Diploma thesis "Language policies of Canada: An Evaluation of Trudeau's Policy of Official Bilingualism" deals with Canadian English-French language duality. The thesis describes evolution of Canadian language policies on federal as well as on provincial level. On federal level, long-time prime minister of Canada Pierre Elliott Trudeau has achieved a goal to create fully bilingual federal government; on provincial level, the thesis deals mainly with the province of Québec as it has the most far reaching language legislation in Canada. The thesis evaluates Trudeau's aim to deal with Québec separatism and nationalism by stressing out new pan-Canadian identity of bilingual state reaching "from coast to coast".

The thesis discusses the task of easements appraisement in detail. The theoretical part is aimed to general analysis of easements; kinds of easements, possible ways of their formation and termination are stressed. Separate part deals with delimitation of basic terms associated with appraicement of real estate, basic techniques of appraicement of easements from the point of view of appraicement purpose and the kind of easement. Consecutively the theoretical part is applied to appraicement of easement for cost free using of family house and garden, easement for participating on crop from garden and appraicement of easement for domestic animals breeding for tax purposes so as contractual purposes for the lifetime of the eligible person.

L’étude du droit applicable à la langue basque en France et en Espagne et des politiques publiques menées dans chacun des pays en faveur de sa revitalisation et de sa normalisation linguistique est source de contradictions juridiques et politiques. En effet, alors que les droits français et espagnols s’opposent dans la place qu’ils font au pluralisme linguistique dans la sphère publique et à la reconnaissance des droits des communautés linguistiques, les pouvoirs publics de chaque État ont mis en place des mesures poursuivant l’objectif commun de garantir le multilinguisme dans les rapports avec l’administration et les services publics, et de permettre l’apprentissage par le plus grand nombre de la langue basque. Cette contradiction amène à s’interroger sur le modèle linguistique français et sur les pistes de conciliation nouvelle permettant d’offrir un cadre juridique plus propice à l’expression plurielle des différentes langues régionales de France, et de sécuriser juridiquement les politiques mises en place en faveur de la langue basque en France. / The study of the legal dispositions ruling the use and learning of the basque language in France and Spain, and the policies intending the revitalization and normalization of the basque language in both territories reveals a political and legal contradiction. Even if the French and Spanish regulations contain opposite principles regarding the recognition of multilingualism in the public sphere and the recognition of the rights of language communities, the public authorities in both countries have applied similar policies with the objective to ensure the use of the basque language in Administration and public service, and to allow that a large part of the population has the possibility to learn the basque language. This contradiction can be resolved with a reflexion concerning the French linguistic model. The thesis offers a proposal to establish a new legal and constitutional conciliation in France permitting a better expression of multilingualism in the public sphere, and securing legally the public policies applied in this country in the benefit of the basque language.

Researchers are increasingly drawn to the study of societal bilingualism (or multilingualism), which is the study of the specific nature of bilingualism practiced by a nation, state, province or territory. Such studies seek to identify the institutions and legal frameworks put in place to regulate and reproduce bilingualism, as well as to understand groups which practice bilingualism. Drawing on a descriptive approach that flows from a sociological model of critical theory and conflict theory, this study is based on societal bilingualism in Cameroon, the only other country in the world, apart from Canada, that has both English and French as its only official languages. Cameroon is also one of the few African countries that do not have a local language as an official language. Acknowledging the central role of texts and their analysis in understanding social practices, this case study is carried out using critical document analysis to examine previous research, mass media products, government reports, historical data and information, laws, orders, press releases and speeches to uncover the precise nature of official language bilingualism in Cameroon. The study offers insights into the relevant historical and language background against which a critical discussion on official language bilingualism and an analysis of the legal frameworks and institutions set up to regulate and reproduce this bilingualism can be carried out. Attention is given to translation policies and to the most recent measures taken to foster State bilingualism in Cameroon. Indeed, official language bilingualism has been heavily predicated on translation, its institutions and legal framework. This timely case study traces the nation’s failure, as witnessed by the current situation of unrest, to successfully implement, mainly through translation, an official language bilingualism policy that grants equal status to English and French across the national territory. This research concludes that an alternative solution would be to introduce bilingual education as well, particularly from the nursery and elementary school levels, given that, for a long time now, Cameroon has had early simultaneous bilinguals who speak both English and French before they attain school age. A brief comparison between the context of official language bilingualism within the educational system in Cameroon and in Canada highlights the fact that Cameroon has the potential to establish one of the strongest forms of bilingual education in the world.

