近年來台灣製造業委外代工至大陸已是十分普遍的現象。從國外購買中間財貨、到國外設立跨國公司、購買國外製成品以國內的品牌進行銷售、或到國外找尋特殊投資關係合夥人等，都包含在委外代工的定義內。委外代工帶來了二個值得探討的議題：第一是委外代工對勞動市場的影響，包括失業問題和相對薪資的變化；第二，委外代工和經濟邊緣化問題之間存在尚未澄清的關聯，例如委外代工是不是會導致台灣經濟邊緣化、產業空洞化？因此，本論文分成兩大獨立的結構分別討論上述問題。 關於委外代工對勞動市場的影響，文獻上大多觀察下列現象（Feenstra and Hanson, 1995; Wood,1995）：製造業的就業規模是否縮減、整體製造業的技術勞動就業比例是否逐漸增加、整體製造業的非技術勞動就業比例是否逐漸下降、以及技術勞動和非技術勞動之間的薪資差距是否也逐漸擴大（反應出就業比例的改變）。本文對台灣的勞動市場進行研究，的確發現上述現象的產生。根據研究結果顯示，政府沒有理由限制傳統產業外移到大陸，反而要創造更好的高科技環境，積極地留住台灣的高科技產業。亦即，不同的產業需要不同的產業政策加以因應，雙向產業政策將是需要的。例如傳統產業，政府可以將政策提升到「委外代工國」的立場考量，讓獲利率低、生產不效率的產業委由大陸製造；對高科技產業政策政府則可試著採取「被委外代工國」的立場，積極創造更科技的產業環境，留住台灣科技產業和保住台灣科技產業代工王國的版圖。 對委外代工與台灣邊緣化議題的探討，主要源起於泛藍和泛綠在兩次總統大選中的兩岸政策的爭議─是否要「三通」。事實上，針對台灣是否會被邊緣化兩大陣營均尚未整理出一個完整的說明。透過Krugman and Venables（1995）模型闡述可以清楚地了解：邊緣化只是運輸成本下降的一個過程，不會是最終的結果。同時，運輸成本的下降並不是會造成邊緣化的唯一決定因子。產業關聯性和產品之間的替代程度都扮演相當重要的角色。因此，對不同產業設定特定政策才能達到抗邊緣化的效果。 / Outsourcing is the current trend between Taiwan and Mainland China in recent decade. Inclusive of importing intermediate inputs, setting up multinational firms, purchasing final goods produced abroad, outsourcing brings two topics worthy to discuss. My thesis is structured into two independent projects: one is to discuss the effects of outsourcing on unemployment and changes in relative wages, and the other focuses on the issue of whether outsourcing leads to Taiwan deindustrialization. The main findings in the first project are consistent with the major conclusions suggested by several studies（Feenstra and Hanson, 1995; Wood,1995）that: declining share of manufacturing employment in total employment, increasing share of skilled workers’ in total manufacturing employment and in total wage bill, while the converse in unskilled workers. Therefore, we have no reasons to limit the unprofitable and traditional industries to move out. What we should do is to develop and expand the higher-skilled sector and to encourage high-technology industries to upgrade the production with the most comparative advantage. Different industrial policies applicable to different features of each industry are necessary. To announce a rough and uniform policy will probably do more harms than goods. What unearthed from the second project is that concerns of economic periphery voiced by Pan-KMT and Pan-DPP alliances did not tell the full story. Krugman and Venables（1995）can be applied to show that economic periphery is just one of the points in the process of a dynamic development with reducing transportation cost. Besides, transportation cost is not the only contributor to “core and periphery” pattern. Share of intermediate input and elasticity of substitution for manufactured goods are also playing important roles. Therefore, different industries should be applicable for different policy arrangement.

