自1949年國民黨政府播遷來臺，兩岸分治從軍事對立與衝突時期（1949-1978）至相互對峙互不往來（1979-1987），直到1987年我宣布解除戒嚴令，基於人道及親情考量，開放民眾赴大陸探親，方開啟我方與大陸之交流。並於2002年1月1日起，開放大陸地區人民來臺觀光，2008年新政府規劃將從7月4日開始，陸續擴大開放大陸人民來臺觀光，預估每年將有110萬人次。就國家安全觀點，尤其有無情報人員藉此來臺滲透、蒐情？實值深入研究與探討。 由於中共至今並未放棄以武力犯臺的意圖，其中來臺觀光對象中之特殊人員，在入出境審核作業上，亦以國家安全為主要考量，為謹慎評估威脅國家及其利益的範圍，在確定威脅之後，下一步驟是發展應變，並保護國家利益的政策設計。致本文在研究方法上，採用文獻分析法、歷史研究法及個案研究法來分析相關資料，並就已查獲之共諜案例研究分析。 本文希望藉由研究結論建議政府相關單位，在規劃擴大開放大陸來臺觀光，更應防範大陸人士假藉觀光名義來臺從事「交通」或滲透之實，並提出更有效國家安全管理機制。 / Since the Kuomintang government withdrew to Taiwan in 1949, Taiwan and Mainland China are divided ruled from the period of military conflict (1949-1978) to the period of non-mutual contact(1979-1987). Until 1987, our government based on the considerations of humanitarian and family ties and announced lifting the Martial Law, then opened residents to the mainland to visit their relatives. And since January 1, 2002, our government opened more mainland people to Taiwan for sightseeing, in 2008, the Kuomintang government won the Presidential Election and plan to continuously open wider to the mainland people to Taiwan for sightseeing by the estimation of annual 1.1 million. From the view point of national security, particularly the Intelligence personnel may infiltrate to Taiwan to make intelligence collection. So,it is worth profound study and discussion. As the Mainland China has not given up the intention to armed invasion of Taiwan, The Intelligence personnel pretended tourists are the main targets in the entry and exit audit operations. For cautious assessment of the scope of threats to national interests and for the protection of national interests to develop contingency plans and the policy Planning, this study take the use of Literature analysis , historical research and case studies ,especially focus on a total of the seized spy case study analysis. We hope that the conclusion of the study would be taken into account by the relevant government units in the planning of further opening up the mainland to Taiwan for sightseeing. in the meanwhile, the relevant units should guard against the guise of mainland tourists to Taiwan in the name of "traffic" but clandestine communication or infiltration in reality, and make more effective national security management mechanism.

「台灣問題」關係到中共未來國家戰略發展的核心，並涉及民族尊嚴的維護。所以中共無論基於區域博弈、國家安全、利益、發展維護等戰略需求，「台灣問題」勢將為中共必須面對的重要議題。自1978年以來，中共領導人受到內外在安全戰略因素影響，其統一戰略思維與策略運用，不斷的進行調整，逐漸由武力解放轉變為和平統一。當前中共國家戰略雖以「國家發展」為優先，但發生對主權原則的挑戰，勢被迫將統一問題提前解決。中共迄今不願承諾放棄武力主因，即基於國家安全戰略考量，以確保對台政策的靈活性與主動性。 基於整體情勢，中共體認「談判會比透過戰爭獲益更多」的戰略思維。當前中共對台策略係採取「政經分離、先經後政」柔性作為。依國際情勢、綜合國力及軍事能量而言，整體優勢明顯傾斜於中共，故未來兩岸關係發展情況，勢將大部份取決中共的戰略走向。更值得重視的是，中共確實有武力犯台能力與決心。 中共當前對台的經貿策略，無論基於全球化需求，或是中共所佔有的戰略優勢，對於台灣而言，乃勢之所趨，與其採取「抗衡」策略，不如運用擁有的籌碼，積極與之建立依存關係，進而在未來無可避免的政治談判中，爭取國家最大的利益與安全保障。 / The Taiwan issue sits at the center of China’s national security. It involves both China’s national dignity and national interests. Therefore, no matter in terms of its development projects, regional arrangements, or national security strategies, everything related to China’s national security has to do with the Taiwan issue. This is the reason why we have to address the cross-Strait situation from the angle of China’s national security concerns. Since 1978, under the constraint of China’s economic and security conditions, its leaders have been adjusting constantly its strategy to unify Taiwan: from military liberation gradually moving towards peaceful co-optation. As a result, China can reserve more energy for its economic catch-up. But still, according to the findings of this study, once sovereignty being threatened