Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-29T14:16:42Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Maria Inez Barboza Marques.pdf: 8251625 bytes, checksum: b4660a8920e08666a3ebd08405dae96e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-06-22 / As part of sex social relations, sexual division of labor is intrinsic to social division of labor in the capitalist system context which exploits men and women workforce and imprints a perverse exploitation/domination logic, affecting male and female workers in different socio-occupational spaces, including the Social Work profession and the work of teachers in this area. In addition, sexual division of labor must be seen through its space and time dynamics, including other reality components such as social, political, economic and cultural. From a capitalist production restructuring context and the Brazilian State Reform, education, universities and the work of teachers adopted the mercantile logic imposed by the capital movement at the global level. In this context, universities fall into a crisis and the precariousness of the teachers work is confirmed. Taking these dimensions consideration, the general objective of this research is to analyze the sexual division of labor and its expressions on the work of Social Work teachers, having as starting point the flexible accumulation of the 70 s and its impact on the Social Work Courses from Paraná State University (UNESPAR), at the Apucarana and Paranavaí campuses. The research is characterized as qualitative, using interviews together with reflective action which made the participation of the subjects (male and female) more dynamic. At the end of the process, it was possible to verify that, besides the sexual division of labor, the work of teachers is permeated by a knowledge and power division, present, inclusively, in the construction of Science, particularly at UNESPAR and in the Social Work courses at Paranavaí and Apucarana, in the State of Paraná / Como parte das relações sociais de sexo, a divisão sexual do trabalho é intrínseca à divisão social do trabalho no contexto do sistema capitalista que explora a força de trabalho de homens e mulheres e imprime uma lógica perversa de exploração/dominação, atingindo trabalhadores e trabalhadoras em diferentes espaços sócio-ocupacionais, incluindo a profissão do Serviço Social e o trabalho docente nesta área. Além disso, a divisão sexual do trabalho deve ser vislumbrada em sua dinâmica no espaço e no tempo, atingindo outros componentes da realidade, sejam eles sociais, políticos, econômicos ou culturais. A partir do contexto da reestruturação produtiva do capitalismo e da contrarreforma do Estado no Brasil, a educação, as universidades e o trabalho docente entram na lógica da mercantilização imposta pelo movimento do capital em nível mundial. Nesse âmbito, aprofunda-se a crise nas universidades e é concretizada a precarização do trabalho docente. Tendo como norte essas dimensões, a pesquisa teve como objetivo geral analisar a divisão sexual do trabalho e suas expressões no trabalho docente em Serviço Social, tomando como ponto de partida a acumulação flexível da década de 1970 e suas repercussões nos Cursos de Serviço Social na Universidade Estadual do Paraná (UNESPAR), nos campi de Apucarana e Paranavaí. A pesquisa caracterizou-se como qualitativa, através da realização de entrevistas aliadas à ação reflexiva, que dinamizou a participação dos sujeitos e sujeitas. Ao final do processo, foi possível constatar que, para além da divisão sexual do trabalho, o trabalho docente é permeado pela divisão do saber e do poder, presentes, inclusive, na construção da ciência, particularmente na UNESPAR e nos cursos de Serviço Social em Paranavaí e Apucarana, no Estado do Paraná

No description available.