近年中共在逐漸認知到台灣中南部民眾為擁護民進黨當局獨立訴求之強大力量後，相繼透過與台灣在野政黨合作、牽線，以及「放權讓利」式的大批「惠台措施」，冀求爭取農民好感與向心，進而潛移其政治意向。本論文的目的，乃是嘗試由最基層民意的觀點切入，探討中共此番作為的可操作性。作者以深度訪談 (in-depth interview)方式分析，農業貿易「惠台措施」的過程中，誰是真正的贏家? 再者，讓利措施是否真為解決台灣農產品產銷困境的及時雨？其真正意含為何？最後，農民對「中國」（中共）觀感能否因此變移？又是如何轉變?冀以跳脫一般的思維與視角，看待此一頗為特殊之兩岸經貿議題。 / Relations across the Taiwan Strait are complicated by “a deep political divide, but close socioeconomic integration.” China recently is aware of Taiwan farmers integrate huge power in the DPP’s independence advocacy, thus tries to sway their political tendency by utility of economic leverage in the form of tariff-free in fifteen species of Taiwan-grown fruit. Not knowing the effectiveness, this thesis aims at searching the truth by way of in-depth interviews with people of agricultural professional; and the narration reveals Taiwanese farmers are not the direct beneficiaries, sometimes even sufferers, in the whole process. Is fruit policy a carrot for Taiwanese farmers or a stick for the ruling government? The answer is hard to define. Other maneuvering tactics between the KMT and CCP and interests of fruit agents were hidden behind China’s so-called “good will” behavior.

一個國家的政府，無論其規模大小，必會具有地方性層次的思考；當一國追求在其週邊區域上更具影響力時，並成為區域的強權，則以地區性層次的考量來決定國家安全政策制定；而少數能在國際政治影響力的國家，其政府有其專屬的世界地緣政治觀，其是以全球的角度來制定其國家戰略。本文所研究的核心目的是兩岸關係中台灣的戰略價值。 　　二戰後國際局勢丕變，各國戰略利益縱橫交錯，不是單存的地緣關係，而是多從性質的政治、經濟和軍事利益的制約與聯合，因此地緣戰略在整個國家戰略中的地位日益重要。 　　台灣是亞洲地緣戰略的重要部分，在兩岸關係與各國的利益關係影響極大。正因為台灣處在這東亞第一島鏈的戰略要衝上，其戰略價值的重要性是不可言喻，就中國而言，掌控台灣，則中國海防無憂，失去台灣，則中國戰略縱深將縮數百公里，對其政治、經濟及軍事上均有深層的影響；另外，對美、日等東亞地區大國國家利益影響亦有一定的衝擊。總的來說「台海兩岸未來關係的重大變數，使得台灣問題變得不僅更難處理，甚至還會為東亞地區帶來動盪不安的局勢」。 學生試圖從兩岸關係的地緣的角度來分析台灣的政治、經濟及軍事的戰略價值，並探究在全球化的發展下，台灣將會面臨什麼樣的地緣戰略？為了台灣的國家安全、生存與利益，要如何作為？及台灣的戰略價值對兩岸關係中的另一個主角─中共未來發展會有什麼影響？則是個 人研究的規劃與方向。 / Regardless of its scale, a government must have the ability to process consideration on local issues when making different kinds of national strategies. When a country pursues its power on marginal areas to become regional authority, it usually makes its national security policies based on local considerations. For the very few nations that have certain power on international politics, their governments have their specific viewpoints of international geographic politics, which is that they make their national strategies based on international viewpoints. This study aims to discuss the core value of Taiwan in cross-Strait relations. After World War II, each country share strategic interests with different countries. Relations between countries are not confined to neighbors anymore. They have become multiple restrictions and alliance in terms of politics, economy, and military. Therefore, geographic strategies have become more and more important in a country’s national strategies. In terms of geographic strategy, Taiwan is an important part in Asia. It has a great influence on cross-Strait relations and the interests of different countries. Because Taiwan is located at the major juncture on the First Island Chain in East Asia, its importance and strategic values are of no doubt. To China, controlling Taiwan means no worries about treads from the Strait. However, losing Taiwan means that China’s strategic depth would be hundreds of miles shorter, which would cause great influences on its politics, economy, and military. Moreover, it would also cause great impacts on the interests of the United States and some powerful countries in East Asia like Japan. To sum up, the great variability in the relations between the two sides of the Strait has made Taiwan issue tougher to manage. It is even possible to cause instability in East Asia area. In this study, I attempt to analyze Taiwan’s strategic values in terms of politics, economy, and military from the angle of geographic relations of the two sides of the Strait, and to discuss the geographic strategies that Taiwan might face with the development of globalization. Specifically, I aim to discuss how Taiwan should react to all these challenges in order to ensure national security and interests, and what the effects are that the strategic values of Taiwan have on the future development of China.

