Denna uppsats analyserar det Vänsterpartiet, ett svenskt socialistiskt parti och dess ideologiska utveckling. Vänsterpartiet förhöll sig till kommunism som sin huvudsakliga ideologi fram till år 1990, och förhåller sig sedan dess till en reformistisk och demokratisk socialism. Vårt mål med denna uppsats var att analysera kommunismens inflytande inom dagens vänsterparti, det vill säga om och ifall hur ideologin påverkar partiets politik och världssyn. Vi analyserar frågan utifrån en deliberativ demokratiteori. Behovet av denna undersökning, bygger på det faktum att det bidrar till vår förståelse över ett inflytelserikt och relevant politiskt parti i Sverige. Dessutom förbättrar det vår förmåga att analysera ideologi, samt förstå hur detta kan komma att påverka ett partis eller organisations tillvägagångssätt. Denna analys genomfördes med hjälp av ett analysschema, samt en kortare analys av Vänsterpartiets senaste trettio år som ett politiskt parti. Vår uppsats tyder på att Vänsterpartiet än idag förhåller sig till och anammar vissa aspekter av den kommunistiska ideologin, samt att ideologin är relativt accepterad inom partiet. Vänsterpartiet i sig är dock nuförtiden inte ett kommunistiskt parti.

Crisis management as a concept is newly arrived in Sweden but well researched in other parts of the world. Sweden in recent years has been affected by everything from forest fires to a terrorist attack and now a pandemic. During the ongoing pandemic both crisis management and risk management has undergone a major change in the eyes of the Swedish population. The pandemic has shown an unreliable crisis management from politicians and their parties.  This study therefore aims to explore the ideologies behind the two biggest parties, the moderates and their ideology liberal conservatism and the social democrats and their ideology democratic socialism. The purpose is to find out how the ideologies affect the crisis management policy. The case study is limited to liberal conservatism and democratic socialism with the respective party, the social democrats and the moderates. Throughout the analysis of the parties crisis management policy and its connection to the ideologies the results showed that crisis management is highly affected by the different parties ideologies.

<p>The purpose of this essay is to examine wage-earners' investment funds from the ideological point of view. Were they in any way an integrated part of social democratical democratic socialism and reformism? I emphasize Olof Palme´s ideological idea of democratic socialism and reformism, and how he handled the issue. How did the question of these funds correspondent with the basic ideological points of view, and what was the standpoint of Palme in this issue.</p><p>My method is built upon a deep study and analyses of SAP board of party and the standing committees protocol in the light of Olof Palme´s and SAP's ideology. I even use information from literature, inquiries and dissertations. I will mainly focus on Palme´s standpoint during this time.</p><p>There are the tree question areas and answers in this essay. There is an obvious tension between the two poles of labour movement, the state socialism represented by the social democratic party with a social outlook from above and the movement socialism, represented by the trade union movement with view from below. How did the wage-earners' investment funds stand to this traditional tension? How did Olof Palme remain to it? The answers to these questions are, that Olof Palme was very aware of this tension and he warned the trade union to be too radical. The proposal had a more reformistic formation when it was transmitted from the movement socialistic pole to the state socialistic pole.</p><p>How did the wage-earners' investment funds fit in democratic socialism? The proposal of the wage-earners' investment funds meant that the function socialistic line, which traditionally was brought by the social democracy, now was changed to the line of ownership. Was it Palmes intention to implement a socialistic society with the help of the wage-earners' investment funds, to be more an a large public sector? The final proposition was a compromise and had lost its radical characteristics. It was never Olof Palme’s intention to implement a socialistic society with the help of the wage-earners' investment funds.</p><p>How did the wage-earners' investment funds fit in the reformistic point of view? Were they system changing or system preserving, or both? The answer to this in this essay is, that the origin proposal was radical and system changing. The final proposal was both system preserving and system changing.</p>

The purpose of this essay is to examine wage-earners' investment funds from the ideological point of view. Were they in any way an integrated part of social democratical democratic socialism and reformism? I emphasize Olof Palme´s ideological idea of democratic socialism and reformism, and how he handled the issue. How did the question of these funds correspondent with the basic ideological points of view, and what was the standpoint of Palme in this issue. My method is built upon a deep study and analyses of SAP board of party and the standing committees protocol in the light of Olof Palme´s and SAP's ideology. I even use information from literature, inquiries and dissertations. I will mainly focus on Palme´s standpoint during this time. There are the tree question areas and answers in this essay. There is an obvious tension between the two poles of labour movement, the state socialism represented by the social democratic party with a social outlook from above and the movement socialism, represented by the trade union movement with view from below. How did the wage-earners' investment funds stand to this traditional tension? How did Olof Palme remain to it? The answers to these questions are, that Olof Palme was very aware of this tension and he warned the trade union to be too radical. The proposal had a more reformistic formation when it was transmitted from the movement socialistic pole to the state socialistic pole. How did the wage-earners' investment funds fit in democratic socialism? The proposal of the wage-earners' investment funds meant that the function socialistic line, which traditionally was brought by the social democracy, now was changed to the line of ownership. Was it Palmes intention to implement a socialistic society with the help of the wage-earners' investment funds, to be more an a large public sector? The final proposition was a compromise and had lost its radical characteristics. It was never Olof Palme’s intention to implement a socialistic society with the help of the wage-earners' investment funds. How did the wage-earners' investment funds fit in the reformistic point of view? Were they system changing or system preserving, or both? The answer to this in this essay is, that the origin proposal was radical and system changing. The final proposal was both system preserving and system changing.