Cette thèse étudie le rôle des IDE dans les PVD. Le chapitre 1 examine l’interaction entre les IDE et les APD. Les résultatsagrégés révèlent que l'effet substituable des APD sur les IDE contrebalance son effet complémentaire. Les résultatsdésagrégés montrent que les APD aux intrants complémentaires complètent les IDE dans le capital physique alors que lesAPD dans le capital physique prennent la place de leur homologue IDE. Par contre, les IDE aux intrants complémentaires se comportent comme leur contrepartie APD. Le chapitre 2 étudie les différences en termes de performance entre les firmes étrangères et domestiques. Les firmes étrangères sont plus productives, moins rentables et s’accroissent plus rapidement que les firmes domestiques. D’autre part, elles survivent mieux que les firmes domestiques. En outre, nous indiquons aussi qu’il existe les prix de transfert et le coût irrécupérable parmi les firmes étrangères au Vietnam. Le chapitre 3 considère le comportement des exportateurs au Vietnam. Nous constatons que la répartition des intensités d'exportation au Vietnam affiche une forme de U comme celle des pays fortement engagés aux CVM. En examinant les primes à l'exportation, nous démontrons que les exportateurs de transformation sont moins productifs et paient des salaires plus bas que les exportateurs ordinaires et même que les non-exportateurs. Cette tendance est plus évidente parmi les firmes étrangères et celles localisant dans les zones non tarifaires. En conclusion, même si l'IDE se présente une source importante d'entrée de capitaux pour les PVD, des analyses plus détaillées sont nécessaires pour mieux comprendre leurs effets sur une économie. / This thesis investigates the role of FDI in developing economies. Chapter 1 examines the interaction between FDI andODA. Our aggregated results reveal that the substitutable effect of ODA on FDI overbalances its complementary effect.Disaggregated results show that ODA in complementary inputs complements FDI in physical capital while ODA in physicalcapital substitutes its counterpart FDI. Moreover, FDI in complementary inputs behaves like its counterpart ODA. Chapter2 checks the difference in performance between foreign and domestic firms. We find that foreign firms are more productive,less profitable and grow faster than domestic firms. Moreover, they survive better than Vietnamese ones. Additionally, wealso indicate that there exist the transfer mispricing and the sunk cost among foreign firms in Vietnam. In chapter 3, weinvestigate the firms’ export behavior. We find that the distribution of export intensities in Vietnam displays a U-shapedpattern like the one found for countries strongly engaged in GVCs. By examining the export premia, we indicate thatprocessing exporters are less productive and pay lower wages than non-processing exporters and even than non-exporters.This pattern is more obvious among foreign firms and firms in the non-tariff zone. To conclude, even if FDI represents animportant source of growth for developing countries, more disaggregated analyses are still needed to better understand their effects on an economy.

U. S. does not have an official language even though the country is home to the highest number of English speakers in the world and English is the primary language spoken there. Since 1980s, there have been efforts to make English the official language of the land. However, they have not been successful so far. The paper Language Policy in the U. S.: Debating Official Language attempts to clarify why English has never been officialized. First, the language policy debates since the American Revolution are examined and the role of official language in the debates is defined. Second, the actors of official English debates are introduced, their motivation is explained and arguments for and against making English official are presented. Third, potential impact of official language legislation is scrutinized based on a comparative analysis of five official English bills. Thus, the paper provides an overview of the topic of official English debates and gives reasons why the U. S. Congress has never passed an official language law.

The purpose of this essay is to investigate how the authorities Swedish Migration Board and Swedish Transport Administration communicate with the users on the social media Facebook and Twitter. This essay is based on a qualitative content analysis of a total of six different posts on Facebook and Twitter, which the authorities of the Swedish Migration Board and the Swedish Transport Administration have done. The result is that Twitter's comments threads were perceived as more general and not personally angled. On Facebook, the commentaries contained very personal questions concerning the person who wrote the question. The most common language acts of both authorities are mainly information. They occur to the greatest extent, and mostly in all posts and responses. The nature of the information is usually informative but sometimes also explanatory. Other language actions that appear a part are calls. The most common call is when the text ends with a link reference. The text wants the reader to press the attached link, thus performing an action. The ways of creating relationship and the extent to which the texts try to create relationships with the recipients differ between the two different social media. On Facebook, it is clearer that the texts are trying to create relationships. Twitter does not match the same pattern.

