The aim of this thesis is to investigate how digital activism is conducted on Twitter, particularly in relation to the dialogues and demands for Europe’s green economic recovery plan from COVID-19. It seeks to analyse the communication made using #GreenRecovery on Twitter by various actors over the period of May to June 2020, guided by the theory of public sphere and social movement and literature on digital activism, hashtag activism, Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) and Corporate Political Activity (CPA) using a qualitative and quantitative content analysis.By analysing the frequency patterns of tweets and by uncovering the different types of communication, this paper sheds light on the users involved as well as the issue frames and mobilisation strategies that were visible in the #GreenRecovery discourse . Results of this study demonstrate that #GreenRecovery is used by varying actors on Twitter such as individuals, social movements, businesses and others. Furthermore, the hashtag has been used to raise awareness, communicate particular information, mobilize action and also employ assertion as dominant digital spectator activity. Tweets with #GreenRecovery was primarily framed towards the need for a redesign of the economy, indicating demands for changes in policies by targeting accounts of political actors from the EU Commission. It is further implied that during the discourse, #GreenRecovery acted as a structural signifier as a response to the leaked proposal of the Recovery Plan demonstrating that it has the potential to create hashtag communities.

Digital activism means using information systems to pursue political issues. Previous research on digital activism tends to focus on one platform at a time, which has been criticized due to the silo-effect it can lead to. Despite the critique a lack of scientific studies have been identified regarding a multi-platform approach to digital activism. Therefore the purpose of this study was to examine how multiple platforms are used by a single social movement organization when engaging in digital activism. A qualitative study was conducted by gathering and analysing content published during the course of one month from the accounts belonging to Black Lives Matter Sweden on the social media platforms Facebook, Instagram and Twitter. The study applies a multi-platform perspective as well as a sociological framing theory to study how multiple platforms are used by examining how content is being presented across the different platforms.  The results of this study indicate the use of primary and secondary platforms where content is presented differently. Furthermore, the findings show that the secondary platform acts like a net, builds relationships as well as refers bystanders to the primary platform. Although digital activism does not necessarily require a lot of financial resources, the results of this study shows that there may be a greater need for resources in the form of manpower and time to conduct digital activism on multiple platforms simultaneously. / Digital aktivism innebär användandet av informationssystem för att driva politiska frågor. Tidigare studier av digital aktivism har fokuserat på en plattform i taget, något som har kritiserats för den silo-effekt det kan innebära. Trots detta finns en brist på forskning gällande hur en organisation använder multipla plattformar för att bedriva digital aktivism. Syftet med denna studie var därför att utöka förståelsen för hur multipla plattformar används av en organisation i arbetet med digital aktivism. En kvalitativ studie utfördes genom att samla in och analysera inlägg publicerade under en månads tid från konton tillhörande Black Lives Matter Sweden på de sociala medieplattformarna Facebook, Instagram och Twitter. Studien tillämpar ett multiplattformsperspektiv i kombination med ett framingramverk som teoretisk lins för att utvärdera hur multipla plattformar används genom att studera hur innehåll presenteras på de olika plattformarna.  Resultatet indikerade förekomsten av primära och sekundära plattformar som användes för att presentera och hantera ämnen på olika sätt. Vidare visar resultatet att den sekundära plattformen agerar fångstnät, bygger relationer och slussa åskådare vidare till den primära plattformen. Trots att digital aktivism inte nödvändigtvis kräver finansiella resurser så visar denna studie att det kan finnas ett större behov av resurser i form av arbetskraft och tid för att bedriva digital aktivism på multipla plattformar samtidigt.

