This thesis is essentially about the origin, course, and impact of

The world has moved into an era where the tempering mechanism of a balance of power has diminished and security is decidedly more complex. Globalization which became a buzzword in the 1990¡¦s as interdependence did in the 1970¡¦s, meant real changes that are of fundamental and profound implications to the politics, economics, military, socio-cultural and environment. The number of players in the international system has increased and the myriad of issues confronting the international community show no sign of letting up. International relations conducted by governments have been supplemented by relations among private individuals, groups, and societies that can and do have important consequences for the course of events. Like all other states, the Philippines pursues foreign policy objectives to promote national security and development. Jumpstarting from a logical foreign policy framework which is ASEAN centrist, though with strong cognizance of the three dominant power players (United States, Japan and China) in the global politics, the ASEAN with the Philippines as one of the prime movers. All these existing ASEAN dynamics, however, officially does not include the country of Taiwan which is the most proximate to the Philippines, and is also strategically situated vis a vis the other ASEAN countries. Most of ASEAN member countries have already recognized and established official relations with the People¡¦s Republic of China (PROC). China officially requires that any country establishing diplomatic relations with Beijing must recognize the ¡¥One-China principle¡¦, which means no diplomatic relations with the Republic of China or Taiwan will ever be made after the signing of the communiqué. Thus, foreign governments have to painstakingly choose between recognizing Taipei or recognizing Beijing, depending upon their respective national interests. Ironically, because of the complexities of the cross-strait issues, ASEAN countries and the rest of the world, except for nineteen (19) countries as of 2006, have chosen to traverse the conventional foreign policy path to China, with the unconventional detour of ¡§unofficial relations¡¨ mode with Taiwan. A cooperation, which is acceptable for Beijing, is only within the realm of economics ¡V trade and investments, cultural, educational and social relations. While the traditional diplomatic track of Philippine-Taiwan relations is consistent with the veritable ¡§one china policy¡¨, as everyone else in the rest of the world, the Philippines maintains an unofficial relationship with Taiwan for trade, investments, social, cultural, educational and other levels of low politics. The timeless challenge lies on the capability of the institutional mechanisms of the Philippines that promotes, harness and enhance these dynamics without transgressing the official metes and bounds of the one china policy. The Philippines entered into official relations with Republic of China (ROC), then the government of Mainland China, when President Manuel A. Roxas signed a Treaty of Amity with Chinese Chen Chih-ping on April 18, 1947. The Philippine consulates in Shanghai and Xiamen, and the legation in Nanjing were closed in 1949 in view of the advancing communist forces. The Philippine Legation was reopened in Taipei in January 1950 during the time of President Ramon Magsaysay and was elevated into an embassy on March 15, 1956. Chinese involvement in the Korean War and the communist insurgency in the country precipitated the Philippine government decision to recognize the nationalist government in Taiwan. No official contacts were made with Mainland China until the early 1970s. . In 1975 however, the Philippines opened diplomatic relations with China, thus the birth of its One-China policy. Correspondingly, on the same year, the Philippines terminated all diplomatic and political relations with Taiwan. The effects on trade and investments were initially dampening for both countries. From 1975 to 1977, economic relations were severely affected - there was no fresh Taiwanese investment in the Philippines. Relations with Taiwan were downgraded to an unofficial, non-governmental level and were limited to economic, trade, commercial and cultural activities. The Taiwan embassy in Manila was renamed Pacific Economic and Cultural Center, while the Philippine Embassy in Taipei became the Asian Exchange Center, a semi-private organization reporting directly to the Office of the President. From 1975 to date, the Philippine-Taiwan relations were all within the sphere of economics and culture, in strict adherence to the 1975 Communiqué, although there were numerous diplomatic protests lodged by China on allegations of violations to the One China rule. Under the One China Policy environment, the Philippines has enjoyed the benefits of maintaining diplomatic relations with the People¡¦s Republic of China (PROC) while