在2014年3月的太陽花學運裡，參與的學生在此次扮演主要的角色。也因為如此，各領域響起許多質疑的聲浪，認為此運動只匯集了較邊緣的社會思想，尤其是極端反中的論點。這使得太陽花學運帶著不透明性，真正發起和參與的學生動機變得難以捉摸。此論文採用各方觀點加以探討，並分類大學生參與之背後的真正原由。研究首先細化就讀大學之參與者的動機，參考其投入程度，加以比較各種參加的原因；次而探討其學歷背景是否因而對其造成影響。本研究運用這兩項方法比對，釐清參與學生之背景、動機、成果的交互影響之關係。 / During the Sunflower Movement of March 2014, it was the university students that played a prominent role. Because of this, several misconceptions about the Sunflower Movement arose. Among them was that it only appealed to a small radical fringe of society, especially those with strong anti-Chinese sentiments. This cast a shadow on the movement as a whole, and the true motivations why students became involved was unclear. This paper takes a multi-dimensional approach to specifying the reasons behind why students participated. First, it breaks down the various motivations students had and compares this with how invested they became in the movement. Secondly, it takes into account students’ backgrounds to see whether or not this affected their motivations. Using this approach, we can see a relation between one’s background, motivations, and their eventual outcome in protest.

2008年馬英九總統上任後，遵行「先經後政」的兩岸政策方針，積極與中國大陸簽訂了多項協議，但我國民眾對此出現許多疑慮。2013年6月，海基會與海協會於中國大陸上海簽署《海峽兩岸服務貿易協議》，並對外公布兩岸的開放清單，此舉引發我國民眾不滿，認為政府單位未做到與民間充分協調的工作，並憂心將使臺灣在經濟與政治上更依賴中國大陸，造成社會不安，其後，我國於2014年3月，爆發了國內大規模的「太陽花學運」抗爭活動。 近年來，中國大陸已成為臺灣最大的貿易夥伴，但基於臺灣與中國大陸的特殊關係，兩岸間的經貿發展一直是台灣民眾相當關心的問題。本研究的主要目的為，在兩岸經貿互動非常密切與民意優先的今日，了解民眾對於兩岸經貿的認知與立場，試圖了解哪些因素會使民眾對於兩岸經貿的態度改變，並在過往研究的基礎上，洞悉影響民眾兩岸經貿態度的內在及外在因素如何相互作用，使民眾的兩岸經貿認知產生變化，並使用國立政治大學選舉研究中心「線上調查實驗室」於2015年4月，所進行的網路民調資料來分析。 根據前述架構，本研究將內在因素歸類為人口變項、心理認同、經濟考量以及政治考量四個部分；外在因素則藉由當今兩岸經貿交流互動中所遭遇到的問題點作為設計，涵蓋經濟利益、談判過程與安全因素等三部分，並提出政府可實行政策之方向，以條件問句來看民眾在情況下的態度變化。 資料檢測的結果發現，民眾對於各項條件句的接受程度不一，甚至加入條件句後，對於兩岸經貿的態度有轉向負向的情況，顯見不同的背景的民眾，將藉由相異的思考面向來形塑其對於兩岸經貿認知。而其中，安全因素的條件，將最有助於扭轉原先不贊成兩岸經貿的民眾意見。 研究發現，影響民眾對於兩岸經貿態度的變數中，除過去較常討論的內在因素外，外在因素同時具有影響力。臺灣民眾看待兩岸經貿不全然受到感性因素影響，當政府適時的給予政策上的幫助時，民眾仍會改變態度，以理性作為思考。希冀藉由本研究的討論，對於民眾兩岸經貿立場認知有更全面性的了解，並提供實質上的政策意涵。