The struggle to end violence against women and girls has long been a priority topic for women’s and feminist movements in Latin America. Lately, since the changes in the new media landscape (Castells 2015; Lievrouw, 2013) with the increased use of information and communication technologies (ICTs), such as social media platforms like Facebook and Twitter, the way women and feminist movements advocate their intentions are changing (Harcourt, 2013; Mathos, 2017). Departing from this reality, the aim is to investigate the role the use of social media activism played for the recent feminist movement, Ni Una Menos (NUM [Not One Less]), in Argentina and Chile while advocating for the end of violence against women. Taking a cross disciplinary approach this research combines theories from the fields of feminist studies, social movement and communication sciences. Through in-depth interviews with core activists from NUM both in Argentina and Chile as research method, it has been possible to identify the role of certain social media platforms for NUM’s tactical repertoire in their strive to advocate for the end of violence against women and girls. The findings also demonstrate the activism on social media platforms by the NUM movement has played an important role to set the topic on the public agenda in these countries, resulting in a generally greater awareness. Regardless off the role social media activism played, the importance seems to lie in a combination of activism on social media and the streets for feminist movements advocating to end violence against women because it assures a broad reach to all people in society. Nevertheless, to end violence against women in these countries much more effort is needed by society at large.

Denna studie undersöker Instagrams roll i klimatfrågan och hur dess funktioner fungerar för att sprida information om klimatkrisen bland generation Z. Studien fokuserar på detta begränsade ämnesområde eftersom det är en av vår tids viktigaste frågor. Rapporten undersöker hur unga människor upplever, tar emot och interagerar med klimatrelaterat innehåll på Instagram. Det har även undersökts hur interaktion med innehållet påverkar möjligheten att åstadkomma förändring utanför plattformen. Studien utfördes genom att ta del av tidigare forskning samt utföra en kvantitativ enkätundersökning och en kvalitativ fokusgruppintervju. Vår slutsats är att även om det finns utmaningar med att använda Instagram som en plattform för klimataktivism, finns det också stora möjligheter. Genom att presentera klimatrelaterat innehåll på ett tillgängligt och relaterbart sätt kan Instagram spela en ännu viktigare roll i att öka medvetenheten om klimatkrisen och främja större kollektiv handling. För att uppmuntra engagemang bland generation Z föreslår studien även att Instagram fortsätter utveckla sina funktioner för att göra det lättare för användare att hitta och dela klimatrelaterat innehåll, samt förbättra hanteringen av källor och information. / This study examines Instagram's role in the climate crisis and how its features work to spread information about the climate crisis among generation Z. The study focuses on this limited area because it is one of the most important issues of our time. The report investigates how young people experience, receive, and interact with climate-related content on Instagram. It has also been examined how interaction with the content affects the ability to achieve real change. The study was conducted by reviewing previous research and conducting a quantitative survey study and a qualitative focus group interview. Our conclusion is that although there are challenges in using Instagram as a platform for climate activism, there are also great opportunities. By presenting climate-related content in an accessible and relatable way, Instagram can play an important role in raising awareness about the climate crisis and promoting collective action. To encourage engagement among generation Z, the study also suggests that Instagram continues to develop its features to make it easier for users to discover and share climate-related content, as well as improve source and information management.

This study has examined the implications of the internet for the IPOB movement, focusing on the extent to which it has empowered the movement to engage in collective action mobilisation, enhance identity construction, framing and discourses for an independent Biafran state against multiple forms of state repressions. The thesis adopted a flexible approach that incorporated three level analysis including a macro-level analysis, which looked at the socio political and institutional environment; a meso-level, which examined the organisational infrastructure; and a micro-level exploring how the social movement made sense of their reality. The thesis addresses the debate between technology and society, and between the agency and political opportunity structures in Nigeria. It discussed the radical and agnostic democratic potential of the internet for African social movements and the dialectic between Biafra activism and the socio-political rootedness of Nigerian democracy. This approach allowed for providing analogies and new perspectives from the research and interpreting implications of human action. The thesis has found inconsistent, sometimes contradicting, data on the implication of internet technology for the IPOB movement. While there is some clear and robust evidence suggesting that new media technology has enhanced the movement's capabilities to organise, coordinate and mobilise for Biafran cause on many levels. The study reveals some severe limitations in the appropriation of internet technology in IPOB’s collective action objectives. The implication of the findings is discussed.

