Apresentamos uma caracterização das funções positivas definidas em esferas complexas, generalizando assim, um resultado de Schoenberg ([41]). Como no caso real, uma classe importante dessas funções é aquela composta pelas funções estritamente positivas definidas de uma certa ordem; estas podem ser utilizadas para resolver certos problemas de interpolação de dados arbitrários associados a pontos distintos distribuídos nas esferas. Com esse objetivo, obtivemos algumas condições necessárias e suficientes (separadamente) para que funções positivas definidas sejam estritamente positivas definidas. Os resultados apresentados fornecem uma caracterização final elementar para funções estritamente positivas definidas de todas as ordens em quase todas as esferas complexas. Funções estritamente positivas definidas de ordem 2 são caracterizadas em todas as esferas complexas. Analisamos também a relação entre funções estritamente positivas definidas em esferas complexas e funções estritamente positivas definidas em esferas reais. / We characterize positive definite functions on complex spheres, generalizing a famous result due to I. J. Schoenberg ([41]). As in the real case, we study the so-called strictly positive definite functions. They can be used to perform interpolation of scattered data on those spheres. We present (separated) necessary and sufficient conditions for a positive definite function to be strictly positive definite of a certain order. These conditions produce a final characterization for those positive definite functions which are strictly positive definite of all orders, on almost all spheres. Strictly positive definite functions of order 2 are identified. Finally, we study a connection between strictly positive definite functions on real spheres and strictly positive definite functions on complex spheres.

Este trabalho trata da organização de sintagmas nominais no armênio, revelando uma interação peculiar entre a expressão de definitude e a marcação morfológica de Caso e as conseqüências dessa relação para a organização estrutural desta língua. Mostra se que os sintagmas nominais são interpretados como definidos como resultado de atribuição de Caso estrutural, e que existe uma assimetria entre os Casos estruturais e os Casos inerentes quanto à atribuição de definitude. Como ponto de partida, discute-se o estatuto do sufixo n/y, chamado de artigo definido pela gramática tradicional do armênio. A investigação das propriedades morfossintáticas desse sufixo mostra que o mesmo é uma marca com características mistas, que atua na atribuição de definitude e Caso de uma maneira não atestada nas línguas naturais e questiona o recorte entre as funções de Caso e os meios de expressão de definitude. Baseando-nos nos trabalhos de Chomsky (1986b), Longobardi (1994) e Giusti (2002), propomos a reanálise do sufixo -n/y como uma marca de Caso estrutural, que transforma os sintagmas nominais em argumentos sintáticos, e é associada ao nível DP na estrutura frasal. Ademais, mostra-se que a ausência de marcação de Caso estrutural resulta numa série de restrições semântico-sintáticas nos sintagmas nominais (nus), a mais proeminente sendo o movimento desses sintagmas para uma posição antes do verbo, seguidos imediatamente pelo auxiliar. Isso leva a diferentes ordens superficiais para sintagmas marcados por Caso estrutural (SVO) e sintagmas nus (SOauxV). Tal evidência, junto com o quadro das características dos sintagmas nus no armênio, leva à análise dos mesmos como pseudo-incorporados, conforme proposto por Massam (2001) para o niueano, com a diferença de que o sintagma nu se adjunge à projeção funcional TP no armênio, sem passar pela operação de alçamento do predicado. Quanto à expressão de definitude nos Casos inerentes, mostramos que em contraste com os sintagmas nos Casos estruturais, que podem aparecer com ou sem marcação aberta de Caso e ter, respectivamente, leitura definida ou indefinida, os inerentes devem sempre carregar a morfologia casual e são ambíguos quanto à definitude. Nesse aspecto, analisamos as projeções nominais Genitivas e constatamos que, apesar da aparente semelhança superficial, as mesmas exibem propriedades distintas que correspondem a duas estruturas internas diferentes do sintagma nominal, viii podendo ser caracterizadas como duas classes distintas: o Genitivo Referencial, que aparece em Spec/DP e é interpretado como definido por se associar ao nível DP, e o Genitivo Modificador, que permanece no domínio do NP no percurso da derivação. As conclusões a que chegamos provam que mesmo sem possuir um artigo definido canônico, o armênio oferece evidências a favor da postulação do nível DP como universal, responsável pelas interpretações definidas dos sintagmas nominais. Nos Casos estruturais, a definitude vem da atribuição de Caso, enquanto no Genitivo (um exemplo de Caso inerente) vem da posição ocupada dentro do sintagma nominal. Por conseguinte, o presente trabalho traz uma contribuição teórica valiosa para a análise unificada das projeções nominais, além de auxiliar na elucidação de alguns assuntos empíricos controversos do armênio e abrir caminho para pesquisas futuras. / This thesis investigates the structural