Pensar na saúde e segurança no trabalho remete diretamente às medidas de proteção para evitar acidentes graves ou mortes em decorrência do trabalho, associadas a profissões geralmente masculinas. Os riscos ocupacionais a que as mulheres estão expostas são geralmente invisibilizados, fazendo crer que proteger o trabalhador é também proteger todas as trabalhadoras. No entanto, não existe o indivíduo padrão, tampouco ciência neutra, pois quem necessita de proteção são seres humanos concretos, e o processo saúde-trabalho é mediado por fatores sociais, econômicos e culturais, em especial, pelas relações de gênero. A compreensão dessas imbricações só é possível com o emprego do gênero como categoria de análise do meio ambiente do trabalho, o que possibilita romper com a abordagem da saúde das mulheres trabalhadoras estritamente da perspectiva da maternidade ou da fragilidade. Esta dissertação propõe-se a ampliar o conhecimento das influências das relações de gênero na saúde e segurança no trabalho, desconstruindo naturalizações e estereótipos sobre feminilidade arraigados no Direito do Trabalho, na busca por compreender se as mulheres precisam de tutela especial, se sua saúde e segurança está de fato protegida pelas normas hoje vigentes e se essas normas promovem igualdade ou discriminação. Três grandes temas que interferem na relação das mulheres com o trabalho nos servirão de eixos para a análise das principais normas e questões trabalhistas que envolvem sua saúde e segurança: a maternidade; o corpo feminino e sua capacidade física; e a saúde mental. Objetiva-se contribuir para o aprofundamento da pesquisa acadêmica sobre a relação entre gênero e saúde e segurança no trabalho, bem como desconstruir preconceitos e apresentar algumas propostas para que as normas do Direito do Trabalho superem paradigmas sexistas e possam evoluir no sentido da promoção da igualdade entre homens e mulheres, essencial para a construção do equilíbrio do meio ambiente de trabalho. / To think about safety and health at work leads to inquiry what protective measures can prevent major accidents or deaths due to work, usually associated with professions dominated by men. The occupational hazards to which women are exposed are usually invisible, since it is believed that protecting the worker encompasses protecting all female workers. However, there is neither a standard individual, nor a neutral science, because those who are in need of protection are concrete human beings, and the health-work process is mediated by social, economic and cultural factors, in particular, gender relations. The understanding of these overlaps is only possible if gender is mobilized as a category of analysis of the work environment. Moreover, gender makes it possible to break with the approach of womens health at work strictly from the perspective of motherhood or fragility. This dissertation intends to extend the knowledge about the influence of gender relations on safety and health at work, and to deconstruct naturalizations and stereotypes built around femininity that are rooted in Labour Law. It seeks to understand whether women need special protection, if their health and security is actually protected by today\'s current standards, and if those standards promote equality or discrimination. Three major themes that mediate the relationship between women and work guide the analysis of the main standards and labor issues involving their safety and health: motherhood; the female body and its physical ability; and mental health. This work aims at contributing to the scholarship on the relationship between gender and safety and health at work, as well as to deconstruct prejudices and present some proposals for labor law standards to overcome sexist paradigms towards the promotion of gender equality an essential condition to the construction of a balanced work environment.