pursuing non-official relations with Taiwan. However as an offshoot of these non-diplomatic ties, some strategic concerns have been in the offing, which necessitates a rethinking of the current policies. This paper has taken to task the consolidation of all past studies on Philippine-China-Taiwan relations, and subjected the findings in an analytical framework based on well-established international relation theories. Thus, the two houses of congress (Senate and Representative) can use the paper as aid to legislation in any national policy enhancements vis a vis China relations and possibly, pass the policy that will prescribe the nature of relationship with Taiwan. There had been efforts in the past from various interest groups to pass the legislation, but was vehemently opposed by the Chinese Embassy in Manila. A legislative debate essentially coming from a non-partisan academic endeavor could be acceptable to the Chinese psyche. The assessment of the changing relational pattern using the four theories of realism, neo-realism, liberalism and neo-liberalism will bring to the fore the strengths, opportunities, weaknesses, threats and triggers of the past relations within the two countries domestic environment and the international system. It will subsequently be the basis of the model building and forward looking strategies based on a ¡¥constructivist¡¦ mode of enhancing the people to people contact between the two countries, but without risking and transgressing the metes and bounds of the ¡¥one China policy¡¦. This dissertation is essentially an analytical revisit of the changing relational pattern given the imperative at this juncture of Philippine nation building to re-examine the Philippine ¡V Taiwan relations amidst the backdrop of the ¡§one china policy¡¨ and by and large, reinvent the relations to the best interest of the Philippines. Specifically, the research study will seek answers to the following questions: 1. What is the relational pattern of the Philippine-Taiwan relations from 1947 to 2005 using the key theoretical factors of Realism, Neo-realism, Liberalism and Neo-liberalism? 2. Coming from an ASEAN centrist with strong deference to the power nations of the United States, Japan and China foreign policy framework, what are the implications of the ¡§one china policy¡¨ to this changing relational pattern? 3. In the light of the findings of the preceding research questions and using the constructivism framework, what policy and program model can be drawn up to reinvent the Philippine ¡V Taiwan relations in a one china policy environment and subsequently promote its national interests? In more contemporary initiatives, the author has observed that the Philippine-Taiwan relation is actively dominated by the initiatives of both the business sector and the third sector as well. On one hand, the Joint economic Conference led by the Chinese Philippine Business Council has actively been engaging the businessmen of both countries to undertake policy and program agreements that are mutually relevant to them. On the other hand, some Civil Society Organizations (NGOs and Pos) has through the years been pursuing collaborative efforts in development and humanitarian programs. This study will endeavor to draw up a model of people to people engagement of both countries towards development cooperation. This definitely is within the realm of what is acceptable in the one china policy framework and consistent to the global governance trend in the offing. This dissertation is on a strong proposition that: a). The level of official relationship between the Philippines and PROC will affect the level of relationship between the Philippines and Taiwan; b). The Level of relationship between PROC and Taiwan will affect the level of relationship between the Philippines and PROC; and, c). The Level of relationship between the Philippines and Taiwan will affect the relationship between the Philippines and PROC. Coming from the comprehensive analytical revisit of the Philippine ¡VTaiwan relations in a One China Policy environment in Chapter 4 and the highlighted most crucial points in the preceding ¡§Summary¡¨ portion of this paper, the overarching conclusion of the dissertation is that Philippine ¡V Taiwan relations is decidedly more complex, than be simply viewed from a singular perspective of a theory ¡V Realism, Neo-realism, Liberalism, and Neo-Liberalism. The interplay of the various triggers in the decision making processes of the leaders and the state is predicated on the domestic realities and the international environment. Undoubtedly though, the study has amply proven that ¡§it is an imperative to reinvent the Philippine-Taiwan relations, but MUST be within the metes and bounds of the One China Policy¡¨. The cursory on the recommendations and model building to reinvent Philippine-Taiwan relations is capsulized in Figure 39 below, taking into account the three tracks of ¡§enhanced people to people¡¨ relations, the establishment of the People¡¦s Forum through the Center. All these are geared towards the attainment of the two countries national interests and subsequently, the promotion of the Philippines and Taiwan¡¦s national security

