近年因社會經濟產業結構轉變，擇業態度改變，漁船工作具危險性且相較於陸上工作待遇及福利之優勢不再，再加上「少子化」因素，國人從事漁船工作意願低落，外來船員逐漸成為補充漁業勞動力來源，尤其大陸船員語言及文化習慣與國人相近，頗受我國漁船主青睞，惟我國漁船主境外僱用大陸船員陸續所衍生的問題，在漁船主、民間團體及漁政主管機關努力下，終於98年12月22日第四次江陳會談簽署「海峽兩岸漁船船員勞務合作協議」可望獲得解決。 大陸船員引進機制在我國不開放陸勞前提下，維持「境外僱用、境外作業、過境暫置」原則，但就入出國管理角度觀之，大陸船員現行以搭乘兩岸直航客船來臺再搭專車接駁至其他漁港作法，卻與實質入境無異，本研究透過各地區漁船主對大陸船員引進機制意見調查，瞭解漁船主對現行大陸船員引進機制的看法，並藉以提出大陸船員引進機制之建議。 / In the recent years, the industrial structure of social economics has transformed, people’s attitudes of career choice have changed, and the pays and benefits of dangerous works on fishing boats are no longer better than those of works on land. Plus the factor of “low birthrate”, people are not willing to do works on fishing boats in Taiwan. Foreign crew members have graduate become the source of supplementary labors in the fishing industry. Crew members from Mainland China are similar to Taiwanese in the aspects of language and cultural habits. Therefore, they are very preferred by fishing boat owners in Taiwan. However, there have been many issues caused by Taiwanese fishing boat owners hiring crew members from Mainland China. With the efforts put in by fishing boat owners, non-governmental organizations, and fishery management authorities, these issues are expected to be resolved after the “Cross Strait Fishing Boat Crew Affairs Cooperation Agreement” was signed in the Fourth Chen-Chiang Summit on 2009/12/22. Under the premise of not opening up labor from Mainland China, the “offshore employment, offshore operation, and temporary transit arrangement” principle is maintained for the mechanism of Mainland China crew employment. However, in the aspect of entry and exit control, the practice of crew members from Mainland China taking cross-strait direct passenger ships to Taiwan and going to fishing ports by special buses is no difference from actually entering Taiwan. This study explored fishing boat owners’ opinions on the mechanism of employment of Mainland China crew members through surveys to find out their viewpoints and provide suggestions regarding the mechanism of employment of Mainland China crew members.

自兩岸於1987年開放探親以來，隨著兩岸頻繁的交流，跨兩岸性的犯罪活動，如販毒、詐欺、人口販運等犯罪亦日趨嚴重，特別是近年來出現有別於以往傳統詐騙手法的新型態詐欺犯罪—以電話、網路為中介物的「電信詐欺犯罪」，大肆橫行於兩岸，為害兩岸治安最深，是類犯罪不斷翻新手法，巧藉各種名目詐騙民眾獲取不法暴利，造成極嚴重的社會成本付出。過去，兩岸共同打擊犯罪機制，僅有「金門協議」及其他非正式管道，以為合作打擊犯罪的依據，因「金門協議」的內涵不足致使成果有限。隨著政治氛圍的改變，兩岸終於2009年4月簽署「海峽兩岸共同打擊犯罪及司法互助協議」，為兩岸共同打擊犯罪奠定了新里程碑，惟分析其內容並與「駐美國台北經濟文化代表處與美國在台協會間之刑事司法互助協定」比較，可以發現尚有許多問題亟待解決。本研究藉由分析現行兩岸共同打擊犯罪機制，並提出問題及建議，以強化兩岸共同打擊電信詐欺犯罪的力道。 / Since 1987 Taiwan and Mainland China allowed people visited opposite side, cross-strait crimes such as smuggling drugs, fraud and human trafficking have become more and more serious as both parts frequently contacting with each other. Recently, new type fraud which is different from traditional fraud spread around and critically damage social security, especially telecom fraud by telephone and internet being the mediators. By using multiform excuses, these kinds of crimes continuously renovate to cheat innocent people and obtain huge illegal money, so that they cause a great loss of social. In the past, there were only Kinmen Agreement and the other unofficial channel as the basis in the cross-strait crime-fighting mechanism. However, Kinmen Agreement was too narrowed its coverage to limited in its results. With the political atmosphere changes, each part finally signed “Cross-Strait Agreement on Joint Crime-Fighting and Judicial Mutual Assistance” in April, 2009. This is the new milestone of cross-strait crime-fighting cooperation mechanism. As analyzing it and comparing it with “Agreement on Mutual Legal Assistance in Criminal Matters between the Taipei Economic and Cultural Representative Office and the American Institute in Taiwan”, we found there are still some obstacles need to be resolved. This study offers some questions and advises in order to strengthen the cross-strait telecom fraud crime-fighting cooperation mechanism.