本論文旨在從心理分析和女性主義的立場探討女性的母職對兩性人格發展 及其再製產生的影響，主要根據Nancy Chodorow的論述為依歸作此主題的 推演。發軔於十九世紀的女性主義經歷第一波、第二波婦運的洗禮及經濟 大蕭條、兩次世界大戰的衝擊，發展出各類因應時代變遷及婦女需求的理 論，由政權參與、經濟獨立、法律權利、婚姻自由、身體自主等議題一路 行來，歷經重重險阻，女性的母職始終是婦女排徊猶豫的十字路口，成為 今日女性主義者關注的焦點，因為它深刻地影響了女性的人格特質及兩性 關係的互動。 Chodorow以對象關係的理論基礎出發，佐以女性主義及社 會學的相關理論，融貫為其個人獨到精闢的見解。她由質疑女性母職的合 理性起始，詳細闡述女性的母職如何深植於人們的意識與潛意識之中的過 程及其對兩性人格發展及關係形成的影響。由於女性母職的排外與獨佔、 母親對兒子、女兒不同的態度，使得兩性在前伊底帕斯時期、伊底帕斯時 期的對象關係有不同的發展，其解決伊底帕斯情結的程度亦有所差異，此 導致日後兩性迴異的人格特質及感情關係。最顯著的差別是男性面對女性 時趨於防衛的態度，不善表達感情且將精力集於工作領域。女性則有在關 係中建立自我的需要，但是男性的封閉妨衛無法滿足女性的感情需求，若 轉向同性又有觸犯社會禁忌－同性戀之虞，女性惟有試圖由自己的孩子身 上尋得感情關係的滿足。由此，母子間密切的聯結再度形成，兩性的人格 特質及女性的母職便依此模式代代複製，循環不已。Chodorow認為解決之 道在於由兩性共同擔負撫育下一代的職責，使兩性孩童在均衡的親職中培 養相同的能力及平等的人格發展，以打破女性母職獨佔、再製的代代循環 ，創造嶄新、開闊的兩性關係。本篇論文共分五章。第一章為前言，第二 章介紹女性主義興發的時代背景及各主要派別的基本論述；第三章說明心 理分析派女性主義的主要論點及心理分析與女性主義二者間的牽連；第四 章闡述Chodorow對女性母職產生、再製過程及其影響的詳細推演；第五章 為結論，評析Chodorow母職再製理論的貢獻和缺失。

In the 1880s, capitalism as a social and economic system integrated new geographic areas of the American continent. The construction of the Duluth & Iron Range Railroad (D&IR), financed by a group of Philadelphia investors led by Charlemagne Tower and later owned by the US Steel was part of this emerging political economy based on the exploitation of human and material resources. Migrant labor was in demand as it came cheap and, generally, floated between various construction-sites on the “frontier” of capitalism. The Swedish immigrants were one part of this group of “floaters” during the late 1800s and made up a significant part of the force that constructed and worked on the D&IR between the 1880s and the 1920s. This book deals with power relations between groups based on class and ethnic differences by analyzing the relationship between the Anglo-American bourgeois establishment and the Swedish and other immigrant workers and their children on the D&IR and in the railroad town of Two Harbors, Minnesota. The Anglo-American bourgeois hegemony in Minnesota, to a large extent, dictated the conditions under which Swedish immigrants and others toiled and were allowed access to American society. I have therefore analyzed the structural subordination and gradual integration of workers and, in particular, immigrant workers, in an emerging class society. The book also deals with the political and the cultural opposition to Anglo-American bourgeois hegemony that emerged in Two Harbors and that constructed a radical public sphere during the 1910s. In this process, new group identities based on class and ethnicity emerged in the working class neighborhoods in the wake of the capitalist expansion and exploitation, and as a result of worker agency. Building on traditions of political insurgency an alliance of immigrant workers, particularly Swedes, Anglo skilled workers and parts of the local petty bourgeoisie rose to a position of political and cultural power in the local community. This coalition was held together by the language of class that became the basis of a local multi-ethnic working class identity laying claim to its own version of Americanism. The period of preparedness leading up to the Great War, the war itself, and its aftermath, produced a reaction from the Anglo American bourgeoisie which resulted in a profound change in the public sphere as a coalition between “meliorist middle class reformers”, represented primarily by the YMCA and local church leaders and the D&IR and its program of welfare capitalism launched a broad program to counter socialism locally, and to forge new social bonds that would cut across class lines and ethnic boundaries. By this process, the ethnic working class in Two Harbors was offered entry into American society by acquiring citizenship and by their inclusion in a broader civic community undifferentiated by class. But this could only be realized by the workers’ adoption of an Anglo-American national identity based on identification with corporate interests, a new local solidarity that cut across class lines and a white racial identity that diminished the significance of ethnic boundaries. By these means the Swedish immigrants, or at least a portion of them, became Americans on terms established by the D&IR and its class allies.

