, Singapore, Hong Kong and South Korea, who are traditionally considered heavily influenced by the Confucian culture, show a tremendous development in their economy and are becoming one of the modern countries in the world. Just as President. Kim Dae Jung said although like South Korea is under the influence of the Confucianism, Confucian culture, undoubtedly, still makes positive contributions to the development. Typically, the success of South Korea is the most compelling evidence of the modernization of a Confucian country. Even though the Republic of Korea has become the most modern country and the 13th largest economic structure among the Asia country, they must also recognize that there are few fluctuations to achieve modernization. The influence of the Japanese colonial and the civil war in Korea have caused the recovery of economic started in year 1962. Besides that, people did not have a high expectation for this development because of the lack of resources. However, today, not only the economy of Republic of Korea to accomplish a breakthrough in the Confucian cultural heritage, but also to the Chinese people across the Taiwan Straits. Its success and failures, worth learning.

對於兩岸交流日益頻繁，本文提出一命題假設，認為「兩岸城市交流管理，臺灣政府尚未建立有效府際關係（intergovernmental relations）管理模式」。 本文透過以臺灣東部二線城市花蓮為研究對象，設定2011 至 2015 年為研究範圍，並以國際關係理論中的庶民現實主義觀點及新多邊主義及為研究途徑，佐以文獻探討、歷史資料蒐集、內容分析和個案深度訪談等方法, 以了解(1)臺灣中央政府赴陸城市外交管理模式與地方六都赴陸城市外交理念？ (2)花蓮地方政府、特色產業與民間組織如何運用兩岸城市外交，達成增加「柔性實力」（soft power）與大都會競爭？(3)其特殊突圍模式？期望此研究提供考察臺灣政府如何進行管理，以達成有效適時性、突破性的府際關係決策參考，洞察臺灣城市兩岸外交發展和局限性。 本研究發現，臺灣政府針對兩岸城市外交實質上並無建構完善整合管理及分權機制，使兩岸交流中央業務單位間各自為政，地方政府參與大陸事務迫於自立，彼此的互信度不高，溝通不良是府際運作關係的主要特徵，因此地方政府時常擁有自己桌面下的議程，成為爭鬥式各自為政型地方政府（coming apart and contentious local government）。 本文總結認為，唯有建構一個有效、突破性全臺城市外交兩岸交流藍圖，才有可能解決此一弊病，以「兩岸和平交流，城市分權治理」為主、「城市柔性實力，兩岸跨域發展」為輔，除了城市官方外交居於中心位置，民間公共外交更是最穩固的基礎，因此，才可望能讓臺灣的城市外交打頭陣，讓臺灣走出國際社會。 / In cross-strait exchanges, the central government plays the dominant role, while the role of local governments still misfunctioned. This paper examines the unique breakthrough of Taiwan local government on cross-strait city exchanges and the lack management of Taiwan central government on the issue. It arises the following question: For Hualian, a resourcelss second-tier city and located in remote eastern-part of Taiwan, its local government has brought considerable economic benefits through cross-strait exchanges; while it might also demage Taiwan national security and long-term development of cross-strait exchanges. What is the cause of this contradiction? The intergovernmental contradiction between central and local government is for reason that the central government in Taiwan is reluctant to the management on cross-strait exchanges between cities. This paper found that the conservative management of cross-strait city exchanges is featured that the lack of central coordination mechanism, local initatives and the intermediary support for local NGOs. As for Haulien, located in remote area with inufficiant subsidies from the central government, the strengtheness of Haulien ccompetitiveness serves as the priority for its urgent need on reconstruction and economic regeneration,. That is to say, Hualian seeks economic benefits in the cross-strait exchanges is synonymous with the trend of enterprising city governance in the era of globalization. In other words, it also features that in the context of cross-strait relationship, Hualian is forced to participate in independently due to the lack of intergovernmental mutual trust and poor communication and leads to Hualien local different agenda under the table, being a coming contentious government. This paper concludes that the management on cross-strait city exchanges may be difficult to completely dominant by the central or the locals alone, the whole conepts also relies on share responsibility except for centralization and decentralization. This concepts of new management may initates the local government to actively expand its interests, but not braggering the role of local government on the both side. While the central government should open the channel for the locals, especially the dispute of Six-cities in Taiwan has caused great challenges for domestic city governance in order to avoid intergovernmental tension on the topic of cross-strait city exchanges. In conclusion, it is suggested that local government can effectively play a mediating role between the central government and local non-governmental organizations on both sides of political or grass roots level exchanges for the sustainable development of cross-strait city exchanges.