2007年6月，與我建交長達60年以上之中美洲國家哥斯大黎加（Costa Rica）驟然宣佈與中國大陸建交，當時各界開始擔憂，台灣過去在中美洲頗為自豪之完整外交版圖在缺少了一角後，是否將發生骨牌效應？雖然事後證明此種疑慮並未成真，但已引起各界對我國維繫邦交成效之討論，也成為筆者之研究動機。 本文研究方法係針對傳統戰略三角分析途徑之侷限，提出改良式三邊關係分析模型，用以研究2000年至2008年期間台灣、中國大陸及中美洲友邦三邊關係。本研究目的有三，第一、界定台灣在此時期三邊關係中之地位優劣及導因，分析台灣在維繫邦交之優勢、劣勢、機會與挑戰。第二、藉由分析我國在三邊關係中之優勢及劣勢，進而提出提升地位及鞏固邦交之策略建議。第三、在研究方法層次，嘗試建構一套合理之三角關係分析途徑，設計出更合理且適用性更高之研究途徑。

戰後台灣的政治安定，立基於經濟發展，經濟發展取決於貿易傳動。在全球化的時代，經貿是台灣積極串聯世界、爭取生存茁壯的關鍵樞紐；對四面環海的台灣而言，能源及原物料之進口與轉化後財貨之對外貿易，全賴於海運實踐，台灣以一個海島型經濟型態「不斷向世界市場擴張」的過程中，國際海運是國家經濟與世界市場的實質聯結。國際海運因而成為台灣迎向全球與經貿發展的生命線，政軍安定的守護神。 本文主要的目的，在探討戰後(1950~2005)我國國際海運政策的治理模式與治理政策。台灣四面環海，具有發展國際海運的地理優勢，比較世界各國的發展，台灣地區的國際海運經營與發展，在世界上一直佔有相當重要的地位。然而，近年來，由於中國大陸的崛起，台灣則基於自身的考量，執行「戒急用忍」政策，遲遲不開放兩岸通航與協商航商西進，使得台灣的經濟優勢逐漸流失，國輪航商之經營環境也隨之惡化，本研究藉由歷史與結構的研究途徑，從戰後我國國際海運發展的歷史脈絡與結構變遷，就其治理模式與治理策略進行深入的探討。 除了經由文獻探討中，檢視我國國際海運政策的變革之外，進一步與我國國際海運的公經理人、學者與業者等共三十位專業人士，進行實證的訪問調查，獲得第一手的資料，然後與文獻分析所得相互驗證，進而歸納成結論，並就我國國際海運政策的治理模式與治理策略，提出建言。 / Abstract: Comparing with the development of other countries, water-surrounded Taiwan has to build up its international shipping industry to facilitate international trade and therefore stabilize its polity through economic development. Due to the geographic privilege, Taiwan also has its strength of developing international shipping for linking the national economy and the world market. The objective of this study is to explore the governance mode and strategies of Taiwan’s international shipping policy after the World War II. This study investigated the relationships among international politics, macroeconomic and international trade, government policy, and industry environment for the international shipping policy. In addition to literature review, this study interviewed public managers, scholars and industrial professionals to empirically collect the experienced data by “in-depth interview.” Through the integrated means, this study concludes that Taiwan’s international shipping policy has played an important role for developing the industry in each stage of Taiwan’s development on economy and international trade, whilst the government in Taiwan should seek more practical governance modes and strategies to cope with the challenges to come.

