CoordenaÃÃo de AperfeÃoamento de Pessoal de NÃvel Superior / A presente Tese, intitulada âMovimentos de protestos virtuais da Anonymous no Brasil: unidos como um e divididos por fakesâ, apresenta um estudo analÃtico da Rede de Protestos Anonymous, desde seus primÃrdios, no site 4chan, atà os protestos contra a Copa do Mundo no Brasil - 2014, tendo como Ãpice as ManifestaÃÃes de Junho de 2013, nas quais a Anonymous teve influente participaÃÃo, tanto por meio de prÃticas de ativismo online quanto em aÃÃes diretas, offline. O ideÃrio Anonymous à caracterizado por uma forma de luta polÃtica que objetiva alcanÃar a emancipaÃÃo humana por meio da hiperdemocracia, tecnocracia, total liberdade de expressÃo, informaÃÃo e comunicaÃÃo. O processo de conquista deste ideÃrio se daria pela prÃtica de novos modelos de mobilizaÃÃes sociais, ou seja, por um processo educativo autÃnomo, autovigilante, anÃnimo, que se desenvolveria num movimento horizontal, sem lideranÃas, sem interferÃncias de partidos polÃticos e sem ideologias. Este modelo se diferencia da forma de luta polÃtica do sÃculo XX, caracterizada pela tradicional dicotomia entre esquerda e direita, movimentos com lideranÃas verticalizadas, personalistas e guiadas por tendÃncias ideolÃgicas explÃcitas. No intuito de compreender o desenvolvimento das aÃÃes de protestos Anonymous no Brasil, utilizou-se como base empÃrica de pesquisa diversas fontes virtuais, tais como pÃginas do Facebook e canais do Youtube das cÃlulas de Anonymous no Brasil e exterior, alÃm de observaÃÃo dos protestos de rua, âOperaÃÃo 7 de setembroâ e a âOperaÃÃo NÃo vai ter Copaâ, e entrevistas com ativistas Anonymous. O processo de anÃlise das fontes foi ponderado pelo estudo dos conteÃdos e das diversas formas de linguagens utilizadas nas aÃÃes ciberativistas. Verificou-se que o desenvolvimento da luta polÃtica com base no ideÃrio Anonymous, na medida em que se propÃs a romper com o modelo tradicional de movimento polÃtico, apesar de agregar significativo nÃmero de ativistas, o ideÃrio Anonymous nÃo foi compreendido pela maioria de seus seguidores e ativistas. A prÃpria forma de criaÃÃo das cÃlulas Anonymous no Brasil teve um inÃcio desvirtuado, tendo sido conduzido de modo verticalizado, em cujo anonimato permitiu que os ativistas seguissem planos estabelecidos por pequenos grupos ou organizaÃÃes desconhecidas, bem como a apropriaÃÃo das cÃlulas Anonymous por fakes, que conduziram determinadas mobilizaÃÃes orientadas por interesses polÃticos, partidÃrios e ideolÃgicos. Tal fato resultou em divisÃes, rupturas e denÃncias por partes de algumas cÃlulas. Por exemplo, a Anonymous FUEL, que continuou ativa, mas com uma postura vigilante em relaÃÃo ao ideÃrio Anonymous, bem como as cÃlulas Anonymous Paranà e Anonymous Curitiba, que se declararam inativas, dadas a deturpaÃÃo de ativistas Anonymous que passaram a assumir causas militaristas e golpistas. Para fins deste estudo, a metodologia utilizada teve como referÃncia a anÃlise de discurso de Bakhtin (2002) e Ducrot (1987). Para temas que permeiam o estudo, como o ciberespaÃo, hackerativismo, pÃs-modernidade e movimentos sociais, utilizou-se como base teÃrica as contribuiÃÃes de Castells (2003), LÃvy (1999), Melucci (1989), Tilly (1978), Vegh (2003), Harvey (2008), Santos (2000), (2002), Giddens (1991) e Beck (2000). / This thesis, entitled "Movement of virtual protests by the Anonymous in Brazil: united as one and divided by fakes," presents an analytical evaluation of the Anonymous Protests Network, since its inception, in the site 4chan, to show dissent against the World Cup Brazil - 2014, having reached its peak in the June 2013 Demonstrations, in which Anonymous had influential participation, either through online activism practices as in direct actions offline. The ideology supporting Anonymous is characterized by a form of political struggle which aims at achieving human emancipation through hiper-democracy, technocracy and complete freedom of expression, information and communication. The process of a successful establishment of these ideas would take place through the practice of new models of social mobilization, that is, by an autonomous educational process - self-vigilant, anonymous - which would develop a horizontal movement without leaders, without interference from political parties and without ideologies. This model differs from the political form of struggle of the twentieth century, characterized by the traditional split between left and right movements with leaders in a personality vertical hierarchal power line, guided by explicit ideological tendencies. In order to understand the development of the Anonymous protest actions in Brazil, it was used as a empirical research base several virtual sources such as Facebook pages and YouTube channels of Anonymous cells in Brazil