離岸金融市場，早期主要是以非居民為對象提供非本幣交易金融服務的國際金融市場。近幾十年來，國際金融市場規模快速成長，同時國際金融功能也不斷擴大，而離岸市場也隨著它的功能不斷調整、擴充，發展出了許多不同的面貌。許多國際貨幣如美元、日圓、歐元也在倫敦、東京、紐約、香港、新加坡這些國際金融城市頻繁且大量的交易。 　　人民幣目前還不是主要國際貨幣，國際化程度不若這些國際貨幣高，在境外使用也較主要國際貨幣來的少，較具規模的人民幣離岸市場從2010年後在香港漸具雛型。由於中國近年來一系列推動人民幣向境外流動的政策，讓人民幣在全球貨幣的地位逐漸提升，而隨著人民幣在境外流動數量的增加，使得近年來人民幣離岸市場引起國際金融城市的關注，有些地區也加入爭取發展人民幣離岸市場的行列。 　　由於香港不但是第一個發展人民幣離岸市場的案例，在現今的發展規模上也是最大的境外人民幣中心，因此本研究透過香港發展的條件及路徑，從既有文獻的檢閱、數據的蒐集，並結合對相關人士的訪談，整理歸納國際貨幣離岸市場的發展經驗與香港發展人民幣離岸市場的優劣條件，希望台灣在開放人民幣業務之後，能借鏡當初其他國際貨幣離岸市場與香港發展的一些經驗來做為台灣發展的參考，並結合自身擁有的條件，發揮自身優勢，改善原有劣勢，把握面臨的機會，積極地克服外在的威脅。 / In the early period, offshore financial markets provided non-local currency transaction services to non- residents. In recent decades, as the international financial market grows and expands rapidly, the offshore market and its function also constantly adjust, expand, and develop many different aspects.Many international currencies such as the dollar, the yen, and the euro are also hugely demanded and used in those international financial centers such as London, Tokyo, New York, Hong Kong, and Singapore. RMB is still not a major international currency nowadays. Its degree of internationalization and frequency of usage outside China are not high as other international currencies, but Hong Kong already develops as an offshore financial market after 2010. Due to China government’s series policies to promote the internationalization of RMB, the international position of RMB is rising. As RMB’s offshore flow increases rapidly, it gets the attention of many international financial cities, and some regions even join to develop as RMB offshore financial markets. 　　Since Hong Kong is the first offshore financial market and the biggest offshore center of RMB, this study examines its development through reviewing the existing literature, analyzing data, and combining the interviews of stakeholders to sum up the merits of Hong Kong and other international monetary markets. We hope that after opening RMB’s business, Taiwan can actively learn from Hong Kong and these markets, promotes our strengths, improve the weaknesses, seize the opportunities, and overcome external threats.

本研究係利用經濟部投資審議委員會2007年「華僑及外國人投資事業營運狀況調查表（非服務業）」問卷資料，以1,013家僑外資在台非服務業廠商為分析對象，運用Probit Model進行實證分析，由廠商規模、行業分類、廠商成立年數、國際化程度、技術來源、在台設立區域營運總部、業務種類多樣化、兩岸經貿政策進一步鬆綁及降低關稅，儘速與他國簽署FTA等各個面向，探討兩岸經貿關係更加緊密後，影響僑外商在台子公司運籌中心地位之決定因素為何。經實證結果發現，國際化程度、技術來源、在台設立區域營運總部、業務種類多樣化及兩岸經貿政策進一步鬆綁等變數為影響僑外商在台子公司運籌中心地位之決定因素，除技術來源為在台自行研發之變數呈負向關係，傾向於採行降低及不變之營運策略外，其他變數皆與僑外商在台子公司運籌中心地位呈正向關係，傾向採提升之營運策略。 / This research made use of the 2007 Ministry of Economic Affairs Investment Commission survey entitled "Chinese and Foreign Investment Enterprises Operating Conditions Survey (non-service)" and targeted 1,013 non-service industry overseas foreign manufacturers in Taiwan as research subjects. The Probit model was used to carry out an empirical analysis based on the firm size, industry classification, the year the manufacturer was established, the degree of internationalization, technology source, established regional operational headquarters in Taiwan, business type diversity, steps taken to relax and lower tariffs and promptness in signing FTA and other oriented documents, with other countries. This study discusses why there were influencing factors in the decisions of overseas foreign investment subsidiaries in Taiwan logistics center positions after cross-strait economic and trade relations became closer. The empirical results show that the degree of internationalization, sources of technology, the establishment of the regional operational headquarters in Taiwan, business type diversity and further relaxation of cross-strait trade policy variables are the impacts of overseas subsidiary of foreign logistics center’s factors in determining status. In addition to the fact that the variables of technology sources developing on their own in Taiwan showed a negative relationship and tend to adopt reduced and unchanged operation strategies, other variables are compatible with overseas business subsidiaries in Taiwan logistics center position and showed a positive relationship and tend to enhance the operational strategies adopted.