organization of noun phrases in Armenian, an Indo-European language with mixed properties, focusing on the interaction between Case and (in)definiteness. The main claim of the study is that, contrary to traditional view, Armenian has no (definite) article, and definiteness in this language is a result of structural Case marking on NPs. This claim has implications for the analysis of bare nominals as NPs that lack both Case and referential properties and are syntactically restricted to a peculiar configuration, resulting in different superficial orders for Case-marked (SVO) and bare noun phrases (SOauxV). Moreover, this analysis casts light on a rather intriguing question of how definiteness is expressed in inherent Cases. It is shown that, unlike structural Cases, which express a direct correlation between definiteness and Case, inherent Cases, more precisely Genitive NPs, are interpreted as (in)definite by associating themselves to distinct structural positions. The starting point of our discussion is the re-analysis of the suffix -n/y, traditionally classified as a definite article. Highlighting Case and (in)definiteness as two independent conditions on argumenthood (Chomsky (1986b), Longobardi (1994), Giusti (2002)) that are closely correlated in Armenian, we argue that this suffix is in fact a structural Case marker, which turns nominals into syntactic arguments, and is associated with DP level. Focusing on the morpho-syntactic behavior of bare nominals in Armenian, it is shown that in the absence of structural Case marking, their distribution is syntactically restricted to a position in which they appear to the left of the verb and must be adjacent to the auxiliary. This distribution is accounted for by adopting the pseudo-incorporation analysis of Massam (2001). We show that bare nouns in Armenian exhibit typical properties of pseudo-incorporated nominals, as lack of reference, number-neutrality, phrasal nature, among others. Turning our attention to Genitive constructions, which always appear with Case morphology, we analyze a number of properties that superficially distinguish two (main) types, which we propose to call Referential and Modifying Genitives. The difference between them is syntactic, as they have different structural representations: Spec/DP for Referential and NP domain for Modifying Genitive. x As a result, we conclude that there exists an asymmetry between inherent and structural Cases as to how they express definiteness. Moreover, we conclude that in spite of the fact that Armenian does not have canonical (definite) article, a DP level must be postulated for this language, as a projection responsible for the referentiality/definiteness of the noun phrases. Thus, this study contributes to the outgoing debates about the precise functions of D as universal category and provides a valuable theoretical contribution to the cross-linguistic investigations of nominal projections.

No description available.

No description available.

Diese Dissertation ist ein Beitrag zur Analyse von psych(-ologischen) Verben, einer Verbklasse, die in den letzten 35 Jahren umfangreiche Forschung erfahren hat. Diese hat unter anderem ergeben, dass Psychverben auch deshalb so besonders sind, weil sie ein sehr heterogenes Aspektprofil aufweisen. Darum beschränkt sich die Dissertation auf rein stative (Verwendungen von) Psychverben, wodurch der Weg für einen kontrastiven Vergleich mit anderen stativen Verben geebnet und eine innovative Perspektive auf Psychverben eröffnet wird. Der Vergleich konzentriert sich auf sog. 'Objekteffekte' und untersucht ihr Vorhandensein in den verschiedenen Gruppen von stativen Psych- und nicht-Psychverben. Objekteffekte beschreiben den Wechsel von einem 'Individual-level'- zu einem 'Stage-level'-Status, ausgelöst durch einen Definitheitswechsel des Objekts. Es wird ein experimentelles Design entwickelt, mit dem solche aspektuellen Bedeutungsverschiebungen empirisch erfassbar sind, sowie Daten für deutsche und englische Verben gesammelt. Die Ergebnisse bestätigen, dass Objekteffekte in beiden Sprachen bei kanonischen stativen Verben außerhalb der Psychdomäne vorhanden sind, während sie in allen Gruppen von stativen Psychverben fehlen. Wir führen diesen semantischen Unterschied auf eine grundlegend andere Beschaffenheit der syntaktischen Struktur von Psychverben zurück. Wir zeigen, dass Objekteffekte eine transitive Struktur voraussetzen und schlussfolgern, dass Psychverben eine unakkusative Syntax aufweisen. Darüber hinaus deuten die gewonnenen Daten auch auf subtilere aspektuelle Bedeutungsunterschiede zwischen den Untergruppen der stativen Psychverben hin. Gleichzeitig leistet unsere Studie einen Beitrag zur Erforschung von Objekteffekten, indem eine empirische Grundlage für eine bisher ausschließlich theoretische Diskussion geschaffen wird. Diese empirische Evidenz ermöglicht weitere Schlussfolgerungen zur Quelle von Objekteffekten sowie deren Eigenschaften. / This dissertation aims to contribute to the ongoing discussion on how to syntactically analyze psych(-ological) verbs. This verb class cross-linguistically displays unexpected argument structure alternations associated with a number of syntactic