兩岸在2001年底加入世界貿易組織（WTO），使得兩岸壽險市場受到經濟自由化及國際化的衝擊。因此，要如何提高自身的經營績效及競爭能力，便成為兩岸壽險公司最重要的目標。本研究以資料包絡分析法為基礎，並結合共同邊界（metafrontier）分析法，針對兩岸地區在2004年至2007年共59家壽險公司，進行經營效率與Malmquist生產力指數的實證研究。在生產力變動來源的拆解上，本文延伸Pastor and Lovell（2005）的固定規模報酬模型，利用變動規模報酬的生產邊界來衡量各公司的技術變動及技術差距比率變動，使生產力變動的來源上獲得更明確的意涵。最後本文利用Tobit迴歸模型，探討影響兩岸壽險公司經營效率的因素。 / After joining the WTO in December 2001, there is the advent of economic liberalization and internationalization on the life insurance market of Taiwan and Mainland China. Therefore, how to improve the operating performance and the industrial competitiveness in the present economic circumstance is the critical and important goal of the life insurance industry in Taiwan and Mainland China. This study applies data envelopment analysis with metafrontier model to measure the managerial efficiency and Malmquist productivity index of 59 firms of life insurance industry in Taiwan and Mainland China from 2004 to 2007. On decomposing the sources of productivity change, we extend Pastor and Lovell’ s CRS model (2005) to a VRS frontier benchmark to measure technical change and technical gap ratio change, which apparently provides us a more meaningful decomposition of productivity change. Finally, this study uses Tobit regression model to examine the factors which influence the managerial efficiency of the life insurance industry in Taiwan and Mainland China.

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1990年代以來，區域貿易協定的數目呈現倍數成長，發展到今日，全世界已約有230個FTA。然而臺灣卻因政治因素被屏除在區域經濟整合之外，將為臺灣經濟帶來諸多挑戰，我國若欲走出困境、強化在國際間的競爭力，勢必要有所作為。因此馬英九總統在競選總統時就以「與世界連結，參與全球區域經濟整合」為經貿政策主軸，而充分利用中國大陸現有的資源與市場，與其簽署區域貿易協定更是最具關鍵性的一步。經過多次正式與非正式的溝通協調，2010年6月29日，兩岸正式在重慶簽署ECFA，並於同年9月12日正式實施。 但從ECFA議題拋出到簽署實施，各界的爭辯從未停止，究竟ECFA對臺灣是危機還是轉機？是幫助臺灣走向世界還是被鎖進中國？值得深入研究，因此本文藉由國內外相關文獻來探討簽署ECFA對我國政治、經濟社會以及國家安全層面的影響，以增加閱讀者對ECFA的了解，也能成為政府推動ECFA的參考。 / Since 1990s, the number of the region trade agreements has been doubling, and until now there has been a total of 230 FTAs around the world. However, due to political factors, Taiwan has been dismissed outside the regional economies conformity, which will bring many obstacles toward the economic development in Taiwan. If our country intends to walk away from the dilemma and raise our competiveness, some steps must be taken. Therefore, while running for the presidency, President Ma Yingjiu brought up, 〝Links with the world, participates in the whole world regional economies conformity〞 as his economics and trade policy. By fully making using at the mainland China’s existing resources and markets, it was a must for Taiwan to sign the region trade agreement with china. After several official and unofficial communication and coordinating, on June 29, 2010, the Cross-Strait ECFA was signed officially in Chongqing, and implemented in the same year on September 12. Nevertheless, since the ECFA was carried out and signed, the debates from all walks of life has never come to an end. Is ECFA a crisis or a turning point for Taiwan？ Does it the help Taiwan to move toward the world or to be locked within China？It is worthwhile to conduct a research to clear out the doubts. This article dims to take a deeper look at how ECFA is influenced on Taiwan n terms of politics, economy, and national security. So that not only can the readers have a better understanding of the ECFA but also the government refers to it while the implementation of policy.