or challenged, China will consider the use of force without any delay. And, this is exactly why China has always been reluctant to denounce the use of force against Taiwan. For the moment, however, China prefers the unification through peaceful means and this lead to a strategy of “separation of politics and economy, with economy gong first and politics being last.” But, gradually, as Taiwan becomes more dependent on China economically and loses its advantages to China militarily, according to the findings of the research, China would gain more confidence over unifying Taiwan. Such confidence, if backed up by its physical strength, would very likely lead to a military confrontation across the Taiwan Strait. Facing such circumstance, more challenges against China’s determination of defend its sovereignty would add to the likelihood of the above-mentioned scenario. Thus, according to the findings of the study, Taiwan’s best strategy might probably be avoiding “balancing/confrontation” for now and at the same time making be best use of our economic advantages and bargaining chips to build up the economic and social interdependence across the Strait, which shall be the most reliable guarantee of Taiwan’s national security.

國際貿易是經濟發展的重要手段之一，然而無論在開發中或已開發國家，貿易商皆面臨貿易流程的繁文縟節。隨著各國的關稅逐漸降低，業者進行國際貿易時的貿易成本甚至已超過關稅成本。因此，有望透過貿易便捷化來簡化貿易程序，降低貿易成本。 　近年來，兩岸貿易依存度日益提高，中國大陸更成為台灣最大的出口市場。兩岸各自推動的貿易便捷化皆獲得相當成效，然法規不透明為目前中國大陸對台最嚴重之非關稅障礙，而法規透明化又是貿易便捷化工作的其中一環，因此法規透明化為當前亟需進行之貿易便捷化工作。 由於兩岸皆為世界貿易組織會員，且貿易便捷化已納入WTO的談判架構，而GATT 1994第十條（貿易法令之公布與施行）亦揭示法規透明化乃世界貿易組織協定重要原則，因此本文檢視兩岸的法規公布、措施通知、提供草案評論、回覆諮詢、正當程序和司法救濟等透明化之世界貿易組織義務，作為兩岸法規透明化程度的衡量指標。 透明化雖然是內部即可進行之工作，但由於透明化的重要性不受中國大陸重視，因此其透明化成效有限。為解決此問題，有待建立法規透明化的兩岸合作機制，而該機制之完善將使兩岸業者受惠，雙方政府基於互惠立場，會使兩岸業者獲得更大幅公開的政府資訊，所適用行政程序中的相關權利更受到保障。 / International trade is important to economics, while there are plenty of red tape still existing in moving goods across borders, whether in developing or development countries. Following the decreasing of tariff barriers, trade costs to traders are much more than tariff costs. Therefore, it is necessary to cut down the trade cost by trade facilitation. Recently, cross-strait trade relationship is closer and Mainland China has become the biggest trade partner of Taiwan. The cross-strait development of trade facilitation is significant, but the greatest trade barrier between is non-transparency. Since transparency of trade policy is part of trade facilitation programs, the authorities have to improve the transparency of trade policies. China and Taiwan are the members of the WTO, and WTO Members agreed to launch negotiations on trade facilitation several years ago. Besides, Article X of the GATT 1994 provides that transparency is also the principle of the WTO Agreements. Transparency obligations in WTO include publication of trade policies, notification on measures, providing the opportunity for prior comments, responding to requests for information, due process of administrative procedures and ensuring the right of review and appeal. This article aims at assessing the compliance of China and Taiwan with WTO obligations in transparency. Because the importance of transparency, which can be improved unilaterally, is neglected by China, efforts paid to this transparency issue limited. To solve this problem, it is necessary to establish a cross-strait cooperation mechanism that benefits the traders in both China and Taiwan. Accordingly, the authorities would take reciprocal actions on opening information of the government and ensuring the rights of administrative procedures in a larger extent.