Abstract of Thesis The title of this thesis is A comparative study of the one ¡V china policy during the eras of Chiang Khai-Shek and Chiang Ching-Kuo. According to the relationship of the China Government and Taiwan, the cooperation on economic issue but the conflict in political ones, and the most controversial issue now is ¡§ One-China ¡¨ policy. Both sides of Taiwan Strait, the Authorities have the different explanations of it because the different of the histories and backgrounds between Taiwan and China since Ming and Ching dynasties. On this thesis, it discuss the policies of Chiang Khai-Shek and Chiang Ching-Kuo ¡¥s eras to handle this problem especially the international relationship of Taiwan and China during that times. After World War ¢º, America becomes a big country to be a turn point of the relationship between Taiwan and China, that ¡¥s what this thesis is written and discussion. According to the different background and histories, it do a comparative study of the policies between Chiang Khai-Shek and Chiang Ching-Kuo in final chapter.

With the development of economic globalization, the threat of international financial crisis is rising. In order to address the challenge of financial crisis, the regional financial cooperation is becoming important mechanism for political elite in East Asia. Although Taiwan has important status of international economics and trade in East Asia and close economic and trade relations with China, but it is still difficult for Taiwan to join East Asia financial cooperation due to Cross-Strait political factor. This thesis analyses the political consensus of political elite in East Asia through the perspective of ¡§Neo-functionalism¡¨ on the impact of two stages of East Asia financial cooperation after international financial crisis in 1997 and 2008, and on the difficulty for Taiwan to take part in regional financial cooperation of ASEAN+3 with China¡¦s increasing political and economic influence in East Asia. Therefore this thesis analyses above issues for providing advices to Taiwan government regarding policymaking on participation in East Asia financial cooperation.

「台灣問題」關係到中共未來國家戰略發展的核心，並涉及民族尊嚴的維護。所以中共無論基於區域博弈、國家安全、利益、發展維護等戰略需求，「台灣問題」勢將為中共必須面對的重要議題。自1978年以來，中共領導人受到內外在安全戰略因素影響，其統一戰略思維與策略運用，不斷的進行調整，逐漸由武力解放轉變為和平統一。當前中共國家戰略雖以「國家發展」為優先，但發生對主權原則的挑戰，勢被迫將統一問題提前解決。中共迄今不願承諾放棄武力主因，即基於國家安全戰略考量，以確保對台政策的靈活性與主動性。 基於整體情勢，中共體認「談判會比透過戰爭獲益更多」的戰略思維。當前中共對台策略係採取「政經分離、先經後政」柔性作為。依國際情勢、綜合國力及軍事能量而言，整體優勢明顯傾斜於中共，故未來兩岸關係發展情況，勢將大部份取決中共的戰略走向。更值得重視的是，中共確實有武力犯台能力與決心。 中共當前對台的經貿策略，無論基於全球化需求，或是中共所佔有的戰略優勢，對於台灣而言，乃勢之所趨，與其採取「抗衡」策略，不如運用擁有的籌碼，積極與之建立依存關係，進而在未來無可避免的政治談判中，爭取國家最大的利益與安全保障。 / The Taiwan issue sits at the center of China’s national security. It involves both China’s national dignity and national interests. Therefore, no matter in terms of its development projects, regional arrangements, or national security strategies, everything related to China’s national security has to do with the Taiwan issue. This is the reason why we have to address the cross-Strait situation from the angle of China’s national security concerns. Since 1978, under the constraint of China’s economic and security conditions, its leaders have been adjusting constantly its strategy to unify Taiwan: from military liberation gradually moving towards peaceful co-optation. As a result, China can reserve more energy for its economic catch-up. But still, according to the findings of this study, once sovereignty being threatened or challenged, China will consider the use of force without any delay. And, this is exactly why China has always been reluctant to denounce the use of force against Taiwan. For the moment, however, China prefers the unification through peaceful means and this lead to a strategy of “separation of politics and economy, with economy gong first and politics being last.” But, gradually, as Taiwan becomes more dependent on China economically and loses its advantages to China militarily, according to the findings of the research, China would gain more confidence over unifying Taiwan. Such confidence, if backed up by its physical strength, would very likely lead to a military confrontation across the Taiwan Strait. Facing such circumstance, more challenges against China’s determination of defend its sovereignty would add to the likelihood of the above-mentioned scenario. Thus, according to the findings of the study, Taiwan’s best strategy might probably be avoiding “balancing/confrontation” for now and at the same time making be best use of our economic advantages and bargaining chips to build up the economic and social interdependence across the Strait, which shall be the most reliable guarantee of Taiwan’s national security.