Cette thèse en philosophie politique féministe part avant tout d’un constat empirique. Malgré les avancées réalisées depuis les cinquante dernières années au plan de l’égalité des sexes, la division du travail entre les hommes et les femmes, aussi bien sur le marché de l’emploi que dans la famille, perdure toujours dans nos sociétés démocratiques. S’inscrivant dans une perspective résolument féministe, croisant les réflexions contemporaines sur la théorie politique du care et la méthode féministe postmarxiste, cette thèse propose une interprétation plausible de ce clivage. Dans une première partie, l’analyse de deux enjeux d’actualité en matière d’égalité des sexes, le soutien économique aux proches aidantes (chap. 1) et la reconnaissance du travail des mères et des femmes au foyer (chap. 2), me mène à la conclusion préliminaire suivante : malgré les objectifs visés, ces mesures politiques contribuent à enfermer encore davantage les femmes dans des rôles traditionnels. Dans une deuxième partie, je soutiens que ces mesures, ainsi que les approches féministes qui les sous-tendent, découlent elles-mêmes de processus de domination. L’argument avancé comporte quatre volets. J’aborde dans un premier temps les théories politiques du care. En inscrivant la réflexion sur le care dans une perspective politique, et non plus seulement morale, ces théoriciennes adoptent une définition du care comme « activité de soin » et visent à dissocier genre et care. Je suggère que malgré ces objectifs, elles adhèrent toujours à la logique différentialiste qui renforce le lien entre les femmes et le care lorsqu’il s’agit de proposer des politiques en matière d’égalité des sexes (chap. 3). En fait, cette logique différentialiste est intimement liée à la notion qu’elles se font du genre. Leur approche constructionniste, en démarquant le genre construit du sexe biologique, a pour effet de reconfirmer la différence des sexes (chap. 4). Sous ces approches, l’homme demeurant la norme et les femmes étant définies comme différentes, ces dernières intériorisent l’idée d’une « différence » logée en leurs propres corps (chap. 5). J’attire enfin l’attention sur la conception limitée que les théoriciennes se font du care, qu’elles posent comme l’équivalent des soins aux plus faibles (nourrissons, personnes malades, âgées et handicapées). Cette conception réductrice contribue à invisibiliser la plus grande partie du travail réalisé par les femmes dans leur vie quotidienne en soutien à ceux dont la dépendance ne se présente pas sous la forme la plus « extrême » : le care aux indépendants, c’est-à-dire tous les services (domestiques, de soins, reproductifs, sexuels) dévalués par leur principaux bénéficiaires, alors qu’ils constituent au même moment la condition essentielle à leur « indépendance ». Alors que le care aux indépendants demeure invisible, les femmes sont réassignées aux rôles traditionnels et les plus « puissants » continuent de dominer les institutions et le savoir qui porte sur elles. Rendre visible la part la plus « invisibilisée » du care et replacer notre commune vulnérabilité au cœur de la réflexion politique sur la justice représentent les premiers pas à franchir pour s’acheminer vers une société radicalement démocratique, une société libérée de la domination de genre (chap. 6). / The starting point of this thesis in feminist political philosophy is first and foremost a preoccupying empirical record. In spite of all the progress made in the past fifty years in matters of gender equality, the division of labor between men and women, at home as well as in the workplace, still persists in our democratic societies. In line with a decidedly feminist perspective, combining the contemporary reflections on the politics of care and a post-marxist feminist method, this thesis offers a plausible interpretation of this persisting division. In the first part, the analysis of two current gender equality issues, of the financial support to family caregivers (chap. 1) and of the economic recognition of the work done by mothers and housewives (chap. 2), leads me to the following preliminary conclusion: in spite of their goals, these political measures actually contribute to maintain the status quo, indeed, to further confine women to their traditional roles. In a second part, I argue that these measures, as well as the feminist approaches which underlie and support them, are themselves derived from processes of domination. This argument comprises four parts. First, I discuss the political theories of care. In shifting the debate from en ethic to a politic of care, these philosophers both wanted to illustrate the dimension of caring as an activity and to dissociate care from gender. I suggest that in spite of their goals, they still tend to stick to the differentialist logic which strengthens the links between woman and care when they put forward policies on gender equality (chap. 3). This logic of difference is actually closely linked to their notion of gender. Indeed, in distinguishing the socially constructed gender from the biological sex, their constructionist approach has the effect of confirming natural sexual differences (chap. 4). Man still being the norm and woman the «difference» under this view, women come to internalize the idea of a difference located in their own bodies (chap. 5). Finally, I bring to attention the very limited conception of care of these theorists, defined as care for the most vulnerable (infants, the sick, the old and the handicapped persons). This reductive conception actually contributes to invisibilize the largest part of the work done daily by women in support of those whose dependency doesn’t come under the most «extreme» form: the care of independents, that is, all the services (domestic, caring, reproductive and sexual services) devalued by their recipients while they constitute the condition for their «independence». As caring for «independents» remains invisible, women are ascribed to traditional roles and the most «powerful» are free to keep on dominating both institutions and the knowledge produced about it. Making this «invisibilized» part of caring visible, and replacing our common vulnerability at the heart of the political reflection on justice, are the first steps towards a radical democratic society, that is, a society freed from gender domination. / Thèse réalisée en cotutelle avec l'Université catholique de Louvain

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Toronto, 2005.