自1980年代末期以來，政府宣佈開放大陸探親，並逐步解除外匯管制等相關限制，兩岸之「經貿互動」於焉展開。台商到中國大陸投資二十餘年，由克服地域障礙、轉移企業資源，進而遂行經營管理的當地化，其融合速度快得驚人。現今，隨著08年「520」馬政府的上任，兩會協商、包機直航、兩岸開放大三通、陸客來台觀光…，「常居對岸」或「兩岸流動」的人數，亦隨之持續攀升，兩岸之間的互動更加日益密切。大陸台商面對因文化與生活習慣的差距所產生的生活適應問題，也成為台商赴大陸投資管理或台商個人生涯規劃上的重大考驗。過往，針對此主題之經驗研究如鳳毛麟角。因此，本研究聚焦於大陸台商生活層面當地化的情形，以及生活適應之現況，務其爬梳出具學術價值之研究論述。 本研究採取深度訪談的方式，以大陸台資企業負責人或高階幹部為訪談對象，對其生活適應及當地化的情況進行研究。雖然台商當地化的進展速度很快，但在其「安居落戶」方面，未來似乎仍充滿了變化，此乃今日極敏感、極富爭議的議題，值得台灣官方與學界高度關切。冀望透過本研究，使吾人對於「大陸台商生活層面當地化」問題，得到較完整、確切的廓清。 / The economy and trade between Taiwan and China has been continuously expanding since Taiwan Government allowed people on the island to visit their family relatives in China and gradually relieved some restrictions on Foreign Exchange Control Regulations in 1980s. It has been over 20 years since the first wave of Taiwan business people overwhelmingly entered China and started their own business. Demonstrated by their way of how to overcome any geographic barriers, how to successfully transfer desired business resources and how to localize and globalize their business, the acceleration speed of emerging in China for Taiwan business people these years has been so amazing. After President Ma’s taking office on May 20, 2008, never in the past six decades have relations between Taiwan and China been as good as they are today. Furthermore, with the help from affair negotiations between Strait Exchange Foundation (SEF) and Association for Relations Across the Taiwan Straits (ARATS), cross-straits direct charter flight(s), direct transportation across the Taiwan Strait and the increasing number of China tourists in Taiwan, the population of Taiwan business people nowadays in China (either they are permanent residents in China or frequent flyers between Taiwan and China) has been growing drastically. Due to the cultural difference in business and life style between Taiwan and China, it has also become a great challenge for most Taiwan business people to figure out how to live, work or do business in China. In the past, the research or study for “The localization of Taiwan business people’s life in China” has been very rare in Taiwan. My research and study here will primarily focus on the localization and adaptation analysis for Taiwan business people’s life in China. This research analysis provides a thorough overview of in-depth interviewing of Taiwan business owners or upper management executives for their localization process in China. Also, a list of further readings that provide you with more detailed information on conducting interviews is included in this paper. Despite the fast pace of the localization process of today’s Taiwan business people in China, it is believed that the ever-changing challenges of how to live and settle in China for them are still increasing. Some sensitive and controversial issues addressed in this paper will be definitely worth the close attention of government officials and academic scholars in Taiwan. Hopefully, this research paper will also provide us a complete understanding of how to help sweep away some barriers to the localization of Taiwan business people’s life in China.