The purpose of this thesis is to analyze changes and constants of the Cross-Strait relationship since 1949 on the basis of a constructivist framework of International Relations theory. After having introduced basic assumptions of rule-based constructivism, mainly following Nicholas Onuf, the thesis argues that the Cross-Strait relationship can be analyzed as a social construct that has mainly been governed by the “one China” rule, which is designed and influenced by speech acts performed by relevant agents in Taiwan, China, the US, as well as academia. A summary of the historic context of Cross-Strait relationship developments (1949-2000) which highlights the circumstances of the creation of the “one China” rule as well as gradual challenges to it, is followed by a comparison between the approaches of the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) and the Kuomintang (KMT) of constructing this relationship between 2000-2008 and 2008-2011, respectively. Due to the DPP's and KMT's very different ideologies, and their antithetic definitions of Taiwan's relationship to China, there were distinct variations in their performances of speech acts, that are analyzed in the context of three discursive examples and which, together with related practices, aimed either at weakening (DPP) or strengthening (KMT) the “one China” rule as a cornerstone for Taiwan's relationship to China. Despite attempts by Taiwanese agents during the two consecutive DPP administrations to break the “one China” rule, it remains an important aspect of the Cross-Strait relationship as it is sustained, to different degrees, by agents in China, the US and the current KMT government. However, due to their adjustments over time and the development of Taiwan's democratic system, a new “status quo” rule has steadily gained momentum. Therefore, the thesis argues, that it will be crucial to see how the preferences of the Taiwanese populace with respect to their home's relationship to China will evolve in the future and how the relevant agents will respond to these developments.

本論文旨在探討澳門主權的歸屬，亦即中國與葡國在有關澳門地位問題上的爭議。中葡關係是中國與西方國家接觸的開端，葡人自一五五三年起，迄今在澳門已住了四百四十年。葡國佔住澳門歷明、清、民國、中共而不斷，認為「久佔之地，必有主權」，乃根據羅馬法上的時效原則，而中國 一直認為澳門乃「天朝地界」，准許葡人佔住乃中國皇帝的恩准。中葡雙方各持己見，學者也一直未能有效釐清。 不過，比對中、葡、意、荷、英、日各方資料後，便可見前人對澳門問題之見解實頗多偏頗之處，其原因乃在忽略中外資料之客觀比對。本論文可以斷言，葡人得以入居澳門，實在中國明朝末年的一種機緣巧合。葡人得以久居澳門，一方面由於中國認為此情況符合本身國家利益，另一方面則由於葡人善於迎合中國皇帝與官員心理。大量歷史事實顯示，葡人長期以來是在中國享有完整的澳門主權前提下，在澳門行使有限度的自治權的。這種類以唐代蕃坊的情況一直維持至一八四○年中英鴉片戰爭爆發。 由於清廷的戰敗與衰微，葡國遂於一八四九年以政變方式，將葡人的有限自治權擴大成排他管理權，將中國官員全部逐出澳門，令中國主權無法在澳門行使。一八八七年的《中葡和好通商條約》，確認了葡國可以「永居、管理」澳門。 然而，中國一直沒有放棄過澳門主權。自一九一二年民國成立以來，歷任中國政府都企圖在澳門恢復行使主權。一九七九年二月，葡國終於承認澳門只是葡國管理之下的中國領土。一九八七年四月，中共與葡國簽訂了《聯合聲明》，決定了澳門將於二○○○年之前回歸中國。一九九三年三月，中共「八屆人大」通過了《澳門基本法》，為中共將來在「一國兩制」方針下統治澳門提供了法律根據。中葡兩國之間存在四百四十年的澳門地位問題，至此遂告結束。