Um aspecto marcante das sociedades atuais é o acentuado crescimento previsto para a população idosa em todos os países, sobretudo nos países em desenvolvimento. Para o ano de 2050, indicadores oficiais apontam para 2 bilhões de idosos em todo o mundo, havendo, portanto, a necessidade de estímulo aos estudos sociais acerca da terceira idade, principalmente no contexto do Brasil. As mudanças na estrutura etária poderão causa implicações sociais, econômicas e ambientais, cuja investigação apontará caminhos e propostas de atuação. No Brasil as projeções do instituto oficial apontam para 35 milhões de idosas e idosos no ano de 2050. A idade pode afetar a contribuição ao trabalho, tanto a permanência da pessoa idosa em seu posto, sendo produtiva, quanto a seu retorno após a aposentadoria. A capacidade e o desejo das trabalhadoras e dos trabalhadores idosos em ficarem ativos tanto tempo quanto possível dependem do seu estado de saúde e das suas condições de trabalho propostas a este grupo social. Este estudo quantitativo, apoiado na estatística descritiva, busca analisar a inserção das idosas e dos idosos no mercado de trabalho internacional e brasileiro, identificando as principais naturezas jurídicas e ocupações, e analisa a participação das pessoas idosas no mercado de trabalho formal na cidade de Curitiba em diferentes graus de instrução. Os dados internacionais utilizados são da Organização Internacional do Trabalho (OIT) e os dados brasileiros são do Ministério do Trabalho e Emprego (MTE). Os principais resultados internacionais apontam aproximadamente 85 milhões de idosas e idosos no mercado de trabalho mundial, e quase 1,6 milhão de pessoas idosas desempregadas. Os principais resultados brasileiros indicam que, tanto na cidade de Curitiba quanto no âmbito nacional, os homens idosos predominam em quase todas as áreas analisadas e em quase todas as faixas salariais. As mulheres idosas concentram-se nas faixas de menor remuneração, com até um salário mínimo mensal. / A striking aspecto of modern societies is the sharp growth forecast for the elderly population in all countries, especially in developing countries. For the year 2050, official indicators point to 2 billion older people around the world, and therefore there is a need to stimulate the social studies of the elderly, especially in the contexto of Brazil. Changes in age structure may cause social, economic and environmental implications, whose investigation Will point paths and proposals for action in Brazil the official institute’s projections point to 35 million elderly in 2050. Age can affect the contribution to the work, both the permanence of the Elder in his position, being productive, as your return after retirement. The capacity and willingness of older workers become active as long as possible depend on your health status and working conditions proposed in this social group. This quantitative study, based on the descriptive statistics, seeks to analyze the integration of elderly in the international and Brazilian labor market, identifying the main legal nature and occupations, and analyzes the participation of older people in the formal labor market in the city of Curitiba at different levels of education. The international data are from the International Labour Organisation (ILO) and the Brazilian numbers are from the Ministry of Labour and Employment (MTE). The main international results indicate approximately 85 million elderly in the global labor market, and nearly 1.6 million unemployed older people. The main Brazilian results indicate that, both in the city of Curitiba as nationwide, elderly men predominate in almost all areas analyzed and in almost all salary ranges. Older women are concentrated in lower-paid groups, with up to a monthly minimum wage.