所謂「預測」，是建立在對特定事物認識的基礎上所做出的預估，而預測的準確與否關鍵即在於預測者對資訊的掌握程度。長久以來，由於未來一直是人類亟欲征服與掌握的目標，因此預測也成為一普遍存在的行徑。有別傳統預測方法的諸多限制，「預測市場」藉由網路參與者主動參與價格為訊息加總等特色，可以更全面的涵蓋不同來源的資訊並進一步轉換為一個量化的指標，以達到更準確的預測。本研究藉由「未來事件交易所」中兩岸相關協議的個案分析，發現市場在預測的過程當中，價格除了藉由公開資訊的反映出來以外，其中亦包含了大量私人資訊的反映，兩者反映所有資訊次數的比例大致維持著4：6的關係，而這結果也代表了在兩岸議題當中資訊並未大幅被揭露，欲準確預測事件的結果仍須多方仰賴私人資訊的貢獻。此外，根據個案分析的結果，本研究也發現兩岸協議確實適用於兩岸議題的應用。 / Prediction is an anticipation based on specific events. The key point of correct prediction depends on the level controlled by predictors. For a long time, future has been a target for human to control and overcome. Thus, prediction becomes a way to explore future events. “Prediction markets” is different from traditional way. It gets rid of many restrictions. It transfers all diverse information from participators into a quantification index to predict more correctly. This research analyzed by Cross-Strait Agreements on Xfuture.com finds that market price is reflected by not only public information but also private information. The ratio of public information to private information is 4 to 6. The result indicates that information is not disclosed completely in Cross-Strait Agreements. By solving this problem, we should use private information to predict more precisely. Furthermore, Cross-Strait Agreements certainly applies to Cross-Strait Affairs according to this paper.

大陸實施經改、台灣開放探親後的兩岸關係，正朝著政治分立、經濟合作路徑邁進。隨著台商經營模式由中小企業為主的低技術傳統產業，走向資金與技術密集型高科技產業，台商間的互動型態也由早期的小群體或個體作戰模式，轉為依賴集體力量、透過組織形式爭取共同利益。於此情況下，獲兩岸政府直接、間接承認的台資企業協會理應有非常大的運作空間，發揮外與兩岸政府斡旋、內為台商提供服務之功能。因此目前的相關文獻，莫不期待台商積極投入台協，而台協則發揮極其關鍵的功能。本研究卻將對此觀點提出挑戰，基於台協所提供的制度性入會誘因，分析台協的組織能力。基於上述設計，此研究奠基於筆者月餘的田野調查，訪談對象遍及上海、昆山、無錫三地台商與台辦人員。研究結果相當程度否定了學界視為理所當然之「台商積極參與台協」假設。根據筆者的研究，台資企業協會在中共政權的「強國家」以及經濟社會的「韌網絡」雙向壓縮下，台協的角色與功能，已遭到相當程度的弱化。 / With the on-going post-Mao reforms, more and more Taiwanese businessmen (Taishang) seek business opportunities in mainland China. After almost fifteen years, these entrepreneurs have given up labor-intensive manufacturing and shifted to high-tech production. At the same time, they also feel constant needs to organize themselves, for reasons involving political capital, social capital and selective incentives. Most of these Taishang then create the Taiwanese Business Associations (TBAs) to serve their purpose. Although TBAs being founded one by one, our preliminary investigation suggests that most of them are in fact weak organizations. This research thus seeks to explain why those TBAs tend to be weak on the basis of the incentives they would provide for their members. After a month-long field research in Shanghai, Wuxi, and Kunshan, I find that these associations are bound to be weak organization mainly because of the “strong state” and “powerful networks.” The practices of the state hamper the functioning of TBAs while the operation of social networks creates an alternative organization with the functions of associations.