This study has examined the implications of the internet for the IPOB movement, focusing on the extent to which it has empowered the movement to engage in collective action mobilisation, enhance identity construction, framing and discourses for an independent Biafran state against multiple forms of state repressions. The thesis adopted a flexible approach that incorporated three level analysis including a macro-level analysis, which looked at the socio political and institutional environment; a meso-level, which examined the organisational infrastructure; and a micro-level exploring how the social movement made sense of their reality. The thesis addresses the debate between technology and society, and between the agency and political opportunity structures in Nigeria. It discussed the radical and agnostic democratic potential of the internet for African social movements and the dialectic between Biafra activism and the socio-political rootedness of Nigerian democracy. This approach allowed for providing analogies and new perspectives from the research and interpreting implications of human action. The thesis has found inconsistent, sometimes contradicting, data on the implication of internet technology for the IPOB movement. While there is some clear and robust evidence suggesting that new media technology has enhanced the movement's capabilities to organise, coordinate and mobilise for Biafran cause on many levels. The study reveals some severe limitations in the appropriation of internet technology in IPOB’s collective action objectives. The implication of the findings is discussed.

No description available.

This thesis explores how online gaming has become a central tool for networked social movements to participate in consumer activism. I look at the case study of MapleStory: a Korean MMORPG game and their consumer activism efforts started by the players. Migrating from different social media channels to organize, coordinate and strategize ways to create change within their group, through using consumeractivism techniques such as boycotting, protesting and spreading information. I framed this group as an early example of a networked social movements and analyzed their usage of social groups to spread activism messages. Through the internet and new technologies members were able to find their own political voices and teach others how to protest for social change. I also concentrated on the social aspect of these communities and how they fostered social bonds through collective action and participation. I argue that online gaming has become a platform that enables consumers to protest against a company’smal practices by utilizing their positions as consumers of a product.