本研究欲探討兩岸銀行業公司治理與經營績效之關聯性，使用資料包絡分析法及交叉效率分析比較2008至2013年兩岸銀行業的經營績效。根據本研究實證結果顯示：兩岸銀行業確實分屬不同效率前緣，且中國銀行業業之技術效率優於台灣銀行業之技術效率。但金融海嘯後台灣在規模效率上進步，顯著超過中國。在公司治理機制與經營績效關聯性分析中，顯示兩岸因制度性的差異上，使得公司治理變數與經營績效之關聯性幾乎完全相反。在政府持股率與經營績效關聯性上，雖然都不顯著，但中國係數為正，台灣為負，說明兩岸政府對企業的影響力是有所差異。獨立董事比例與純粹技術效率是唯一兩岸都顯著之變數，但中國為顯著負相關而台灣為顯著正相關。研究結果顯示兩岸在公司治理實務與經營績效有很大的差異。 / The purpose of this paper tries to make a cross strait comparison between corporate governance and efficiency performance in banking industry. We apply data envelopment analysis and cross efficiency frontier analysis to measure and compare the performance of banking industry between Taiwan and China from 2008 to 2013. The empirical results reveal that Taiwan and China indeed have different efficiency frontier, and the cross frontier analysis suggests that the efficiency performance of China is much better than that of Taiwan. However, the scale efficiency of Taiwan had a better performance than that of China after financial crisis. Due to system difference, the cross strait comparison of corporate governance between efficiency performances denotes that Taiwan and China almost have opposite effects. China indicates a positive coefficient between bank’s stock holding ratio by government and efficiency performances. On the other hand, Taiwan indicates a negative coefficient, although both are statistically insignificant. The result suggests that the political power has a contrary influence for Taiwan and China. The percentage of independent directors is the only variable that statistically significant with pure technical efficient on both sides. However, which is negative coefficient associated with China, but positive coefficient associated with Taiwan. Therefore, we can conclude that the corporate governance practices have opposite influence on efficiency performance between Taiwan and China.

本研究為第一本運用數位人文學於政治學領域的研究著作，隨著電腦科技及網際網路的快速發展，過去許多僅能以紙本方式加以儲存的政府檔案與歷史文件，在經過電腦科技的輔助下完成數位化工作。數位化後的文檔即可提供研究者進一步研究與分析使用；對此，本研究採取文字探勘(Text-Mining)技術針對數位化後的資料進行論述分析(Discourse Analysis)，由於本研究的資料來源是奠基在數位化文本上透過文字探勘技術所進行的論述分析；因此本研究在此提出一種基於數位人文方法上的論述途徑:數位論述方法(Digital Discourse Analysis, DDA)。以此作為本研究重要的論述與分析基礎，具體的論述分析步驟與策略則採用Norman Fairclough的三段論述分析法，將文本、論述與社會行動加以聯結，並與數位論述分析法加以結合，發展出基於文本的五大分析步驟:總篇數與總字數分析、關鍵詞變化趨勢分析、情緒形容詞使用分析、論述策略使用分析、重大議題聯結分析以及政策論述策略圖像等五項具體分析步驟與架構。有了上述具體的研究步驟後，研究者將研究的對象至於國內四大報(自由時報、中國時報、蘋果日報以及聯合報)，2009-2014年六年間針對ECFA所做的新聞報導內容以及兩大黨(民主進步黨、中國國民黨)，2009-2014年六年間ECFA政策新聞稿及相關內容，進行論述分析。運用上述五個具體步驟，勾勒出臺灣四大報與兩大黨在針對ECFA進行報導與政策論述時的論述策略使用及語言使用模式。 