金門，一個不起眼的海中蕞爾小島，在歷史漫卷的偶然機遇裡，被捲入了台海兩岸對峙、自由與共產陣營的冷戰衝突中，一躍成為世界知名的「戰地」。隨著世界冷戰的結束、國內民主運動的蓬勃發展，1992年11月7日金門解除戒嚴，褪下戰地的角色。尤其是1990年9月12日兩岸紅十字會簽定的《金門協議》，2001年實施的「小三通」，不但開啟了金門的新機運，亦成為兩岸由對抗、對峙走向和解的重要試點。 因此，本論文將針對兩岸關係演變中金門戰略價值之變遷作為研究的核心目的，內容分為三個部分論述： 一、認知與瞭解金門從兩岸武力對抗及停火對峙階段、終止動員戡亂時期後1995與1996年台海危機事件，以及2008年馬英九總統就任後，各個不同時期金門在軍事上所扮演的角色與價值。 二、探討「小三通」施行後在兩岸關係演變的中介角色、「小三通」與金門經濟價值之連結與擴張，尤其是兩岸簽訂「經濟合作架構協議」(ECFA)之後，金門主要經濟價值的展望。 三、藉由早期的「戰地政務實驗」階段與金門政治建設的關係、兩岸簽訂《金門協議》所突顯的政治戰略價值，以及金門在兩岸政治發展過程的見證，探究金門之政治價值。 爰此，經由以上的分析與論證，說明了長期以來金門在國際、兩岸的變局中所扮演的不同角色，而金門角色的蜕變，也相對見證了時代的變遷，與一部千曲百折的中國現代史。 / Quemoy is an inconspicuous island. In the long history stream, it was involved into Cold War between Taiwan and Mainland China, and also became a world famous battlefield. After Cold War was over and Taiwan Democracy Movement was vigorous development. On 7th November, 1992, Quemoy removed martial law, left the role of war. Especially, the Red Cross between Taiwan and Mainland China signed “Quemoy Agreement” on 12th September, 1990; in 2001, the government executed the “mini-three links” not only changed destiny of Quemoy, but also from hostility to reconciliation. Hence, the research of Quemoy strategy value is divided into three parts as below: First, Knowing and realizing Quemoy militarily against between cross-strait and Cold War, after Period of mobilization for the suppression of Communist rebellion, cross-strait crisis 1995 and 1996, and after President Ma sworn in, each different period has different values and roles in Quemoy military history. Secondly, Research the role between cross-strait relations developing after the “Mini-Three Links” was executed. The Quemoy economic value linkage and expending from that kind of links, especially after the ECFA, the forecast of Quemoy economic value. Thirdly, According to “civil-military government” period and some relevant political constructions, “Quemoy Agreement” strategy and political value, and the evidence of cross-strait political development, the essay focuses on the political value of Quemoy. Above all, after the analyzing and certificating, shows the Quemoy different roles between international and cross-strait relations. By following the development of Quemoy value, it also presents the theatrically modern China history.

海峽兩岸自2008年6月恢復中斷近10年的制度化協商管道之後，迄2013年6月，兩岸兩會已舉行9次高層會談並簽署19項協議，以及達成2項共識，不僅建立了兩岸「機制對機制」、「官員對官員」的協商模式，亦創造兩岸在經貿、社會交流秩序等各項互動上的保障，為兩岸關係打造和平穩定之發展環境。在此氛圍下，已逐步奠定了兩岸互利互信之基礎，亦深化了雙方在政治、經濟、社會、文化等多層面之交流，也預示著兩岸未來之合作與發展將有無限可能。 在此特別值得一提的是，兩岸於2010年6月29日第5次江陳會談簽署「海峽兩岸經濟合作架構協議」(ECFA)之同時，亦簽署了「海峽兩岸智慧財產權保護合作協議」，復於2012年8月9日第8次江陳會談簽署了「海峽兩岸海關合作協議」。前揭協議之簽署為兩岸在「智慧財產權保護」以及「海關合作」兩議題建立了相互溝通之平臺。因此，研析與比較我國與中國大陸海關智慧財產權邊境保護相關措施及其異同點，對於兩岸海關未來在相關措施法制面與實務執行面之革新、發展與合作十分重要。 本文首先透過對於兩岸相關文獻之回顧、相關國際規範及其發展之認識，瞭解兩岸及國際間海關智慧財產權邊境措施之過去與現在，再分別針對我國與中國大陸海關智慧財產權邊境措施進行研究，以充分瞭解兩岸海關現行措施之法制面與實務執行情形，復透過對於兩岸之間海關關員之執法權力、海關緝獲之侵權貨物，以及智慧財產權邊境措施制度面之比較，研析雙方之異同，並提出改進意見，最後再綜合歸納以獲致研究成果。 / Since June 2008 when Taiwan and China resumed institutionalized negotiation that has been interrupted for nearly ten years till June 2013, the Straits Exchange Foundation (SEF) and the Association for Relations Across the Taiwan Straits (ARATS) have held nine rounds of high-level talks, signed 19 agreements, and reached two consensuses. The resumption of bilateral talks has not only led to the establishment of “mechanism vs mechanism” and “official vs official” negotiation models, but has also safeguarded the security of economic and social activities in both sides and created a peaceful and stable environment for cross-strait relation. In this context, the two sides, which have gradually gained mutual trust, have deepened bilateral exchanges in political, economic, social and welfare aspects for mutual benefits. All of these forebode every possibility of future cooperation and development between the two sides. One thing worth our attention is the signing of the “Cross-Strait Agreement on Intellectual Property Rights Protection and Cooperation” on June 29th, 2010 when SEF and the ARATS officially signed the Cross-Strait Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement in the fifth round of Chiang-Chen talks. Furthermore, both sides signed the “Cross-Strait Customs Cooperation Agreement” on August 9th, 2012 in the eighth round of Chiang-Chen talks. The signing of the above agreements sets up a platform for both sides in implementing “IPR protection” and “Customs cooperation.” Therefore, the analysis and comparison of Cross-Strait Customs IPR protection border measures is very crucial to the innovation, improvement and cooperation of cross-strait Customs in terms of legal and practical aspects of relevant measures in the future. This study, through survey of cross-strait literature and knowledge of international standards and the development thereof, intends to comprehend the past and present of cross-strait Customs IPR border measures and international standards and then proceed to study IPR border measures of cross-strait Customs, so as to fully understand the legal and practical situation of current cross-strait Customs implementing IPR protection. Through comparing the legal authority of Customs officers, infringed commodities seized by Customs and IPR enforcement system of cross-strait Customs, this study also intends to analyze the discrepancies between the two Customs administrations and propose some personal opinions for improvement and present some conclusions as research results.

兩岸關係的研究者，除了將歷史的糾結、族群的認同、經濟的利益以及不對稱力量等等的因素，作為分析兩岸關係的重要變項之外，兩岸互動當中的「代理人結構」，也是兩岸關係當中學者所重視的一個重要變項。 「代理人結構」的產生原因，主要是由於大陸與台灣雙方政府均強調避免官方接觸，而採用透過民間單位對談互動的模式，而這種互動的模式除了以「委託」、「複委託」結構呈現出來， 兩岸文教交流事務當中我政府與非營利組織間的所有互動關係，也類似這樣的模式。而在這種政府與非政府組織間的互動結構當中，非營利組織在與政府互動時的行為態樣，相關理論歸納出幾種不同的模式，有與政府充分配合的「合作模式」、有利用政府資源遂行自己目的的「吸納模式」、有認同政府目標而分工併行的「互補模式」，也有與政府相互對抗的「衝突模式」（Najam,2000）。至於其效果，不同的理論對其效果有著不同的詮釋，例如：有研究談判的學者，認為如果非營利組織配合政府的官僚控制模式，則這種兩階段談判的結構，可以為政府爭取到談判的空間（Raiffa, 1996:15-16）；而主張社群主義的學者則認為這種結構可以透過互動，使非營利組織與政府產生合作的集體意識（Haeberle, 1987:180），進而與大陸方面相抗衡；但根據公共選擇理論的經濟人假設，理性的「代理人」透過「吸納」政府資源以達成自己目標的模式，是一種必然的現象，政府同理亦可提供資源來誘導非營利組織的行為（Dunleavy, P., and B. O'Leary,1987: 114-115）；當然，也有學者不斷強調非營利組織與政府之間的衝突對立關係（Kramer et al., 1993:123），而在對立狀況下，若非營利組織採取「疏離」的模式，反而可以減少彼此之間的衝突。由此可見，對於政府與非營利組織之間的互動樣態及其優劣，不同的學者有不同的看法，呈現「人言言殊、莫衷一是」的情況。 自民國86年起，筆者任職於主管兩岸事務的行政院大陸委員會，89年亦曾在辦理兩岸文教交流活動的非營利組織工作，在工作的過程當中，發現相較於其他政策領域，兩岸文教交流互動當中的政府與非營利組織的互動關係並非只有某一種固定的行為模式，而是呈現出更多元的關係，而上述不同理論所描繪的互動模式，均能在兩岸文教交流領域過程當中獲得實證的案例來佐證，並且各種互動模式似乎是非營利組織根據時空的變化而有意做出來的選擇行為。 正因為這些多元的選擇行為模式，筆者一直深受下面問題所困擾：「從實然面的角度來說，非營利組織與政府在互動的時候，在什麼情況下會選擇什麼模式?