自開放探親以來，兩岸交流日趨熱絡，截至民國九十四年底陸續來台團聚及申請居留、定居的大陸配偶已逾廿三萬人，成為新興移入人口的主流。「兩岸婚配」的盟合大多係由台灣男性主動認識大陸女子、或經由親友介紹、及婚姻仲介等方式而結婚，大陸配偶透過「跨海婚姻」的歷程來到台灣，在陌生的社會民情與生疏的家庭環境中試圖展開新生活，她們無不努力地學習並詮釋新的角色；然因兩岸的社經環境、風俗習慣，人民的成長背景及價值觀念等文化之差異與隔閡，建立自己的同儕生活上有所困難，加上在台灣取得社會資源的不易，使其與台灣社會網絡互動貧乏，只能依賴婚姻的狀況下更顯得被孤立，而成為社會的弱勢族群，且因人數眾多已形成嚴重的社會問題。 由於大陸配偶來台者日眾，在相關的社會新聞中，造成台灣民眾常抱持著偏執與異樣眼光看待她們，總將其視為外來者或麻煩製造者而產生了許多誤解，使她們在異鄉的生活適應上備感艱辛，諸如她們漂洋過海的婚姻動機為何？來台後對於兩岸的生活習慣與價值觀念之差異要如何適應？又將如何與台灣的社會相連結？對於國家與社群的認同為何？微視她們真正的心聲是值得我們作抽絲剝繭的探究。本文針對中國移民女性來台的社會適應問題進行研究，讓現實生活中的大陸配偶自己發聲，筆者實地去瞭解她們的生活底層，聆聽她們的心聲、感受與生活經驗，試從其自身的敘述中來勾勒出她們的「台灣經驗」，而非新聞媒體上所建構與杜撰的故事，或是三姑六婆們街頭巷尾的竊竊私語。 / Ever since Taiwan and PRC opened door for citizens to visit their relatives across Taiwan Straits, cross-border interactions from both sides are becoming more frequent. According to statistical data released by Taiwan government, more than 230 thousand PRC immigration requests to Taiwan have been granted by the end of 2005. In consequence, PRC residents are becoming the mainstream in Taiwan immigration population. Typically, cross-border marriage took place through matchmakers or relatives’ introduction or Taiwanese males actively create opportunities to know PRC female. Thereby female is the dominant gentile in PRC immigrant population. Due to different value systems, and vast cultural gap, it is not easy for PRC spouses to quickly adapt to the new environment and families. In addition, for lack of proper access to Taiwan social networks, PRC immigrants are usually isolated and speechless. And the issues become more severe as PRC immigrants increases in Taiwan. From time to time, social incidents caused by PRC immigrants are mistakenly reported or even exaggerated by public media that lead to biased misunderstanding from Taiwanese pollution. And there’s virtually no chance for PRC spouses to speak up. In this paper, we will focus primarily on the following issues: what are the motivations of PRC spouses to come to Taiwan, how they adapt themselves to make up the cultural gap and the new value system, as well as how can they link up with Taiwan societies. Rather than referencing to media reports that could possibly be distorted, we chose to collect first hand experiences by face to face interviews with PRC spouses. Let’s listen to their genuine voice about their “Taiwan experiences”.