and abroad, as well as observation of street protests, such as "Operation September 7" and "Operation No World Cup", besides interviews with Anonymous activists. The process of analysis of the sources was weighted by the study of the contents and the various forms of languages used in the actions of cyberactivists. It was found that the development of political struggles based on ideas spawned by Anonymous, as far as it proposes to break the traditional model of political action, in spite of counting with significant number of activists, the Anonymous ideology was not understood by most of his followers and activists. The very form of creating Anonymous cells in Brazil had a distorted start and was conducted in vertical fashion, anonymity allowing activists to follow plans established by small groups or unknown organizations, as well as appropriation of Anonymous cells by fakes, which led to certain mobilizations guided by political interests of a partisan and ideological nature. This fact resulted in divisions, ruptures and complaints by parts of some cells. As an example of this situation one can cite Anonymous FUEL, which remained active, but with a vigilant stance on Anonymous ideology, and two other branches, Anonymous Paranà and Anonymous Curitiba, which declared themselves inactive, given misrepresentation of Anonymous ideas by other cells that assumed militarist causes and defended a coup dâÃtat in Brazil. For this study, the methodology used had as reference discourse analysis of Bakhetin (2002) and Ducrot (1987). For themes that permeate the study, such as cyberspace, hacktivism, postmodernism and social movements, it was used as a theoretical basis the contributions of Castells (1999), Levy (1999), Melucci (1989), Tilly (1978), Vegh (2003), Harvey (2008), Santos (2000), (2002), Giddens (1991) and Beck (2000).

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Social media and its underlying technologies have created an advanced and sophisticated platform for digital activism. As a result, companies and organizations are undergoing a pivotal transition in how they reach and engage with users in a fast and efficient manner. Specifically, nonprofit organizations have taken advantage of using social media platforms to not only amplify their brand and image, but also spread awareness of their mission to larger audiences. The aim of this study is to delve into the use of social media in the activism measures of nonprofit organizations and determine its effectiveness across the organizations. First, an in depth literature analysis will explore social media and its impact on digital activism as well as how social media has been utilized by renown nonprofits in the case studies of Greta Thunberg, and the Black Lives Matter movement. Second, the study will depict both qualitative and quantitative data taken from local nonprofit organizations that explore the impact of social media towards their activism measures. The case companies used in this study are Dolgin Digital Media and the Local Initiatives Support Corporation. After a thorough analysis of the qualitative and quantitative data, it was determined that social media is an effective tool for nonprofits to not only communicate their mission efficiently and quickly to a mass audience, but also as a mechanism for brand amplification. / Sociala medier och dess underliggande tekniker har skapat en avancerad och sofistikerad plattform för digital aktivism. Som ett resultat genomgår företag och organisationer en avgörande övergång i hur de når och samarbetar med användare på ett snabbt och effektivt sätt. Specifikt har ideella organisationer utnyttjat att använda sociala medieplattformar för att inte bara förstärka sitt varumärke och sin image, utan också sprida medvetenheten om deras uppdrag till större publik. Syftet med denna studie är att fördjupa användningen av sociala medier i ideella organisationers aktivismåtgärder och bestämmadess effektivitet i organisationerna. Först, en djupgående litteraturanalys kommer att utforska sociala medier och dess inverkan på digital aktivism samt hur sociala medier har använts av kända ideella organisationer i fallstudierna av Greta Thunberg, och Black Lives Matter-rörelsen. För det andra kommer studien att skildra både kvalitativa och kvantitativa data som tas från lokala ideella organisationer som undersöker effekterna av sociala medier på deras aktivismåtgärder. De fallföretag som används i denna studie är Dolgin Digital Media och Local Initiatives Support Corporation. Efter en grundlig analys av kvalitativa och kvantitativa data, det fastställdes att sociala medier är ett effektivt verktyg för ideella organisationer för att inte bara kommunicera sitt uppdrag effektivt och snabbt till en masspublik, utan också som en mekanism för varumärkesförstärkning.