美國可稱為新現實主義的實踐者。在1970年代美國藉由透過拉攏中華人民共和國(中共)形成戰略三角來維持國家安全的最佳位置。蘇聯解體後，中共成為威脅美國的新興強權。約翰•米爾斯海默(John J. Mearsheimer)於1990年代提出了攻勢現實主義(Offensive Realism)，米氏認為在無政府的國際體制下，權力極大化才能確保國家安全，中共勢必也將會為了國家安全，擴張其軍事實力，成為具區域影響力的強權，掌握亞太區域事務的主導權。 歐巴馬(Barack Obama)政府在2009年順利執政後，其任命的國務卿希拉蕊•柯林頓(Hillary Clinton)於Foreign Policy發表了一篇《America’s Pacific Century》，文中定調亞太地區為未來美國政府在外交政策、國際政治經營以及全球戰略的核心，為歐巴馬的亞太政策鋪路，隨後歐巴馬在2012年公佈《維繫美國全球領導地位：21 世紀國防優先事項》(Sustaining U.S. Global Leadership: Priorities for 21st Century)的戰略報告，正式宣告將全球戰略佈局重心移至亞太地區，即是現今國際間熟知的亞太再平衡(Asia Pacific Rebalancing)戰略，而此一戰略的目標就是對中共在亞太地區進行新世紀的區域圍堵。中共與美國競合的過程中，中華民國(臺灣)扮演著關鍵第三者，臺灣執政當局在歐巴馬推動「亞太再平衡」戰略期間所扮演的角色與立場，也將會影響兩岸關係的現狀與未來發展。 / The United States can be called Neo-Realism practitioners, and in the 1970s the United States was the best place to maintain national security by forming a strategic triangle with the People's Republic of China (PRC). After the disintegration of the Soviet Union, the PRC became an emerging power threatening the United States. John J. Mearsheimer, who introduced Offensive Realism in the 1990s, argues that state’s power should be maximized, in order to ensure national security in the anarchistic international relationship. PRC is also seeking its own safety position at the national security level. Therefore, PRC has to expand its military strength and have the capability to influence regional affairs. The end state of PRC, is to master the Asia-Pacific regional affairs of the initiative. After the Barack Obama administration took office in 2009, his secretary of state, Hillary Clinton, published an article “America’s Pacific Century” on Foreign Policy website. This article elaborates center of gravity of U.S.’s foreign policy, management of international politics and global strategy in the near future. Obama administration had an announcement “Sustaining U.S. Global Leadership: Priorities for 21st Century” in 2012. And it became a well-known strategy “Asia-Pacific Rebalance”, and the goal of this strategy is to create a strategic containment for PRC in a new era of global competition. The Republic of China (Taiwan) plays a key role during Sino-American competition. Roles and behaviors of Taiwan's administration will affect Cross-Strait relationship when Obama’s administration execute the strategy of “Asia-Pacific Rebalancing”

The purpose of this thesis is to analyze changes and constants of the Cross-Strait relationship since 1949 on the basis of a constructivist framework of International Relations theory. After having introduced basic assumptions of rule-based constructivism, mainly following Nicholas Onuf, the thesis argues that the Cross-Strait relationship can be analyzed as a social construct that has mainly been governed by the “one China” rule, which is designed and influenced by speech acts performed by relevant agents in Taiwan, China, the US, as well as academia. A summary of the historic context of Cross-Strait relationship developments (1949-2000) which highlights the circumstances of the creation of the “one China” rule as well as gradual challenges to it, is followed by a comparison between the approaches of the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) and the Kuomintang (KMT) of constructing this relationship between 2000-2008 and 2008-2011, respectively. Due to the DPP's and KMT's very different ideologies, and their antithetic definitions of Taiwan's relationship to China, there were distinct variations in their performances of speech acts, that are analyzed in the context of three discursive examples and which, together with related practices, aimed either at weakening (DPP) or strengthening (KMT) the “one China” rule as a cornerstone for Taiwan's relationship to China. Despite attempts by Taiwanese agents during the two consecutive DPP administrations to break the “one China” rule, it remains an important aspect of the Cross-Strait relationship as it is sustained, to different degrees, by agents in China, the US and the current KMT government. However, due to their adjustments over time and the development of Taiwan's democratic system, a new “status quo” rule has steadily gained momentum. Therefore, the thesis argues, that it will be crucial to see how the preferences of the Taiwanese populace with respect to their home's relationship to China will evolve in the future and how the relevant agents will respond to these developments.

