This thesis is essentially about the theory of the transition to socialism and aims at comprehending the Soviet experience of attempting to re-mould the relations of production and the forces of production mainly at the level of Soviet labour processes. The main finding is that the Soviet Union was rich in debate in the 20s but short in actually pioneering new labour processes in the years of construction and accelerated industrialization. As a by-product of this larger project, the thesis has begun to demarcate the division of labour from technology by constructing models on the basis of their shared characteristics of efficiency, output, cost, control and welfare. It is argued- that an attempt to 'abolish' the fragmentation of tasks arising from the technical . division of labour would require a redirection of the physical organization of technology itself. The thesis emphasizes the importance not only the re-arranging of macro-societal-level social relations but also micro production unit level changes. The socialist project ought to include simultaneous interventions at the micro and macro levels of reality. It is suggested that despotic control at both the society and production-unit levels would hardly expand the emancipatory possibilities for labour. Nor democratization at one or the other level alone whilst keeping despotic control will do. Only simultaneous democratizations at the enterprise and society levels will make the socialist development attractive. The thesis concludes by stressing the need to reinstate democracy in relation to the organization of the labour process pointing out the responsibility of the Gorbachov leadership in relation to the democratization of Soviet society and enterprises.

This thesis normatively defends political equality and deliberation by citizens, arguing for the constitutional integration of randomly selected citizens’ bodies in modern representative democracies. This defence is initiated through Aristotle’s explication of the constitution of polity and its inclusion of all economic classes, especially through lottery as one method of selection for deliberative office. Since a unifying theme of this study is the justification of citizens’ deliberation through a labour theory of value, Aristotle’s philosophy is also criticized for its failure to politically value and include all labourers. This shortcoming propels applying Karl Marx, and his theory of the capitalist division of labour, to justify citizens’ assemblies that are fully inclusive. Finally, the feasibility and potential of a constitutionally implemented, randomly selected citizens’ body - as a means for mitigating political and socioeconomic hierarchy - is analyzed and reinforced through the contemporary case of the British Columbia Citizens’ Assembly.

This thesis normatively defends political equality and deliberation by citizens, arguing for the constitutional integration of randomly selected citizens’ bodies in modern representative democracies. This defence is initiated through Aristotle’s explication of the constitution of polity and its inclusion of all economic classes, especially through lottery as one method of selection for deliberative office. Since a unifying theme of this study is the justification of citizens’ deliberation through a labour theory of value, Aristotle’s philosophy is also criticized for its failure to politically value and include all labourers. This shortcoming propels applying Karl Marx, and his theory of the capitalist division of labour, to justify citizens’ assemblies that are fully inclusive. Finally, the feasibility and potential of a constitutionally implemented, randomly selected citizens’ body - as a means for mitigating political and socioeconomic hierarchy - is analyzed and reinforced through the contemporary case of the British Columbia Citizens’ Assembly.

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The dissertation explores the differences in time spent by women and men in different activities in Matsanjeni Swaziland. We classify the activities under the Systems of National Accounts (SNA), as SNA activities, non-SNA activities and non Productive activities. The study used a 24 hours time diary to collect data from a sample of 50 respondents, 25 of whom were women and 25 were men. The results show that on average, women and men spend almost equal time doing SNA activities, with men spending slightly more time than women. On the other hand, the results show that women spend a lot more time on Non SNA activities compared to men. Finally, the results show that men spend more time on Non Productive activities compared to women. / Thesis (M.Dev.Studies)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2005.