This work emerged from the interest in studying the increasing use of information and communication tools available on the Internet for strengthening the political activism online and offline. To verify the characteristics and specificities of this new type of collective action and its relation to the question of mediatic visibility, we have chosen as the empirical object the electronic discussion group LGBT National Alliance, created by the Brazilian Association of Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transvestite and Transgender (ABGLT), which has articulated and consolidated the largest LGBT network in Latin America. The comprehension of the functioning mode of this network and its strategic actions required the theoretical and conceptual supply of social networks, collective action, repertories of action and mediatic visibility applied to the practices of interaction and communication of LGBT movements observable both in digital platforms as well as offline activities. Due to the specificities of this object, the empirical study was based on two complementary methodological approaches: content analysis and virtual ethnography. The first one guided the structural analysis and the analysis of the discussion group dynamics, as well as data collection on topics that motivated larger participation, which concentrated on the years 2012 and 2013. The second one based the online participant observation of performances in the network and semistructured interviews carried out with members from all regions of the country. From these procedures, it was selected four representative case studies of the two main paradigmatic axes identified as the guidelines of the activism of the network: the political-institutional antagonism (conflicts with the evangelical countertop); and the mediatic antagonism (conflicts with traditional media). Among the conclusions of the research are: the repertories of action (on network, mediatic, cyberactivists) emerge as strengthening tactics of political activism, aiming at expanding its reverberation in public debate and in the political sphere; the search for mediatic visibility is an imbricated strategy in activist actions which covers the |intermedia| mobilizations on digital platforms and recurrent attempts of guiding journalistic vehicles; online and offline articulations, mobilizations and interventions are correlated and can be started either in spaces of mediated interaction as in the traditional political spaces and vice versa; the mobilization of occasional activists and other informal partners is a strategic practice to visualize and reinforce the mechanisms of pressure; the discussion group is potentially more active in civil conversations for purposes of exchanging information, conjuncture analysis, specialized consulting, planning and evaluation of actions; cyberactivism is notably more successful in situations in which the Internet plays a relevant role in the dissemination of alternative informative channels for the collective awareness and engagement; the association of political activism to a number of mediatic repertories, online and networked has contributed to increasing public visibility, the set of alliances and the support of society around anti-homophobia struggles in the country. / O presente trabalho surgiu do interesse em investigar a crescente utilização das ferramentas de informação e comunicação disponíveis na Internet para o fortalecimento do ativismo político online e off-line. Para verificar as características e as especificidades desse novo tipo de ação coletiva e sua relação com a questão da visibilidade midiática, escolhemos como objeto empírico o grupo de discussão eletrônico Aliança Nacional LGBT, criado pela Associação Brasileira de Lésbicas, Gays, Bissexuais, Travestis e Transexuais (ABGLT), que articulou e consolidou a maior rede LGBT da América Latina. A compreensão do modo de funcionamento dessa rede e de suas ações estratégicas exigiu o aporte teórico-conceitual das redes sociais, da ação coletiva, dos repertórios de ação e da visibilidade midiática, aplicados às práticas de interação e comunicação dos movimentos LGBT observáveis tanto no âmbito das plataformas digitais quanto na atuação off-line. Em razão das especificidades desse objeto, o estudo empírico apoiou-se em duas abordagens metodológicas complementares: a análise de conteúdo e a etnografia virtual. A primeira orientou a análise estrutural e da dinâmica do grupo de discussão, assim como a coleta de dados nos tópicos que motivaram