peculiarities, which have given rise to a large body of literature over the past 35 years. For our research, we pursue a new angle by restricting ourselves to the stative (uses of) psych verbs and treating them as a subclass of stative verbs, thereby paving the way for a contrastive comparison with stative verbs outside the psych domain. The comparison focuses on so-called 'object effects' and examines their presence in the different groups of stative psych and non-psych verbs. Object effects describe the shift of an individual-level to a stage-level status induced by a change in the definiteness of the object DP. We develop an experimental design able to empirically detect such aspectual shifts and collect data for German and English verbs. The results confirm that object effects are present in both languages in canonical stative verbs outside the psych domain, whereas they are absent in all groups of stative psych verbs. We attribute this behavior to fundamental differences in the internal constitution of psych verbs. Based on the insight that object effects require a transitive structure, we conclude that stative psych verbs generally exhibit an unaccusative syntax. Our findings also point to finer-grained interpretational patterns in the subclasses of stative psych verbs, consistent with previous observations of systematic semantic-syntactic differences. At the same time, our study contributes to the study of object effects by providing an empirical basis for a previously purely theoretical discussion. This empirical evidence allows for further conclusions about the source of object effects as well as their properties.

Les structures en forme de tige sont omniprésentes dans le monde aujourd'hui. Désormais, prédire avec précision leur comportement pour l'ingénierie et les environnements virtuels est indispensable pour de nombreuses industries, notamment l'infographie, l'animation par ordinateur et la conception informatique. Dans ce mémoire, nous explorons un nouveau modèle de calcul pour les tiges élastiques qui exploite les données de simulation pour reproduire les effets de coque et de solide présents dans les tiges qui brisent les hypothèses de la théorie classique de la tige de Kirchhoff, présentant ainsi une voie d'amélioration possible pour de nombreux états de l'art techniques. Notre approche consiste à prendre un ensemble de données de simulations à partir de solides volumétriques ou de coques pour former un nouveau modèle d'énergie définie positive polynomiale d'ordre élevé pour une tige élastique. Cette nouvelle énergie élargit la gamme des comportements des matériaux qui peuvent être modélisés pour la tige, permettant ainsi de capturer une plus large gamme de phénomènes. Afin de proposer et tester ce modèle, nous concevons un pipeline expérimental pour tester les limites de la théorie linéaire des tiges et étudier les géométries d'interface entre les cas coque à tige et volume à coque pour observer les effets d'un modèle de matériau non linéaire et une section transversale non elliptique dans la déformation de la tige. Nous étudions également la relation entre la courbure de la tige et la déformation de la section transversale et la courbure pour introduire une modification sur le terme de flexion de l'énergie. Cela nous permet de reproduire à la fois le comportement de flexion asymétrique présent dans les poutres volumétriques minces et les poutres à coque avec des sections transversales non convexes. Des suggestions pour de nouvelles améliorations des modèles et des techniques expérimentales sont également données. / Rod-like structures are ubiquitous in the world today. Henceforth accurately predicting their behavior for engineering and virtual environments are indispensable for many industries including computer graphics, computer animation, and computational design. In this thesis we explore a new computational model for elastic rods that leverages simulation data to reproduce shell and solid-like effects present in rods that break the assumptions of the classical Kirchhoff rod theory, thus presenting a possible improvement avenue to many states-of-the-art techniques. Our approach consists of taking a data set of simulations from both volumetric solids or shells to train a novel high-order polynomial positive-definite energy model for an elastic rod. This new energy increases the range of material behaviors that can be modeled for the rod, thus allowing for a larger range of phenomena to be captured. In order to propose and test this model, we design an experimental pipeline to test the limits of the linear theory of rods and investigate the interface geometries between the Shell-Rod and Volume-Shell cases to observe the effects of a nonlinear material model and a non-elliptical cross-section in the rod deformation. We also investigate the relation between rod curvature and deformation of the cross-section and curvature to introduce a modification on the bending term of the energy. This allows us to reproduce both the asymmetric bending behavior present in thin volumetric solid and shell beams with non-convex cross-sections. Suggestions for further improvements in models and experimental techniques are also given.