臺灣與中國大陸加入WTO後，其貿易互動將更趨頻繁，此現象除了帶來兩岸經濟的活絡外，也將提高兩岸貿易糾紛發生的可能性，因此熟悉WTO爭端解決機制的運作是臺灣做為一個經貿小國必學的課題；又兩岸糾紛不同於一般國際經貿糾紛，牽涉到敏感的政治因素，臺灣面臨的是對我主權不尊重也不認同之國家，在這樣的情況下，臺灣必須學習如何訴諸WTO爭端解決機制的法律途徑以保障臺灣經貿。 WTO爭端解決機制包含諮商、斡旋等雙邊協商，協商不成則可提請爭端解決機構(DSB)成立爭端解決小組(panel)以為因應，透過小組對兩造意見之書面審查、口頭辯論等意見表達，及蒐集相關資訊蒐集後，最後由小組做成「期中報告」，若成員國無其他意見表述，則「期中報告」即為「最終報告」，DSB有權要求被控訴履行裁決。 在整個WTO爭端解決過程中，臺灣必須面臨的挑戰有：中國大陸認定臺灣無提請訴訟資格的主權抗議、國際現實的壓力、龐大的訴訟費用，以及曠日費時的訴訟期間等。倘最後中國拒絕履行義務，臺灣雖可請求DSB授權對中國大陸進行貿易制裁，但其亦將蒙受本身產業在貿易制裁過程中的損失。這些因素使得臺灣政府在對中國大陸發動WTO爭端解決程序時有所顧忌。 但將兩岸爭端訴諸WTO爭端解決程序有一好處，即使兩岸貿易 回歸到規則導向的互動，亦可嚇阻中國大陸不尊重我為WTO會員國之相關行動，使兩岸貿易走向法制化的互動。 / After Taiwan and China accession to the WTO, the activities of bilateral trade will be more frequent. Besides the busy business, the possibility of trade disputes between cross-strait parties will be arisen as well. Therefore Taiwan needs to have more intimate knowledge of WTO dispute settlement mechanism. On the other hand, the disputes between cross-strait is different to other international disputes. The opponent that Taiwan faces to is a country which doesn’t respect Taiwan’s state sovereign. In such a circumstances, Taiwan have to learn how to protect the benefits of domestic industries through resorting to the legal access of WTO dispute settlement mechanism. The procedures of WTO dispute settlement mechanism contains bilateral negotiation like consultation、good-offices etc. If the consultation is in vain, the complaining party could request the DSB to establish the panel. The panel has the rights to review the written requests、consider the rebuttal submissions、and seek concerning information, then the panel should issue an “interim report ”.If no other Member State has different requests, the “interim report ”shall be considered “ the final panel report “, and the DSB has the right to ask the defendant party to practice the recommendations. During the whole process of WTO dispute settlement, Taiwan has to face these challenges as follows: the sovereign protest from China、the pressure from international reality、huge expenses of the proceedings, long time in the proceedings etc....If China refuse the recommendations, Taiwan could request the authorization from the DSB to suspend the application to Taiwan concerned of trade sanction. But the sanction will also injury Taiwan’s own domestic industries. Those consideration make Taiwan feel fearful of operating the WTO dispute settlement procedures against China. There is an advantage of resorting to the WTO dispute settlement procedures against China, that is lead the trade activities between cross-strait to the operation of rule-oriented access ,and it also can stop China continue using the measures that will violate Taiwan’s sovereign. Those changes can legalize the trade activities between cross-strait.