maior participação, os quais se concentraram nos anos de 2012 e 2013. A segunda embasou a observação participante online das atuações na rede e as entrevistas semiestruturadas realizadas com membros de todas as regiões do país. A partir desses procedimentos, foram selecionados quatro estudos de caso representativos dos dois principais eixos paradigmáticos identificados como norteadores do ativismo da rede: o antagonismo político-institucional (embates com a bancada evangélica); e o antagonismo midiático (embates com a mídia tradicional). Entre as conclusões da pesquisa estão: os repertórios de ação (em rede, midiáticos, ciberativistas) surgem como táticas de reforço do ativismo político, visando ampliar a sua reverberação no debate público e na esfera política; a busca pela visibilidade midiática é uma estratégia imbricada nas ações ativistas que abrange as mobilizações intermídia nas plataformas digitais e as tentativas recorrentes de pautar os veículos jornalísticos; as articulações, mobilizações e intervenções online e off-line estão correlacionadas, podendo ser iniciadas tanto nos espaços de interação mediada quanto nos espaços políticos tradicionais e vice-versa; a mobilização de ativistas ocasionais e demais parceiros informais é uma prática estratégica para visibilizar e reforçar os mecanismos de pressão; o grupo de discussão é potencialmente mais ativo nas conversações civis para fins de troca de informações, análise de conjuntura, consulta especializada, planejamento e avaliação de ações; o ciberativismo é notadamente mais bem-sucedido nas situações em que a Internet exerce um papel relevante na disseminação de canais informativos alternativos para a conscientização e o engajamento coletivos; a associação do ativismo político a uma série de repertórios midiáticos, online e em rede tem contribuído para ampliar a visibilidade pública, o conjunto de alianças e o apoio da sociedade em torno das lutas anti-homofobia no país.

Online disinformation damage on the world’s democracy has been critical. Yet, states fail to handle online content harms. Due to exception from legal liability for hosted content, Facebook, used by a third of the world population, operates ‘duty-free’ along with other social media companies.Concerned with solutions, this has given rise to the idea in studies that social resistance could be one of the most effective ways for combating disinformation. However, how exactly do we resist, is an unsettled subject. Are there any socially-driven processes against disinformation happening out there?This paper aimed to identify such processes for giving a boost to theory-building around the topic. Two central evidence cases were developed: #IAmHere digital movement fighting disinformation and innovative tool ‘Who is Who’ for distinguishing fake accounts. Based on findings, I argue that efforts by even a very small part of society can have a significant impact on defeating online disinformation. This is because digital activism shares phenomenal particularities for shaping online political discourse around disinformation. Tools such as ‘Who is Who’, on the other hand, build social resilience against the issue, also giving boost digital activists for mass reporting of disinformation content. User-driven solutions have significant potential for further research.Keywords: Online disinformation; algorithms; digital activism; user-driven solutions.

Abstracts in English, Afrikaans, Zulu and Arabic / The Middle East has a rising demand for public relations (PR) professionals because many of the oil-producing countries in the region are implementing radical transformational strategies to develop their non-oil sectors to safeguard future generations. PR professionals in the region are challenged by volatile environments in which there are on-going conflicts and wars. However, PR in the Middle East is key to engagement in its complex social, economic and political climate. Information and communication technology has captured the attention of organisations in the Middle East, by contributing to the evolution of PR practices from monologue to dialogue and from control to engagement. Against this background, the study explored critical PR and PR activism in the Middle East. Critical PR radically changes the traditional approach of PR, from asking how it can assist organisations to be more efficient, to asking what its role is in society? It advocates that the PR professional act as the facilitator of debate, dialogue and even dissent, and to encourage public