研究結果顯示，四大報中，中國時報與聯合報對於ECFA的新聞報導內容與論述策略較為類似，皆為正向報導、弱監督式以及社會民生議題聯結度低的報導策略；相較之下，自由時報的報導策略則明顯與中國時報及聯合報不同，自由時報常以強監督式的方式進行報導，並且與社會民生議題的聯結程度較高。蘋果日報方面，ECFA新聞議題並非其報導的重要內容，但與另外三大報相比，蘋果日報的ECFA新聞報導與國際議題的聯結程度較高，也較關心到區域經濟整合等相關議題。在兩大黨方面，對於ECFA的政策論述皆以政治類與經貿類關鍵詞為主要論述主軸，國際以及社會民生議題則是因循著不同年度社會、政治經濟脈絡的不同而策略性的出現；另外，兩大黨的ECFA政策論述皆以內銷導向、國際與社會議題工具性出現、論述立場尚屬中立等共同特性，但較不一樣的是民主進步黨的ECFA政策論述具有高監督性、而中國國民黨的ECFA政策論述則具有高針對性與回應性的特質。除了上述的研究發現外，本研究最後研究者也將此次的研究嘗試與社會科學研究趨勢往「語言」、「論述」、「詮釋」轉向進行討論，以及2000年以後政治學所出現的「改造運動」(Perestroika Movement)進行認識論與方法論的討論。讓本研究成果不僅具有實證價值、更擁有與社會科學和政治學研究發展趨勢對話之效。 / This study is the first book applying digital humanities on Political Science research. After digitized document, that can provide research to do more and deeper analysis. This study used digitized document to do discourse analysis. Due to technology development I advocated a brand new analysis framework: Digital Discourse Analysis (DDA). Practical discourse analysis steps, I introduced Norman Fairclough's idea about: three steps of analysis, link text, discourse and social action. Basic on Fairclough's framework, I developed a five steps analysis: the total number of articles and number of words analysis, keywords trend analysis, emotional adjectives use analysis, discourse strategy use analysis, association analysis of major issues and policy discourse strategies image analysis. I found that the China Times and the United Daily News are more similar on ECFA news reports contents and policy discourse strategies. They usually positive reported, low level of supervised and weak linked to livelihood and social issues reported. On the contrary, Liberty Times was more supervised reported and higher degree of link to social and livelihood issues. As for Apple Daily, ECFA issue is not an important part of its news reported issues. Two major parties ECFA policy discourse have some similar characteristics: begin domestic policy discourse-oriented, international and social issues instrumental appear and discourse stand neutrality. On the other hand, Democratic Progressive Party ECFA policy discourse has more high supervisory; Kuomintang ECFA policy discourse has highly-targeted and responsive characteristics. In this study, the researcher will also discuss some new trend of social science research including of language turn, discourse turn and interpretation turn. And discuss Epistemology and Methodology issues after 2000 Perestroika Movement. So that make this research not only has the empirical research value, but also has the value of dialogue on political science and social science research trends.