Cette thèse est consacrée à l’étude de trois faits de langue du créole martiniquais (CM) et aborde ainsi certains aspects de l’interface syntaxe-sémantique/pragmatique. Le premier fait de langue concerne la périphérie gauche nominale du CM pour laquelle nous proposons de scinder la projection fonctionnelle DP en deux projections, Def(initeness)P et Specif(icity)P. La première de ces couches encode la définitude, tandis que la seconde marque la spécificité. Cette analyse permet de rendre compte de deux des propriétés des propositions relatives restrictives du CM. Il s’agit en l’espèce du fait qu’elles comportent deux occurrences du déterminant défini et que la présence ou absence de sa seconde occurrence résulte en une lecture spécifique ou non spécifique. Bien qu’ils ne puissent comporter qu’une seule occurrence du déterminant défini (motivée par une haplologie), les DP simples sont soumis à la même analyse. On peut ainsi rendre compte de leurs différentes interprétations. Le second fait de langue concerne les interrogatives partielles définies (IPD). Ces constructions se distinguent des interrogatives canoniques par les conditions de leur légitimation. Elles nécessitent l’inclusion dans le common ground d’une proposition existentielle qui partage avec l’IPD sa restriction et sa portée nucléaire. De ce fait, on ne peut ni commencer une conversation par une IPD ni y apporter une réponse du type rien. Les IPD se caractérisent donc par une présupposition forte que nous attribuons à la présence en position finale d’un déterminant clausal. Ce dernier est engendré dans la périphérie gauche de la phrase et prend pour restriction une proposition. En raison de son homophonie avec le déterminant défini nominal, nous suggérons qu’il est la réalisation d’un trait acatégoriel [+DEF]. Autrement dit, nous apportons ici de nouvelles preuves au point de vue selon lequel la définitude n’est pas une propriété exclusivement nominale. Le troisième fait de langue concerne l’interaction des verbes modaux du CM avec le temps. Qu’ils soient épistémiques ou radicaux, les modaux du CM sont des verbes à montée. Quelle que soit leur lecture, ils participent donc à des structures biclausales et sont sous la portée du temps. On observe cependant que l’interprétation temporelle des épistémiques est soumise à des contraintes qui ne s’appliquent pas aux radicaux. Ce contraste trouve son origine dans une différence d’orientation. Les radicaux sont orientés vers le sujet, alors que les épistémiques sont orientés vers le locuteur (ou le Siège de la Connaissance). Cela se traduit par une dépendance interprétative des épistémiques vis-à-vis de la couche fonctionnelle abstraite Sen(tience)P située dans la périphérie gauche de la phrase. Nous proposons un trait [sen] pour traduire cette dépendance. Les conséquences interlangagières de cette analyse sont évaluées. Les trois faits de langue à l’étude confirment l’importance capitale de la périphérie gauche nominale et phrastique dans l’interface syntaxe-sémantique/pragmatique. / This dissertation investigates three linguistic phenomena in Martinican Creole (MC) and addresses some aspects of the syntax-semantics/pragmatics interface. The first phenomenon concerns the nominal left periphery. I argue that the MC DP layer should be split into two distinct functional projections, Def(initeness)P and Specif(icity)P. The former projection encodes definiteness, while the latter marks specificity. This analysis accounts for two properties of MC restrictive relative clauses. First, they manifest determiner doubling. Second, the presence/absence of the second occurrence of the definite determiner is correlated with a specific/nonspecific reading. The proposed analysis can be applied to simplex DPs even though, owing to a haplology, they cannot feature more than one occurrence of the determiner. This allows for a straightforward account of their interpretational properties. The second phenomenon concerns definite wh-questions (DWQs). These non-canonical wh-questions are characterized by their peculiar licensing conditions. They can only be uttered if the common ground includes an existential proposition which shares its restriction and nuclear scope with the DWQ. As a result, they cannot be uttered out of the blue and do not tolerate nothing-type answers. In other words, DWQs are associated with a hard presupposition triggered by the clausal determiner which appears in the final position of DWQs. This determiner is base-generated in the left periphery of the clause and takes a proposition as its restriction. Because of its homophony with the nominal definite determiner, we suggest that it spells out an acategorial [+DEF] feature. This can be adduced as further evidence for the view that definiteness is not restricted to the nominal domain. The third phenomenon under study concerns the interaction of MC modal verbs with tense. Whether they receive a root or an epistemic reading, MC modals are raising predicates. Both epistemic and root modals are inserted in biclausal structures and are under the scope of tense. Nevertheless, the temporal interpretation of epistemic modals is subject to constraints which do not apply to their root counterparts. This contrast correlates with a difference in orientation. Root modals are subject-oriented, while epistemic modals are oriented toward the speaker (or the Seat of Knowledge). This results in their interpretational dependence on the abstract Sen(tience)P functional layer. To reflect this dependency, I argue for a [sen] feature. The cross-linguistic implications of this proposal are evaluated. The three phenomena under study confirm that the nominal and clausal left periphery plays a crucial role in the syntax-semantics/pragmatics interface.