O objetivo geral desta dissertação é o de investigar as percepções de professoras e professores sobre o uso das TICs no cotidiano da sala de aula. Essa discussão considerou na análise dos dados uma perspectiva de gênero, compreendida a partir das relações sociais que se desenvolveram entre estas/es profissionais no âmbito dos espaços público, da escola, e privado, do lar. A opção metodológica pautou-se por uma pesquisa qualitativa de natureza interpretativa, permitindo a análise dos depoimentos das/os entrevistadas/os. A investigação contou com a participação de dezenove docentes, mulheres e homens, que responderam a um roteiro de entrevista semiestruturada com questões abertas. Verificou-se que a maioria das/os docentes não teve em sua formação acadêmica inicial e na pós-graduação uma disciplina que abrangesse uma discussão teórica/prática sobre a utilização das tecnologias. Verificou-se, também, a falta de cursos de formação continuada e de oficinas pedagógicas com uma abordagem ao uso das TICs em sala de aula. Ficou evidenciado que existem dificuldades no manuseio dessas tecnologias no cotidiano da sala de aula, e analisadas sob a perspectiva de gênero, revelou que apesar da maioria dos professores em seu discurso afirmarem que homens e mulheres são iguais diante dessas tecnologias, ele é contraditório. A maioria das professoras assume ter dificuldades com o uso das TICs, já os professores negam tê-las, evidenciando o discurso patriarcal de que as mulheres não são iguais aos homens para a manipulação das TICs. A pesquisa revelou ainda uma extensa carga horária de aulas, distribuídas em diferentes estabelecimentos de ensino e, também, a existência da dupla jornada de trabalho para todas/os elas/es. Entretanto, ficou evidenciado que essa dupla jornada é marcada pela diferença entre atividades para essas/es profissionais. Nela, a maioria dessas mulheres assumem atividades especificamente na esfera doméstica limpando a casa, lavando e passando roupas, lavando louça, cozinhando e cuidando dos filhos, sem remuneração, por estas, serem desenvolvidas em seus lares. Apesar dos homens admitirem dividir as tarefas domésticas com suas companheiras, seus discursos retratam uma divisão com o sentido de “ajuda”, reforçando o discurso patriarcal de que as mulheres são responsáveis pelas tarefas domésticas. Essas diferenças estão associadas à divisão sexual do trabalho nos espaços público e privado e se mantém, sobretudo, por representações de gênero que associam a mulher ao espaço privado, ao cuidado e à delicadeza e, os homens, ao espaço público, ao provimento da família e ao trabalho pesado. Evidenciou-se, portanto, que as relações sociais entre estas/es professoras/es, na vida profissional e no âmbito do lar, são relações permeadas por poder, e que, apesar dessas mulheres experienciarem situações de igualdade em alguns espaços no âmbito do colégio e do lar, de certa forma, ainda estão subordinadas ao discurso patriarcal capitalista, que ainda hoje reproduz desigualdades de gênero, e condiciona essas mulheres a uma posição de subordinação e desvalorização. / The main objective of this dissertation is to investigate the perceptions of teachers on the use of ICTs in the classroom. The discussion considers a gender perspective in data analysis, understood from social relationships developed between those professionals, in relation to a public space, the school, and private space, the home. The methodological option is based on a qualitative research with interpretative nature, which permits the analysis of interviews. The investigation counts with the participation od ninetenn teachers, male and women, who answered an semi- estructured interview script with open questions. It was verified that in most cases the teachers didn´t have a discipline which covered the technologies utilization in their initial academic formation or post-graduation. Also, It was verified the lack of initial and continuing courses and pedagogical workshops towards the use of ICT´s in the classroom. It was evidenced the difficulties in the handling of technologies in daily classes, and under the gender perspective, although teacher´s discourse affirm the equality between men and women towards those difficulties, the discourse remains contradictory. Most of the female teacher´s assume difficulties in handling ICT´s, but male teacher´s deny it; which evidenced the