本研究的目的在於分析國家認同(身分)，對於中國和臺灣之間所謂「國與國」關係的影響。兩岸關係的和暖始於１９７０及１９８０年代末期開始的「自由化」與「民主化」過程，這提供了雙方交流的機會，特別是在１９８７年中華民國政府開放經貿和民間交流，如一般民眾赴大陸探親。更重要的是，當臺灣的一黨專政消逝後，臺灣人民以民主改革重塑了政治環境，而這種民主改革也使臺灣政治產生了新的變化。 本研究認為，就「自由化」與「民主化」的過程而言，不僅是甚於政權的移轉，而且也包括某些政治之外的因素改變了意識形態，最明顯的因素即是經濟。自從１９７９年兩岸的軍事衝突結束後，雖然雙方並未建立有效且特久的和平機制，但在此時期，兩岸都經歷了一些社會自由化及著重經濟發展的政策變化。本文將透過三個焦點問題以理解「自由化」、「民主化」與兩岸之間的關係： i.兩岸於１９７０年代後期及１９８０年代，在個別強人領導之下，國家認同（身分）的影響為何？ ii.這些發展在兩個中國實體的內部如何影響兩岸關係？ iii.未來兩岸如何調整政策以促進和暖的局勢？ 本文將採用溫特的社會建構論做為研究的理論框架，亦即建構主義中的三個Ｉ：認同（身分）、利益和制度。以社會建構論應用在兩岸關係上是有其意義的，同時也顧及了國際關係理論做為一種積累式學科的特殊性。根據社會建構論指出，國家認同（身分）是透過文化規則以塑造，如１９８０年代臺灣人民對於民主的認知，及１９７０年代之後中國自由化的過程，都是其政治文化的一部分。因此，國家認同（身分）在以利益為驅動的國際關係下，必須以「國與國」的關係所取代。本文將以１９７０－８０年代兩岸關係做為案列，解釋國家認同（身分）在「國與國」的關係中的使用。 / The purpose of this study is to examine the effect of the state identity in the state-to-state relations of mainland China and Taiwan. Following the ‘liberalization’ process on the mainland in the late 1970s and Taiwan’s ‘democratization’ of the 1980s, a thawing of relations between the PRC and the ROC was effected. The subsequent exchange between both sides of the Taiwan Strait has included such important changes as the ROC government’s lifting of travel and trade-related restrictions to mainland China in 1987. More importantly, when one-party rule was lifted the people of Taiwan were given the chance to shape the political landscape with the help of democratic reforms which gave a new substance to the political nature of the exchange. The focal point of this study will be the argument that the ‘democratization’ and the ‘liberalization’ processes on both sides is not only because of the regime change but also the ideological shift caused by a number of extra-political factors, most notably economic factors. Although no effective mechanism for long-lasting peace has been established in Cross-Strait Relations since the end of the militarized disputes between the PRC and the ROC in 1979, this period also witnessed a shift in policy towards social liberalization along with an increased emphasis on economic development on both sides of the Taiwan Strait. I will approach the relationship between ‘democratization’ or ‘liberalization’ and Cross-Strait Relations through three focal questions: i.How has it been the effect of state identity in the late 1970s and 1980s in China and in Taiwan under their respective leaderships? ii.How did these developments within the two Chinese entities affect relations across the Taiwan Strait? iii.How will both sides modify their policies in the future to create circumstances more conducive to reconciliation with the other side? I intend to use Wendt's Social Constructivist theory as the theoretical framework of the research on the basis of “3 I’s of Social Constructivism”, namely ‘Identity, Interest and Institution’. The application of Social Constructivism as an International Relations theory to Cross-Strait Relations aims to be relevant and persuasive considering the ad hoc –event driven– characteristic of International Relations as a discipline being accumulative. In Social Constructivism, state identities shape through the cultural norms, such as the Taiwanese perception of democracy as part of its own political culture in the early 1980s and the liberalization process of China from the late 1970s onwards. The state identity, therefore, makes room for the state-to-state relations under the International Relations driven by the national interest. The effect of the state identity in the state-to-state relations in the case study of Cross-Strait Relations, in the late 1970s and in the late 1980s respectively, will be comprehensively subjected to examination in my research.