Since the Cold War ended with the collapse of the Soviet Union, China has become a nation that rises to strong power. While the USA, Japan, the EU and Russia marvel at China¡¦s progress and improvement, its neighboring countries in Asia were worried. They question whether the rise of China will bring about peaceful co-operation between nations or it will lead to potential threats. But China in 2005 claimed to take the path of peaceful development in order to improve the image of China. At the time the formation of the European Union, for its member countries to enjoy the advantage over import and export trade with each other, Asia also started a new union of its own, the ASEAN. Although there were negative impacts on China with Tiananmen Square Incident and poisonous milk incident, the Beijing 2008 Olympics games and the World Expo 2010 Shanghai have helped to improve the China¡¦s image which has brought the attention of the ASEAN. China signed the free trade agreement with the ASEAN in 2010 resulted in ASEAN Plus One. In addition, zero tariff trade agreement starting has further improved the development of China¡¦s economy. The Taiwanese government has signed the ECFA with China in June 2010 which relates to the development of the nation in the next ten years to a large extent. However, will ECFA really prevent the marginalization of Taiwan in the global economy or will Taiwan become more marginalized? Will China exploit the economy of Taiwan due to ECFA? Or will it help the Taiwanese economy to reach its peak? In this thesis, the theory of international relations will be examined at the global, international, local and individual levels and the analysis on the future development of the ASEAN and the Cross-strait political and economic relations of China and Taiwan from the perspectives of improving the image of China and ECFA will be carried out. The prediction of the future development of relations among the ASEAN, Mainland China and Taiwan will also be included in this research. Finally, suggestions will be provided in the conclusion for the leaders to make any future decisions on the issues discussed. It is unquestionable that most ¡§peaceful co-operation¡¨ between Taiwan and Mainland China has ever existed is happening today in the past 62 years of Cross-strait co-operation history. As such, it is hoped that the developments of both Mainland China and Taiwan can be sustained and they can co-operate to explore the resources of South East Asia.

Abstract In 2002, Kaohsiung Port has become the fifth largest container world port in world rank, losing to Korea¡¦s Pusan Port the third time and to the Mainland¡¦s Shanghai Port the first. Under the fierce threat of global ports¡¦ competitions, Kaohsiung Port now is also facing the challenges from other new ports along the Mainland¡¦s coastline. Therefore, it might not even keep the fifth in rank if there is no any other managing strategy more effective to confront global ports¡¦ competitions. As a part of the Port, Kaohsiung Customs has the responsibility for helping it on the issues of three links and direct transport, planning free-trade portal zone and fulfilling obligations after entering WTO. Moreover, the Customs can render help to revitalize the Port as vigorous as before. In compliance with the Port¡¦s strategy, the Customs should know: how to use the synergy gained from knowledge management and innovation to simplify the administrative work, how to utilize the newest and most effective enforcement, and how to introduce the newest technology and instrument to reach the demand of Customs modernization¡Xa barrier-free clearance environment¡Xso as to raise the business sectors and the port¡¦s international competitiveness ¡Xall are testing the expertise and wisdom of the Port¡¦s authorities in business strategy. Nominal Group Technique (NGT), applied in a group, an organization, an enterprise, a community or a society, has certain performance of solving unstructured problems which are important, complex, badly communicated with, or controversial. According to general research, using NGT to operate interactive management has the effects such as effective participation of team workers, realizing and identifying an issue, reaching a consensus and conclusion, as well as restructuring recognition