MGS / Institute for Gender and Youth Studies / One of the most pressing issues contributing to the persistence of gender inequality is the gendered division of domestic labour. Women still carry out more domestic labour than men. Housework is shared quite unequally among most married couples. Work performed directly in the service of families including housework and childcare is often unacknowledged all over the world because of cultural assumptions that a wife or mother should work in the privacy of the home. This study adds extra depth to the doing gender approach by testing whether or not couple negotiate specific conjugal and parent roles in terms of the division of household labour. This study therefore seeks to discuss numerous variables that impact the division of household labour between men and women. This study suggests that patriarchal power structures seem to take a powerful and effective impact on the South African marriage institution, especially in the black communities. The study was therefore conducted in Schoemansdal village situated in Nkomazi region, Mpumalanga Province. To explore issues behind gender division of labour within households. The study embarked on a qualitative research design to collect and analyze the data. Samples of married men and married women were selected in this study. The findings of the study are as follows: Women do a disproportionate share of the housework, even when the women work and the men don‟t, and even when the women want to share the housework more equally. When men aren‟t working, they don‟t see domestic labour as a means of contributing. In fact, they double down and do less of it, since it challenges their masculinity. But when men earn more, women who are almost all working too, feel obliged to contribute in some way to maintaining the household, generally by cooking and cleaning. / NRF

We develop a model of endogenous growth based on the division of labour in order to discuss policy issues. The engine of growth is the worker's incentive to achieve higher income, thereby inducing an increase in the degree of specialisation. The genuine contribution of this paper is that both supply side and demand side policies may stimulate long-run economic growth, and do not only induce level shifts. On the supply side, an increase in productivity of innovative workers, alongside with investment in infrastructure, human capital, and improvements in the market setting may stimulate growth. On the demand side, we find that transfers to innovative workers, a reduction in consumption taxes, an increase of labour income taxation of the specialised workforce, and a redistribution towards specialised workers will foster economic growth. (author's abstract) / Series: Department of Economics Working Paper Series

Orientador: Ricardo Luiz Coltro Antunes / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-09-11T21:25:33Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Villen_Patricia_D.pdf: 3130406 bytes, checksum: 30536681b8a6c654d7a1bd8f0187817d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015 / Resumo: O presente estudo tem por objeto o trabalho imigrante no Brasil. A tese demonstra a atual configuração polarizada da imigração no país e as principais tendências manifestadas no trabalho imigrante. Essa perspectiva lança luz sobre os espaços subterrâneos e invisibilizados desse trabalho ¿ ou mesmo longínquos, sobre as águas do mar ¿ simultaneamente apontando as contradições inerentes àqueles eleitos para aparecerem como uma imigração escolhida. Trata-se de um campo de visão que permite discutir as novas bases histórico-sociais da imigração no Brasil, sua alta representatividade de proveniência periférica e as diferentes modalidades de manifestação ¿ via circuito indocumentado, autorização de trabalho para estrangeiros, Mercosul, refúgio, visto humanitário, estudo, casamento, turismo ¿ analisadas em seu conjunto e em sua relação com o trabalho. As dinâmicas relativas à posição periférica do Brasil no mercado mundial e às particularidades de sua formação socioeconômica de base escravista são consideradas para evidenciar o lugar que a força de trabalho do imigrante ocupou nos diferentes momentos históricos do país. Para tanto, duas categorias são adotadas como premissas analíticas do fenômeno da imigração internacional: o trabalho livre e a divisão internacional do trabalho. Ao demonstrar a posição atribuída aos "braços civilizatórios" (trabalhadores imigrantes brancos europeus), problematiza-se o papel historicamente conferido a essa imigração no movimento de modernização dependente do mercado de trabalho brasileiro no passado, bem como a continuidade de suas dinâmicas e efeitos no presente. Essa incursão temporal dialoga com o contexto internacional e oferece elementos para se entender como as modalidades de entrada (imigração documentada e indocumentada) e de trabalho imigrante (com inserção nos estratos altos e naqueles mais precários do mercado de trabalho brasileiro) começam a se manifestar de forma polarizada nos anos 1970 e esse desenho bifurcado da imigração ganha força após a eclosão da crise global (2007). Foram caracterizados os traços gerais dos dois polos da imigração ¿ denominados polo da qualificação-especialização produtiva e polo dos periféricos emergenciais ¿, segundo o ideário, o tratamento legislativo, as vias de entrada no país, os principais setores de inserção no mercado de trabalho brasileiro, a divisão sexual do trabalho, o racismo, as condições de trabalho e de estruturação de vida enfrentadas pelos imigrantes. O estudo mostra como o fato da indocumentação abrange todo o espectro do trabalho imigrante ¿ mesmo aquele com perfil qualificado-especializado ¿, porém atinge sobremaneira os imigrantes representantes do que se denominou periféricos na periferia. A imigração feminina no Brasil também é analisada, bem como o desequilíbrio de gênero nos dois polos da imigração / Abstract: This study analyses the immigrant labour in Brazil. The thesis demonstrates the polarized immigration movements to Brazil and the trends concerning the immigrant labour. This analytical perspective shows the labour that is hidden in underground and invisible spaces - even those far away, over the sea waters -, pointing out the contradictions of the groups elected to appear as a chosen immigration. It allows the discussion of the new historical and social bases of immigration in Brazil, its largest representation from peripheral countries and its different forms - work permits, Mercosul, refugee, humanitarian visa, undocumented circuit, study, marriage, tourism - analysed as a whole and in its relation to labour. The dynamics related to Brazil¿s peripheral position in the world system and the particularities of its social-economic formation on slavery base are considered in order to analyse the place conferred to immigrant labour force during different moments of the country¿s history. Two categories are considered to analyse the international immigration phenomena: free labour and the international division of labour. By demonstrating the position assigned to the "civilizing arms" (European immigrants workers), this study discusses the role of this immigration for the Brazilian labour market¿s "dependent modernization" on the past, as well as its continuous dynamics and effects on the present. This temporal incursion dialogues with the international context and provides elements to understand how the polarized way of entries (documented and undocumented immigration) and immigrant labour (highest and precarious Brazilian labour market strata) emerges in the 1970s and takes force after the beginning of the global crisis (2007). The general characteristics of the two poles of immigration are characterized ¿ productive qualification-specialization pole and emergency-peripherals pole ¿, concerning the ideology, the legal treatment, the entry routes in the country, the main sectors for the insertion in the Brazilian labour Market, the sexual division of labour and and the working conditions faced by immigrants. The researches demonstrate that indocumentation regards all the categories of immigrant labour ¿ even those considered as qualified-specialized ¿, but it touches much more the here named peripherals in the periphery. Women immigration to Brazil are also analysed as well as the gender inequalities in the two poles / Doutorado / Sociologia / Doutora em Sociologia