patriarchal discourse that states that women are different from men at handling ICT´s. The research reveals that most of the teachers work extensive hours of classes, in different schools, even the double working day. However, it´s evidenced the differences between those double working day: most of women assume domestic activities like cleaning houses, washing and ironing clothes, doing the dishes, cooking and caring for their children, without remuneration because they are developed in their houses. Even though men assume that they are dividing domestic tasks, their discourse shows that they “help”, which reinforces the patriarchal discourse that states that only women are responsible for domestic tasks. These differences are associated to sexual division of work in public and private spaces, which maintain itself because of the gender representations which associates women to private space, to caring, to sensitivity; and man to public space, to family provision and to hard work. It was evident, therefore, that the social relationships between those teacher´s in professional and family life are permeated by power, and, spite those women experiences equality in some spaces at school and home, they are still subordinated to the capitalist patriarchal discourse, which still today reproduces gender inequalities, conditioning these women to a position of subordination and devaluation.

O presente texto apresenta resultados de pesquisa de mestrado. Seu objeto de estudo são as condições de trabalho das educadoras na Rede Pública Municipal de Curitiba em turmas de pré-escola, no interior dos Centros Municipais de Educação Infantil (CMEIs), buscando similitudes e dessemelhanças no exercício de suas funções. Educadora é a trabalhadora concursada com titularidade em nível médio na modalidade magistério, com atuação exclusiva na Educação Infantil. A opção pelas educadoras que trabalham em turmas de pré deve-se ao fato de que nessa etapa da Educação Infantil há maiores possibilidades de ocorrer a separação entre o cuidar e o educar e, portanto, uma divisão de trabalho que pode implicar tanto em hierarquização, mando, ou trabalho compartilhado, com variações ou não nas condições de trabalho. Dentre os objetivos desta pesquisa, busca-se inicialmente analisar a concepção de Educação Infantil exposta em documentos oficiais e em autores de referência com relação ao local da Educação Infantil no interior da educação escolar, bem como quanto à separação entre o cuidar e educar. Outro objetivo é analisar a produção bibliográfica acerca do trabalho docente, mais especificamente na Educação Infantil à luz das categorias precarização, e intensificação do trabalho docente. Para conhecer mais sobre as condições de trabalho destas trabalhadoras, como instrumento metodológico, optou-se pela realização de entrevistas com as educadoras mais experientes nas turmas de pré, com base nas categorias teóricas privilegiadas. / This paper presents master's search results. The object of study are the educators in municipal public network of Curitiba in preschool classes, inside the municipal early childhood education centers (CMEIs) seeking similarities and dissimilarities in the exercise of their functions. Educator is a public worker with entitlement in high school level in the teaching mode, that works exclusively with the kindergarten. The choice for educators who work in preschool classes is due to the fact that at this stage of early childhood education is more likely to occur separation between care and education, therefore, a division of labor that may involve both hierarchical, command, or shared work with variations or not in the working conditions. Among the objectives of this research, we seek initially analyze the concept of early childhood education exposed in official documents and in reference authors in relation to the site of early childhood education within the school education, as well as the separation between care and education. Another objective is to analyze the bibliographic production of the teaching work, specifically in early childhood education, based on the categories of precarization and intensification of teaching. To learn more about the working conditions of these workers, as a methodological tool, we opted for the interviews with the most experienced teachers in preschool classes, based on privileged theoretical categories.