其原因為何?」，此一問題，便是吾人之所以欲進行本研究之初步動機。進一步來說，若能了解非營利組織如何選擇不同模式以及其原因，政府才能據此思考應該採取的因應之道，兩岸文教交流事務才有辦法順利推動。 而為能了解兩岸文教交流當中，非營利組織與政府在互動時模式選擇的問題，必須解決兩方面的問題，首先，由於此一領域當中的行為模式相當多元，因此筆者必須建立一個能夠具有窮盡性及互斥性的分類模式才足夠「描述」現實的各種狀態。其次，每個實際政策領域中影響政府與非營利組織的變數並不盡相同，因此，本研究必須找出影響實際互動的變數以及其原因，才能夠將變數與選擇模式的行為將結合。為達前項目標，本研究將整理中外文獻以彙整出一個具有描述功能的分類模式，為達後項目標，本研究亦將以實際觀察作為方法，歸納出影響選擇行為的變項。 / Due to the fact that Chinese and Taiwanese governments both put emphasis on avoiding official contacts while entrusting private organizations with cross-strait dialogues and interactions, a so-called “proxy structure” has been established. Meanwhile, the interactions between Taiwan’s government and non-profit organizations in dealing with cross-strait cultural and educational affairs also resemble this structure. However, the results of the “proxy structure,” when interpreted based on different theories, are roughly categorized into four modes, including “cooperation,” “co-optation,” “complementarity” and “confrontation.” Now that there are multiple modes to choose from, I have been perplexed all along by the following question: “From a pragmatic viewpoint, when non-profit organizations interact with Taiwan’s government, which mode will be chosen under what circumstances and why?” The core concept of this research lies in this very question. To be more accurate, only when the question how non-profit organizations choose from different modes and why is answered, can Taiwan’s government think, act and react accordingly and cross-strait cultural and educational affairs be handled smoothly. In order to find the answer to this question, first of all, a categorizing model with both exhaustivity and mutual exclusivity and capable of “describing” all kinds of scenarios in the real world was established. Following that, observations were conducted to pinpoint the variables that affect real-life interactions and their causes. Thirdly, information was obtained through in-depth interviews to evaluate the accuracy and applicability of the above-mentioned categorizing model. In-depth interviews has proven that the categorizing model established in the research has a predicting ability with a considerable degree of accuracy and can act as a reference for future researchers conducting quantitative studies.

在2014年，向日葵運動是一個轉折點，台灣的政治發展。這是第一次在台灣的立法院被學生佔領的歷史。匈牙利社會學家卡爾·曼海姆的理論認為，不穩定的事件可能會導致新的政治世代的出現。本文試圖探討的向日葵運動是否能夠被視為一個政治產生的催化劑。報告還分析了政治價值觀和態度對那些參與研究的學生無論是否成為一個政治一代的宗旨兩岸關係。如果我們知道這些學生的政治行為，可以預見兩岸關係的未來。 / In 2014, the Sunflower Movement was a turning point for the political development of Taiwan. It was the first time in the history of Taiwan that the Legislative Yuan was occupied by students. The Hungarian sociologist Karl Mannheim theorized that destabilizing events can lead to the emergence of new political generations. This thesis attempts to examine whether or not the Sunflower Movement can be considered as a catalyst of a political generation. It also analyzes the political values and attitudes towards Cross-Strait relations of those involved with the aim of studying whether or not those students became a political generation. If we know the political behavior of these students, it is possible to foresee the future of Cross-Strait relations.