input, thereby influencing public policies to develop long-term, transformational programmes that benefit society. This study explored the theoretical characteristics of critical PR elements and the principles of online organisation–public relationships. These characteristics and principles were further explored and measured by a quantitative self-administered web-based survey and one-on-one interviews with PR professionals in the Middle East Public Relations Association and from leading listed Middle Eastern organisations. / Die Midde-Ooste het 'n toenemende behoefte aan professionele persone in die gebied van openbare betrekkinge en PR. Baie van die olieproduserende lande in die streek implementeer radikale transformasiestrategieë om hul nie-oliesektore te ontwikkel en om so toekomstige geslagte te beveilig. Professionele PR-personeel in die streek het groot uitdagings in die vorm van vlugtige veranderinge in die verskillende gebiede waarin konflikte en oorloë alomteenwoordig is. Openbare betrekkinge in die Midde-Ooste is egter die sleutel om die verskillende partye te kan bereik en betrek, weens die komplekse sosiale, ekonomiese en politieke klimaat. Inligting- en kommunikasietegnologie het die aandag van organisasies in die Midde-Ooste gevang weens hulle bydrae tot die evolusie van PR-praktyke, van monoloog tot dialoog, en van beheer tot betrokkenheid. Dit is teen hierdie agtergrond dat die studie kritiese openbare betrekkinge en openbare betrekkings aktivisme in die Midde-Ooste ondersoek. Kritieke openbare betrekkinge verander die tradisionele benadering van openbare betrekkinge radikaal. Dit stel vrae: hoe kan dit organisasies help om meer doeltreffend te wees, en watter rol kan dit in die samelewing speel? Dit bepleit dat die professionele PR-praktisyn as fasiliteerder vir debat, dialoog en selfs verdeeldheid kan optree, sowel as openbare bydrag aan te moedig. Sodoende kan hy of sy openbare beleid beïnvloed om langtermyn transformasieprogramme, wat die samelewing bevoordeel, te ontwikkel. Hierdie studie het die teoretiese eienskappe van kritiese openbarebetrekkingselemente en die beginsels van aanlyn-organisasies se openbare betrekkingspraktyk ondersoek. Hierdie eienskappe en beginsels is verder ondersoek en gemeet aan die hand van 'n kwantitatiewe, self-geadministreerde web-gebaseerde opname en deur persoonlike onderhoude met professionele PR-persone in die Middle East Public Relations Association en toonaangewende en genoteerde Midde-Oosterse organisasies. / IMpumalanga Ephakathi inesidingo esikhulayo sochwepheshe bezobudlelwano bomphakathi ngoba amazwe amaningi akhiqiza uwoyela esifundeni asebenzisa amasu amakhulu ezinguquko ukuze athuthukise imikhakha yawo engenawo uwoyela ukuvikela izizukulwane ezizayo. Ochwepheshe bezobudlelwano bomphakathi esifundeni babhekene nenselele yezimo eziguquguqukayo lapho kukhona izingxabano nezimpi eziqhubekayo. Nokho, ubudlelwano bomphakathi eMpumalanga Ephakathi buyinto esemqoka ekubhekanani nesimo sawo senhlalo esiyinkimbinkimbi, nasesimweni sezomnotho nesezombusazwe. Ubuchwepheshe bolwazi nobezokuxhumana buye badonsa ukunaka kwezinhlangano eziseMpumalanga Ephakathi, ngokufaka isandla ekuguqukeni kwemikhuba ye-PR isuke ekubeni imiyalelo iye ekubeni ingxoxo nasekulawuleni iye ekubambisaneni. Ngokumelene nalesi sizinda, ucwaningo luhlole ubudlelwane obubucayi bomphakathi kanye nentshisekelo yobudlelwano bomphakathi eMpumalanga Ephakathi. Ubudlelwano bomphakathi obucayi buguqula kakhulu indlela yokwenza yendabuko yobudlelwano bomphakathi, kusukela ekubuzeni ukuthi bungazisiza kanjani izinhlangano ukuba zisebenze kahle, kuya ekubuzeni ukuthi iyiphi indima yabo emphakathini. Igcizelela ukuthi ochwepheshe bezobudlelwano bomphakathi basebenze njengomxazululi wempikiswano, izingxoxo ngisho nokungavumelani, futhi bakhuthaze nomphakathi ukuba ubambe iqhaza, ngaleyo ndlela bathonye izinqubomgomo zomphakathi zokuthuthukisa izinhlelo zesikhathi eside, zezinguquko ezizuzisa umphakathi. Lolu cwaningo luhlole izici zemibono yezinto ezibucayi zobudlelwano bomphakathi kanye nemigomo yenhlangano eku-inthanethi-ubudlelwano bomphakathi. Lezi zimpawu kanye nemigomo yahlolisiswa kakhudlwana futhi yalinganiswa ngenhlolovo esuselwa kuwebhu esebenza ngobuningi kanye nokuxoxisana nomuntu ngamunye nochwepheshe bezobudlelwano nomphakathi Enhlanganweni Yobudlelwano Bomphakathi YaseMpumalanga Ephakathi kanye nasezinhlanganweni ezihamba phambili ezisohlwini lwaseMpumalanga Emaphakathi. / Communication Science / M. Communication Sc. (Organisational Communication)