本文係針對大陸台商的「當地化」現象進行探討。隨著兩岸經貿的開展，台商的當地化經營已成為一個不可避免的趨勢，而本文所欲探討之「當地化」，係從經濟的角度出發，亦即在經濟全球化之後，跨國公司（台商）的海外投資為求利益極大化，勢必將調整原本的經濟策略，以合乎當地市場的需求；而此一調整則可能包含其市場、原物料及進用人才等各個面相，筆者並運用價格要素均等及比較優勢建立本文之假說。 在此一前提下，本文利用深度訪談及半結構式問卷，針對大上海地區（上海、吳江、昆山）的台商企業之當地化經營現象進行研究，共計獲得三十份訪談紀錄及八十五份問卷，對於此一現象進行深入且廣泛的經驗分析。研究結果發現，台商企業不但認同當地化經營對於企業永續生存之重要，已在經營或用人方面進行大幅度的當地化，並強調此一趨勢將繼續進行。本文之研究結果驗證了先前之假說，但此一發現亦有例外之處，即對於攸關「信任」的職務，台商普遍不願輕言進行當地化。 / This thesis studies the progresses of localization in the Taiwanese businesses in Great Shanghai. It aims to make sense this process in a larger context of economic integration across the Strait and market competition around the world. Based on the findings, it is the economic forces, might be understood as factor price equalization or regional comparative advantages, that play the key role in bringing about the localization of these Taiwanese enterprises. Under the pressures to compete on global market and also to reap regional advantages, these Taiwanese enterprises are forces to give up their earlier import-processing-export pattern to produce from Chinese raw materials, for the Chinese market, and under the management of Chinese cadres. The empirical study of the thesis is based on two field trips in greater Shanghai, i.e., the Shanghai city, plus two other county –level cities, Wujiang and Kunshan. During the two-month field research, the author combines in-depth interviewing and semi-structured questionnaire on more than 100 Taiwanese entrepreneurs, with the result of 30 full-length transcripts and 85 questionnaires. The empirical data suggest that most Taiwanese entrepreneurs not just recognize the necessity of localization but also enjoy the profits brought by the advancements of localization. There is but one exception: localization can hardly go beyond the limit of personal trust. Thus, when deep trust is involved—say, managing financial matters—the principle of localization will be compromised.

本文研究動機緣於台灣早期的「反共必勝、暴政必亡」到廿世紀晚期的「中國崩潰論」，其預測及論述與現實的「中國崛起論」並不相符，且對緩解「台海衝突論」毫無意義。社會科學研究總是反應時代現實，因此本文的研究目的是理論層面的探討以及時代精神的反省。本文以辜汪會談為切入點並研究九○年代以來「台海衝突論」的癥結「一個中國爭議」，論述台灣政策氛圍的集體心態調整與柔水哲學的生存觀點。本文探討兩岸潛在衝突性的解決之道並理性化台灣的最大國家利益。本文理論基礎的「柔水哲學/Habeeb理論」的實質內涵有兩層，一是集體心態上的不與強國爭勝，寧願「裡子」甚於「面子」或「裡子」與「面子」的平衡，二是政策面向的彈性與柔軟，總括其為柔性策略或彈性策略的中心概念。這在突顯其與九○年代以來，台灣面對兩岸關係的僵持無解與「鎖國心態」形成兩者之間在理念上的鮮明對比。本章以三個節項（本文結論的型模分析、柔水哲學/Habeeb理論的理念闡述、理論主張檢驗）來鋪陳本文結論與相關論述。 / This dissertation mainly study Cross-strait relation of Taiwan.When Taiwan faces rising-China,it may renew the thinking,policy and collective spirit against the old one that is a survival way for Taiwan.So, this dissertation assert Taiwan may assume some soft-power and soft manner to deal rising-China.For the purpose of survival way of Taiwan,this dissertation address a case-study to research the resolution of conflict existed Cross-strait presently.In fact,Cross-strait conflict mainly result from one-China dispute.So,the survival way for Taiwan mainly strive the issue of one-China.Under the context of that spirit,Taiwan may develop some strategies and adapt attitude for accommodation the rising-China.Along the approach of case-study,this dissertation discourse the negotiation strategy in Koo-Wang talk in 1993.Additionally,soft-power and soft manner for Taiwan to treat China is a normative prescription so that this dissertation develop some statements compatible the principle of one-China.That must be a new norm for Taiwan in the new era.

在台灣的外國人對兩岸關係的看法 / The focus of this study is to shed light on what foreign residents in Taiwan think about the cross-strait situation and what factors influence the way they think. The study is motivated by what the author sees as a scarcity of information on foreigners in Taiwan, coupled by a spectacular local interest on identity as it relates to the unfolding of cross-strait politics. The author would like to call attention to the distinct voices of foreigners in Taiwan, their plight and what they see as an ideal way to resolve the current impasse. In this light, the study’s approach is exploratory in nature, employing a survey, to solicit foreigners’ opinions regarding the cross-strait situation. The study also contextualizes the social, political and economic space occupied by foreigners in Taiwan with leading intellectual theories that have been used to analyze the idea of diaspora as it occurs worldwide. It tries to single out the most potent forces that shape foreigners’ political inclinations in Taiwan. The study explores such topics as the impact of one’s country of origin, socioeconomic status, mobility, language abilities, and newspaper preferences, on foreigners’ political inclinations.