from interactive learning. This research proceeded with interviewing local experts, and compiling their opinions those were used not only to verify the research¡¦s assumptions but also to develop a subsequent NGT interactive questionnaire. This questionnaire was to test the interactive NGT participants. With the same questionnaire they were tested twice¡Xbefore and after the interaction. Thus, we can examine the degree of interactive learning satisfaction to verify the achievement of NGT interaction. Therefore, the NGT effects can both be the proof of the theoretical basis and the research discovering, which leads to a conclusion and research suggestions. The concrete achievements of NGT interaction include the big ten preferential strategies and an enhanced structural drawing. The structural drawing is a tangible achievement of the research operated by NGT. Moreover, the research collected and analyzed information through the editorials of domestic major newspapers in order to testify the intensity of which the big ten strategies and the structural drawing were converged on the strategy of ¡§three links and direct transport¡¨. The conclusion points out that it will help Kaohsiung Port strive for becoming a hub of global logistical centers. The complexity of the Customs affairs has certain influence over the development of a port¡¦s competition. Nowadays, the issue of the Customs modernization has become a new trend for every country in the world since the US Congress passed the Customs Modernization Act in 1993. How are the results of the two Customs modernization across the strait? This research collected relevant information to analyze and to compare. In conclusion, we found that the achievement of NGT interaction can be verified by general research. Besides, either by expert-interviewing method or by inviting relevant participants to involve the NGT interaction, the final conclusions have the following suggestions those are utilizing knowledge management and innovation to improve the Customs clearance operations, integrating the information between the harbor & Customs, applying risk management to reduce the Customs interference, launching the direct sea transport, decreasing the operation cost of port, legislating as soon as possible for establishing free-trade portal zone¡Ketc. All above will have the most enforceable effects on the competition and development of Kaohsiung Port. The strategy of ¡§Cross-strait three links and direct transport¡¨ will have the most effect on Kaohsiung Port that becomes the hub of global logistic centers.

Through analysis of the impact of international automobile manufacturers to enter the China market factors, summarized in its mode of entering the Chinese market to explore the automotive industry in Taiwan to enter the Chinese market is likely to choose. The study found that lower costs and increase the diversity of products to major automobile manufacturers are two main factors, which entered the Chinese market, the time difference will lead to the same entry mode, but joint ventures and wholly-owned is still the main mode.

以往諸多研究兩岸軍事互信機制（Military Confidence-Building Measures, MCBMs），始終糾結於兩岸主權之議題，於是陷入兩岸各自堅持「一中原則」或「九二共識」及「維持現狀」的「非此即彼」胡同中，甚而忽略此問題的癥結是兩岸共同的安全問題。因為兩岸「我執」的關係，於是化約成國家主權而不見，或犧牲全球或次國家社會及群體個人的共同安全利益，故本文主張超越國家主權的思維，以兩岸共同安全為前提，透由第三選擇之安全治理的格局，融入第三者美國或區域國家來共同推動兩岸軍事互信機制，方能突破僵局，共創兩岸安全、穩定與和平。 / Many studies in the past cross-strait Military Confience-Building Measures, always entangled in the issue of cross-strait sovereignty, then caught the two sides adhere to their "one China principle" or the "1992 consensus" and "status quo" in "either-or" alley, and even ignore this the crux of the problem is on both sides of common security problems. Because cross-strait "ego" relationship, so for about a country's sovereignty and not see, or at the expense of common security interests of the global or national community and groups of individuals, therefore we advocate supranational sovereignty of thinking, cross-strait common security as a precondition, through the pattern third choice of security governance, into the United States or other countries in the regin to jointly promote cross-strait Military Confience-Building Measures to break the deadlock and create a cross-strait security, stability and peace.