中國政府鼓勵創新及創業，推動雙創政策，喊出「大眾創業，萬眾創新」的口號。中國提出雙創政策後，積極對全球攬才，台灣青年也被有計劃地納入中國政府發展新創「人才工程」的版圖中。為了鼓勵台灣青年進軍中國創業，中國政府陸續於各地區設置海峽兩岸青年創業基地，除了提供完善的創業環境，還有優厚的創業基金，希望能吸引台灣青年西進中國創業。 本研究旨在探討海峽兩岸青年創業基地對台灣青年創業之影響，並對台灣青年赴陸創業提供建言。本研究透過訪談4位創業相關的人士，包含在台灣和中國創業的青年以及台灣和中國的創業育成中心經理，觀察目前台灣青年在台灣及中國的創業狀態以及其面對的創業困境。 根據實際訪談的初級資料分析之結果，中國積極扶持青年創業目的主要是想要降低失業率，而且對青年創業的支持，從中央政策到實際地方的落實推廣相當迅速。海峽兩岸創業基地以提供辦公空間、資源對接、人才獎補、住房津貼等為主。但中國青創基地常因媒體的渲染誇大，事實上資源並不能輕易取得。台灣青年到中國創業前應該要先準備一筆創業資金，並根據自身創業項目需求而審慎選擇創業基地，較能實際取得支援，因為不同規模的基地所能提供的資源也不同。 / China encourages innovation and entrepreneurship to advance structural reform and raises the idea of" Mass Entrepreneurship and Innovation ". Measures have been taken by Chinese government to attract global talents, including Taiwanese youth. To encourage young talents from Taiwan to startup in China, Chinese government had established many cross-strait youth entrepreneurship bases in various places. It not only builds up entrepreneurial environment, but also provides generous venture capital, hoping to attract Taiwanese young entrepreneurs into China. The main purpose of this study is to explore the impacts of the cross-strait youth entrepreneurship base on the startups of Taiwan youth and propose suggestions for Taiwanese youth who want to start business in China. Through interviewing with two Taiwanese young entrepreneurs separately in Taiwan and China youth entrepreneurship bases and two managers of Taiwan business incubation center and China entrepreneurship base, we examine the current state of entrepreneurial environments of both sides and the entrepreneurial dilemma facing by Taiwanese young people. Based on the analysis of primary data from in-depth interviews, the main purpose of China's active support of youth entrepreneurship is to reduce the unemployment rate. China's promotion of youth entrepreneurship policies has been implemented fairly rapidly from the central government to local governments. The cross-strait youth entrepreneurship base provides office space, resources docking, talent subsidy and housing allowance etc. But too much false media reports on cross-strait youth entrepreneurship bases. In fact, entrepreneurs cannot easily obtain venture capital fund and resources. Taiwanese young entrepreneurs should first prepare a start-up fund before starting their business in China. Taiwanese entrepreneurs should carefully choose their entrepreneurship base according to the needs of their start-up projects so that they will be able to obtain suitable support, because different bases with different scales can provide different resources.

CHARLES UNIVERSITY FACULTY OF SOCIAL SCIENCES Institute of Political Studies Department of Geopolitical Studies Master's Thesis Unconventional power of small states: a comparative case study of Lithuania and Taiwan (ROC) Abstract: The hypotheses of the leading international relations theories, especially realism, face fundamental criticism for not explaining the behavior of some small states, who lack material power but play an effective and influential role in the international arena. To fill in this oversight, the contemporary discourse of small states challenges the resource-based understandings of power and seeks new avenues to explain how some small states succeed in "punching above their weight." Most recently, Dr. Tom Long (2017) synthesized previous academic researches and proposed that the small state's power can be best understood as originating in three categories: derivative, collective, and particular-intrinsic. This thesis aims to contribute to the argument that small states can possess unconventional power to advance their influence and achieve their national interests. It uses Dr. Tom Long's three categories of unconventional power, as a basis for the comparative case study of Taiwan and Lithuania - two small states that have notoriously challenge the notion of "how a small state should...

兩岸新聞交流密切且頻繁，但是總因政治之故而蒙上陰影並益顯複雜，因此不失為一研究之好題材。學界與坊間不乏與此有關之文獻，惜乎大抵以報紙間之交流為主，至於電視台之交流則僅聊備一格。為補遺珠之憾兼鼓勵來者，本作者嚐試一探究竟，並尋求改善交流之道與化解挑戰之方。 本研究係以東森電視公司之新聞部為研究單位。方法則為深度訪談，資料蒐集與分析以及文獻回顧。 文分五章，計為：緒論，文獻回顧，交流模式，交流挑戰，結論與建議。 東森與大陸之間的新聞交流密切、多樣且規律。惟其品質與內容深受政治影響，尤以大陸之影響為最。 展望未來，台灣媒體需“寄希望於大陸當局”，則兩岸新聞交流之正常化庶幾有望。 / Though close and frequent, the cross-strait news exchanges are shrouded and made complicated by politics, which makes it a good topic for scholars to research. Articles and papers related to it are many. However, exchanges in newspaper sector are what people are interested in, those in TV sector are largely ignored. To make the picture more complete and encourage potential researchers, this writer tries to explore the modes of and challenges to the cross-strait news exchanges in TV outlets, and to find ways to better the exchanges and ease those challenges. Methodology for conducting this research comprises 3 measures: the in-depth interview, data analysis and literature review. This thesis consists of five chapters: introduction, literature review, modes of news exchanges, challenges to news exchanges and conclusion. News exchanges between EBC and the mainland are close, diverse and regular. However, the quality and contents of the exchanges are heavily influenced by political consideration coming largely from the mainland side. Looking into the future, Taiwan media should “rest hopes upon CPC” to normalize the cross-strait news exchanges.