The thesis focuses on China's economic diplomacy in Africa. The theoretical part deals with the concept of economic security (as a part of soft security) and economic diplomacy (as a way how to secure economic security). Africa is just one of many areas where China is engaged. The objective of the thesis is to identify the particular policies of China's economic diplomacy. The thesis is divided into four parts. The first part deals with the theoretical concepts, the second part with the energy security and policy in China. The third part deals with the individual areas of cooperation between China and Africa and China's main principles of cooperation. The main areas are international trade, foreign direct investment and foreign aid. The last part describes the Chinese cooperation with two particular countries -- Angola and Sudan.

問題意識： 1. 中國大陸對台政策法制化是否是必要性？中國大陸對台政策過去停留在人治的時代，透過各種政治性文件的宣示，顯然從台灣各項反應，並沒有達成中共預期的目標，因此對台政策法制化實有研究的必要性。 2. 反分裂國家法的原因、過程、內容及所產生的效果究竟為何？值得深入的探討。 3. 反分裂國家法在出台時引發軒然大波，但出台後就刻意低調與淡化處理，其間原因值得探究。 4. 探討反分裂國家出台後對於兩岸關係政策走向之探討。 研究價值： 1.從法制化的角度來探討反分裂國家法，有別於過去研究者單就反分裂國家法本身來探討。 2.從中國大陸對台政策法制化前後來探討中國大陸對台政策，以突顯對台政策法制化的重要性，不同於法制化前或法制化後單方面討論。 3.從法律層面與政治層面來探討反分裂國家法這部具有高度政治性的法律，而不是單純一方面來檢視反分裂國家法。 4. 本論文在資料收集上，作者透過親身至北京大學學習的經驗，得到第一手的書面資料，並透過兩岸學者專家之接觸與訪談，以釐清關於反分裂法之諸多爭議問題，不同於在兩岸任一方來看待反分裂國家法。 研究動機： 1. 作者自身個人的興趣與學科背景。 2. 適逢對台政策法制化的關鍵點。 3. 善盡研究者的學術及社會責任 。 4. 不負兩岸求學的機會。 研究目的： 1. 希望能夠瞭解中國大陸對台政策法制化的意義與必要性。 2. 藉由反分裂國家法制訂的動機、過程、內容探討，以瞭解較接近真相的反分裂國家法。 3. 使台灣民眾能真正瞭解中國大陸對於《反分裂國家法》之看法，使助於釐清一些流於政治認同之想當然爾之偏見，對於一些爭議性的條文與不確定的法律概念，能夠有更客觀之學術分析。 4. 透過《反分裂國家法》的研究，以觀察中國大陸對台政策之走向。 研究方法：文獻分析法(Document Analysis)、歷史研究法(Historical Research)、訪談法(Interview Research)。 研究途徑：法律研究途徑〈(Legal Approach)〉、系統理論〈System Theory〉 研究內容：本論文計分六章，約二十五萬餘字。 章節內容： 第一章部份前言，主要討論的問題包括問題緣起與研究價值、研究動機與目的、文獻檢討、研究方法、研究途徑與研究架構、研究設計這其中又包括研究假設、研究範圍與章節安排)、研究限制及概念界定，第一章是本文的核心重點部分。 第二章部分主要探討中國大陸對台政策法制化前之分析，首先在第一節中，探討反分裂國家法出台前中國大陸對台政策；在第二節中，探討反分裂國家法出台前中國大陸對台政策所存在的問題；在第三節中主要探討對台政策法制化的意義。 第三章部分主要探討法制化下中國大陸對台政策，第一節主要探討反分裂國家法的制訂原因與過程；第二節主要討論反分裂國家法的內容；第三節主要探討反分裂國家法的執行與相關問題探討。 第四章部分主要探討反分裂國家法與國際社會反應，在第一節中主要討論西方國家處理國家分裂問題之法制化實例；第二節主要討論國際社會對反分裂國家法出台後的態度；第三節主要討論台、美間的台灣關係法與台、中間的反分裂國家法。 第五章部分主要探討反分裂國家法出台後對台灣的影響分析，在第一節中，探討反分裂國家法的規範意義；第二節中探討反分裂國家法的主要爭點；在第三節主要是對反分裂國家法出台後對台政策走向探討 第六章部分是本文結論，包括研究發現與研究建議。 【關鍵詞】：反分裂國家法、法制化、法律研究途徑、系統理論、一個中國 / Problem Consciousness: 1 Is legislation of Taiwan policy a necessity? The policy towards Taiwan was formerly manipulated by persons in-charge; through enunciation of political vision, but producing less expected clout. It is, therefore, pushing for a more decisive legislation. 