Utifrån lagen ska en tjänsteperson vara saklig och opartisk i sin bedömning och utredning av ärenden. Samtidigt som det är viktigt med mångfald och representation i offentlig förvaltning för demokratin enligt forskare. Detta för att klienter ska känna en samhörighet med tjänstepersonerna. Mot bakgrund av detta är det av intresse att undersöka den spänning roll som uppstår för tjänstepersonerna. Det övergivande syftet i den här studien är att öka förståelsen om tjänstepersoners upplevelser av dessa två roller som förväntas av dem. För att uppnå syftet har studien byggt på en huvudfrågeställning och två underfrågeställningar som stöd för att inhämta empiri. Frågeställningarna har besvarat genom kvalitativa intervjuer med fem tjänstepersoner runt om i landet. Den empiriska analysen har resulterat i att tjänstepersoner med en invandrarbakgrund inte gör ett aktiv val att vara representanter för sina klienter. Dessutom får dessa tjänstepersoner ta emot en del otrevligheter från både klienter med en invandrarbakgrund och svenska klienter. Med det sagt är studiens slutsats att tjänstepersoner är utsatts på grund av deras bakgrund, men också för deras opartiskhet. / According to the law, a public official must be objective and impartial in his assessment and investigation of cases. At the same time, it is important to have diversity and representation in public administration for democracy, according to researchers. This is for clients to feel and bond with the service providers. Because of this, it is of interest to investigate the tension role that arises for the public officia. The overarching purpose of this study is to increase the understanding of officials' experiences of these two roles expected of them. To achieve the aim, the study has one main question and two sub-questions as support for obtaining empirical data. The questions have been answered through qualitative interviews with five officials around the country. The empirical analysis has obtained results in in-service staff with an immigrant background and not actively being representative of their clients. Also, these employees receive as emotional and participative from clients with an immigrant background and Swedish clients. The study concludes that public officials are exposed because of their background, but also for their impartiality.

This dissertation focuses on the following questions: 1) What is the structure of the Korean sport for international development discourse? 2) How are the historical transformations of particular rules of formation manifested in the discourse of Korean sport for international development? 3) What knowledge, ideas, and strategies make up Korean sport for international development? And 4) what are the ways in which these components interact with the institutional aspirations of the Korean government, directed by the official development assistance goals, the foreign policy and diplomatic agenda, and domestic politics? To address these research questions, I focus my analysis on the Korea International Cooperation Agency (KOICA) and its 30 years of expertise in designing and implementing sport and physical activity–related programs and aid projects. For this research project, I collected eight different sets of KOICA documents published from 1991 to 2017 as primary sources and two different sets of supplementary documents including government policy documents and newspaper articles. By using Foucault’s archaeology and genealogy as methodological frameworks, the analysis highlights how KOICA sport has functioned for three decades as 1) an international development tool, 2) a diplomacy tool, and 3) a domestic policy tool of the Korean state. The conclusion focuses on 1) the relevance of findings to the larger context of SFD, sport diplomacy, and domestic policy and political literature; 2) additional cases demonstrating the ways other nations might employ sport for political purposes, in comparison with KOICA sport; 3) KOICA sport’s potential future as an alternative to Korean SFD and future direction of my research journey toward a big picture of East Asian SFD.

The Canadian government has long striven for an official national identity grounded in a cohesive sense of national unity, but this has been in contrast to the regional reality of the Canadian state. The postwar period reveals increased concern within Canada regarding its national identity, when the federal government was attempting to construct an intrinsic identity and trying to encode what it meant to be Canadian. When Newfoundland joined Canada in 1949, it became an additional element in this enduring struggle. After confederation, a cultural revival in the province further entrenched its distinct identity during the same period in which it was acclimatizing to a new Canadian reality. The main goals of this research are to comprehend how Newfoundland understood official Canadian identity in its post-confederation period and how the province pursued a distinct identity while becoming a part of Canada. This project examines how Newfoundland understood official constructions of Canadian identity during the post-1949 period to observe how Canada’s official national identity was understood outside of the dominant central-Canada perspective. This alternative regional perspective provides an understanding of how the realities of Canada’s regionalism play a role in why the official national identity was not as homogenous or uniting as the federal government had idealized. By addressing the national question of Canadian identity through a regional Newfoundland perspective, this project seeks to deepen and expand our knowledge and understanding of modern Canada and its continued regional realities.