CoordenaÃÃo de AperfeÃoamento de Pessoal de NÃvel Superior / A presente Tese, intitulada âMovimentos de protestos virtuais da Anonymous no Brasil: unidos como um e divididos por fakesâ, apresenta um estudo analÃtico da Rede de Protestos Anonymous, desde seus primÃrdios, no site 4chan, atà os protestos contra a Copa do Mundo no Brasil - 2014, tendo como Ãpice as ManifestaÃÃes de Junho de 2013, nas quais a Anonymous teve influente participaÃÃo, tanto por meio de prÃticas de ativismo online quanto em aÃÃes diretas, offline. O ideÃrio Anonymous à caracterizado por uma forma de luta polÃtica que objetiva alcanÃar a emancipaÃÃo humana por meio da hiperdemocracia, tecnocracia, total liberdade de expressÃo, informaÃÃo e comunicaÃÃo. O processo de conquista deste ideÃrio se daria pela prÃtica de novos modelos de mobilizaÃÃes sociais, ou seja, por um processo educativo autÃnomo, autovigilante, anÃnimo, que se desenvolveria num movimento horizontal, sem lideranÃas, sem interferÃncias de partidos polÃticos e sem ideologias. Este modelo se diferencia da forma de luta polÃtica do sÃculo XX, caracterizada pela tradicional dicotomia entre esquerda e direita, movimentos com lideranÃas verticalizadas, personalistas e guiadas por tendÃncias ideolÃgicas explÃcitas. No intuito de compreender o desenvolvimento das aÃÃes de protestos Anonymous no Brasil, utilizou-se como base empÃrica de pesquisa diversas fontes virtuais, tais como pÃginas do Facebook e canais do Youtube das cÃlulas de Anonymous no Brasil e exterior, alÃm de observaÃÃo dos protestos de rua, âOperaÃÃo 7 de setembroâ e a âOperaÃÃo NÃo vai ter Copaâ, e entrevistas com ativistas Anonymous. O processo de anÃlise das fontes foi ponderado pelo estudo dos conteÃdos e das diversas formas de linguagens utilizadas nas aÃÃes ciberativistas. Verificou-se que o desenvolvimento da luta polÃtica com base no ideÃrio Anonymous, na medida em que se propÃs a romper com o modelo tradicional de movimento polÃtico, apesar de agregar significativo nÃmero de ativistas, o ideÃrio Anonymous nÃo foi compreendido pela maioria de seus seguidores e ativistas. A prÃpria forma de criaÃÃo das cÃlulas Anonymous no Brasil teve um inÃcio desvirtuado, tendo sido conduzido de modo verticalizado, em cujo anonimato permitiu que os ativistas seguissem planos estabelecidos por pequenos grupos ou organizaÃÃes desconhecidas, bem como a apropriaÃÃo das cÃlulas Anonymous por fakes, que conduziram determinadas mobilizaÃÃes orientadas por interesses polÃticos, partidÃrios e ideolÃgicos. Tal fato resultou em divisÃes, rupturas e denÃncias por partes de algumas cÃlulas. Por exemplo, a Anonymous FUEL, que continuou ativa, mas com uma postura vigilante em relaÃÃo ao ideÃrio Anonymous, bem como as cÃlulas Anonymous Paranà e Anonymous Curitiba, que se declararam inativas, dadas a deturpaÃÃo de ativistas Anonymous que passaram a assumir causas militaristas e golpistas. Para fins deste estudo, a metodologia utilizada teve como referÃncia a anÃlise de discurso de Bakhtin (2002) e Ducrot (1987). Para temas que permeiam o estudo, como o ciberespaÃo, hackerativismo, pÃs-modernidade e movimentos sociais, utilizou-se como base teÃrica as contribuiÃÃes de Castells (2003), LÃvy (1999), Melucci (1989), Tilly (1978), Vegh (2003), Harvey (2008), Santos (2000), (2002), Giddens (1991) e Beck (2000). / This thesis, entitled "Movement of virtual protests by the Anonymous in Brazil: united as one and divided by fakes," presents an analytical evaluation of the Anonymous Protests Network, since its inception, in the site 4chan, to show dissent against the World Cup Brazil - 2014, having reached its peak in the June 2013 Demonstrations, in which Anonymous had influential participation, either through online activism practices as in direct actions offline. The ideology supporting Anonymous is characterized by a form of political struggle which aims at achieving human emancipation through hiper-democracy, technocracy and complete freedom of expression, information and communication. The process of a successful establishment of these ideas would take place through the practice of new models of social mobilization, that is, by an autonomous educational process - self-vigilant, anonymous - which would develop a horizontal movement without leaders, without interference from political parties and without ideologies. This model differs from the political form of struggle of the twentieth century, characterized by the traditional split between left and right movements with leaders in a personality vertical hierarchal power line, guided by explicit ideological tendencies. In order to understand the development of the Anonymous protest actions in Brazil, it was used as a empirical research base several virtual sources such as Facebook pages and YouTube channels of Anonymous cells in Brazil and abroad, as well as observation of street protests, such as "Operation September 7" and "Operation No World Cup", besides interviews with Anonymous activists. The process of analysis of the sources was weighted by the study of the contents and the various forms of languages used in the actions of cyberactivists. It was found that the development of political struggles based on ideas spawned by Anonymous, as far as it proposes to break the traditional model of political action, in spite of counting with significant number of activists, the Anonymous ideology was not understood by most of his followers and activists. The very form of creating Anonymous cells in Brazil had a distorted start and was conducted in vertical fashion, anonymity allowing activists to follow plans established by small groups or unknown organizations, as well as appropriation of Anonymous cells by fakes, which led to certain mobilizations guided by political interests of a partisan and ideological nature. This fact resulted in divisions, ruptures and complaints by parts of some cells. As an example of this situation one can cite Anonymous FUEL, which remained active, but with a vigilant stance on Anonymous ideology, and two other branches, Anonymous Paranà and Anonymous Curitiba, which declared themselves inactive, given misrepresentation of Anonymous ideas by other cells that assumed militarist causes and defended a coup dâÃtat in Brazil. For this study, the methodology used had as reference discourse analysis of Bakhetin (2002) and Ducrot (1987). For themes that permeate the study, such as cyberspace, hacktivism, postmodernism and social movements, it was used as a theoretical basis the contributions of Castells (1999), Levy (1999), Melucci (1989), Tilly (1978), Vegh (2003), Harvey (2008), Santos (2000), (2002), Giddens (1991) and Beck (2000).

No description available.