2.What is the reason, process, content and effect about 「Anti-Secession Law」? Try to find out the actual answers on causes, involved procedures, content and its repercussion. 3.「Anti-Secession Law」results in discussing and disagreement. But after drawing up, What is the reason why PRC deals with it silently. 4.What is the trending Analysis towards Taiwan of Mainland China? Research Value: 1.Focused the mainly on legislation, lest discussing 「Anti-Secession Law」itself. 2.Expanding both stages: 「Pre- Anti-Secession Law」 and 「Post- Anti-Secession Law」 3.Emplasizing the legal and public 「Anti-Secession Law」, lest the unilateral 「Anti-Secession Law」itself. 4 On Collecting data: By studying in Peking University and personal contacts with experts and scholars of cross-strait relationship. Research Motivation: 1.Presonal interest and academic background. 2. As if on one, it was time where legislation of the Anti-Secession Law and police took place. 3.Research responsibility in academic and social. 4.Opportunity available for the cross-strait study. Study Goal： 1. Understanding Mainland China’s Taiwan policy formulation under the impacts of the legislation ,institutionalization and its means and imperatives. 2. Understanding the actual stage of affairs under the Anti-Secession Law pertaining to its motivation, procedure, and content. 3. Assisting the Taiwan public to have a clearer understandings of the Anti-Secession Law, lest the political bias from its statutory articles. 4.To have a clearer understanding of its logic applied . Study Method：Literature analysis & study method、Historical study method、 Interview method. Study Approach ：Legal Approach、System Theory Content of Study : There are six chapters of the Thesis, in total of about 250000 characters. Key Words: Anti-Secession Law、Legislation、Legal Approach、System Theory、One China

The liberal theory of international relations primarily associates international cooperation with liberal democratic states, to the point that a theory of scholars Poast and Urpelainen claim that international cooperation with consolidated democracies through international organizations may boost the democratization of or at least prevent democratic backsliding in non-consolidated democracies. This paper investigates the possibility of decoupling these theories from democracies and democratizing by examining whether Chinese efforts within the framework of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank and the Belt and Road foreign policy project have a similar but reverse effect on its target states, prompting developments in authoritarian directions. Though the results of study are inconclusive on account of the relative youth of the studied IOs, they indicate a strong possibility that could do with further study.