傳統的國家安全威脅之應處，係以確保國家軍事、政治及外交衝突等國家安全問題為目標。隨著冷戰結束後，全球化時代來臨，國際戰略環境的變遷與威脅性質的演變，「非傳統安全」威脅已逐漸取代「傳統安全」威脅。換言之，傳統安全思維僅著重在主權國家的軍事安全層面，非傳統安全則是基於整體人類安全的考量。我國在面對非傳統安全威脅下，如何調整適應環境之變化，以確保生存及發展，已成為當前刻不容緩之要務。 非傳統安全議題相當廣泛，主要包括：經濟及金融安全、自然生態環境安全、網路資訊安全、大規模殺傷性武器擴散、疫情傳播、恐怖主義、跨境犯罪、走私販毒、非法移民、海盜、洗錢等。中國大陸對臺威脅亦包含傳統與非傳統安全威脅性質。傳統安全係以軍事戰略威脅為主，非傳統安全威脅則來源多元、形式多樣，所呈現以走私、海盜、偷渡、偽造貨幣、詐欺、洗錢等跨境犯罪最為顯著， 本論文將探討兩岸共同打擊跨境犯罪背景發展，並分析兩岸交流衍生之大陸民眾非法來臺所呈現之態樣與現況，闡明我國所面臨的非傳統安全威脅，希冀由相關資料分析比較，藉此驗證現行實務面執行運作成效，並針對實務運作所面臨之困境提出研究建議，供相關單位參考，建立一個兩岸和平安全的互動環境。 / The aim of dealing with the traditional threats to national security is to ensure the national security in the aspects of military, politics and diplomacy. After the end of the Cold War comes the era of globalization, international strategic environment changes as well as the substantial of threat evolves. As a result, “non-traditional security (NTS)” threats have gradually taken the place of “traditional security” treats. In other words, the concept of traditional security only focuses on the aspects of military security of a sovereign state, whereas the consideration of non-traditional security is based on the general human safety. While confronting with threats of non-traditional security, it’s crunch time to make adjustments and adaptation so as to ensure existence and development of Taiwan. The issues of non-traditional security are extremely wide-ranging, mainly including: economic and financial security, ecological and environmental security, information and network security, the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction (WMD), the spread of epidemics, terrorism, transnational crime, narcotics and smuggling, illegal immigration, piracy, money laundering, and so on. The threats to Taiwan from China include traditional security threats and non-traditional security threats. The main threat of the traditional threats is military hostility, while non-traditional security threats stem from various sources and come out in multitudinous forms, especially in the fields of transnational crime such as smuggling, piracy, stowaways, currency counterfeiting, fraud, money laundering, etc. This study discusses the background and context of the cross-strait joint fight against transnational crime, and analyzes the current situation and patterns of illegal immigration of the people from Mainland China resulting from the cross-trait exchanges, as well as explicates the non-traditional security threats confronted by Taiwan, whereupon, in the hope of examining the practice performance by means of comparative analysis of related materials, proposed suggestions and strategies for these predicaments are finally concluded as a reference to the competent authorities to build a peaceful and secure environment for cross-strait interactions accordingly.

In my master thesis I analyze the influence of Taiwan's democratization on Cross- Strait relations. The thesis is structurally divided into three main periods: the pre- democratization period, democratization period and the period since the first power alternation in Taiwan. The first chapter analyzes the emergence of the Cross-Strait issue, the period of the Japanese colonization, the Post-Second World War Period, the Chinese Civil War and Cold War period until second half 80s. It points out the main external and internal factors, which influenced the Cross- Strait relations development and also the development of both Chinese states. The subject of the second chapter is the Taiwan's democratization and its internal and external leverage. Based on A. Przeworski's Theory of Games I am comparing the Taiwan's democratization to the Tiananmen incident. At the end of the second chapter I am comparing political system and regime of both Chinese states and I am pointing out salience of Taiwan for China. The final chapter examines the period of the first power alternation in Taiwan and how it influenced the Cross- Strait relations. It analyzes the issue of Taiwanese identity and sovereignty. It points out the three most common sovereignty interpretations over Taiwan. This chapter also entails an analysis...