Diese Dissertation untersucht das variable Verhalten von sogenannten „bare nouns“ (Nominale ohne Artikel) im Persischen. Dieses Verhalten kann jedoch nicht verstanden werden ohne eine Reihe von entscheidenden Eigenschaften der persischen Satzstruktur zu betrachten. Dazu gehören Informationsstruktur, Prosodie und Wortstellung, sowie die semantischen und syntaktischen Funktionen verschiedener morphologischer Markierungen im Persischen. Die vorliegende Dissertation kann daher zum besseren Verständnis von satzinterner Syntax, Semantik und Prosodie des Persischen beitragen. Ich beginne meine Untersuchung mit dem Vergleich der BNs in verschiedenen Positionen mit Nominalen, die mit verschiedenen Morphemen gekennzeichnet sind. Die quasi-inkorporierten Nominale im Persischen scheinen zur Klasse der diskursintransparenten inkorporierenden Sprachen zu gehören. Doch dies scheint nicht immer zu stimmen, unter bestimmten Umständen zeigen persische BNs Diskurstransparenz. In Kapitel 3 untersuche ich daher, unter welchen Umständen BNs Diskurstransparenz zeigen und warum. In Kapitel 3 präsentiere ich einen Alternativvorschlag zu Farkas & de Swart, in dem ich darlege, dass ein BN tatsächlich einen neuen Diskursreferenten einführt. Aber der Numerus von BNs ist neutral (numerusneutralen Diskursreferenten).In der zweiten Hälfte der Dissertation wird die Interpretation von BNs in verschiedenen Positionen und mit unterschiedlichen grammatischen Funktionen diskutiert. Kapitel 4 konzentriert sich auf BNs in Objektposition. Wir stellen einen direkten Vergleich an zwischen BNs als tatsächliche BNs, d.h. Nominale, die nicht mit einem Morphem markiert sind, und Kontexten, in denen sie mit dem Morphem -ra auftreten. Ich werde argumentieren, dass -ra lediglich markiert, dass ein BN oder auch ein anderes Nominal nicht in seiner VP-internen Position interpretiert, sondern in eine VP-externe Domäne bewegt wird. Das bedeutet, das Morphem -ra ist ein syntaktisches Morphem auf Phrasenebene. / This thesis explores the variable behavior of bare nouns in Persian. Bare singular nouns realize different grammatical functions, including subject, object and indirect object. They receive different interpretations, including generic, definite and existential readings. However, the task of understanding the reasons for, and limits on, this variation cannot be achieved without understanding a number of pivotal features of Persian sentential architecture, including Information Structure, prosody, word order, and the functions of various morphological markers in Persian. With respect to the discourse transparency of Incorporated Nominals, under certain circumstances, Persian bare nouns show discourse transparency. These circumstances are examined in chapter 3, and it is proposed that bare nouns do introduce a number neutral discourse referent. This proposal is phrased within Discourse Representation Theory. In the second half of the dissertation, the interpretation of bare nouns in different positions and with different grammatical functions are discussed. Under the independently supported hypothesis of position>interpretation mapping developed by Diesing (1992), we will see the role of the suffix -ra in indicating that an object has been moved out of VP. For subjects, there is no morphological marking corresponding to –ra on objects, and we have to rely on prosody and word order to determine how a VP is interpreted using theories of the interaction of accent and syntactic structure. It is proposed that both subject and object originate within the VP, and can move out to the VP-external domain. The motivation for these movements are informational-structural in nature, relating in particular to the distinctions between given and new information, and default and non-default information structure.