Soldier caste is the oldest altruistic caste in termites, highly specialized for defensive tasks. Therefore, a number of adaptations in anatomy and behaviour can be observed in soldier, lacking in other termite castes. The aim of this study was to verify the hypothesis that in disturbed groups the soldiers will prefer to stand by and defend the reproductives, the most valuable individuals. Therefore, I studied in two species of the genus Prorhinotermes (P. simplex and P. canalifrons) the ability of soldiers to discriminate neotenic reproductives and provide them with defence. In agreement with the initial hypothesis, the soldiers of both species prooved to be able of an instantaneous recognition of reproductives and remained close to them. In P. simplex, the neotenic female was the most attractive individual, while in P. canalifrons, neotenics of both sexes were equally attractive. The observed preference of reproductives appears to occur only with a certain age of the reproductives in incipient colonies, along with their sexual maturation. Caste specificity of cuticular lipids supports the presumption that the caste recognition is based on olphactoric cues in the cuticle of reproductives.

This essay brings new knowledge about the terms and conditions for the artisans in the swedish armament industry in Sweden during the 1800th-century. It was a time of opportunity for entrepreneurs and a time when the social and economic standing for the artistans where under pressure. This led to conflicts, and this study shows that the artisans did use multiple strategies in order to maintain their social and economic position in a changing world. The purpose of this essay is to examine conflicts regarding the social organization of the work at the gun manufactory in Söderhamn between 1749 and 1796. During this period the ownership of the facility shifted from state owned to private and back. The main sources examined in this essay are documents regarding the Söderhamns gun manufactory, found in the archive of the artilleridepartement at krigskollegium. Other sources are protocols from the the local council, the magistrat, and church records. A marxist method of analyzing the social organization of work is used. By using a model of the whole of the production process the areas of conflicts are analysed. The theoretical approach is influenced by Marx and Foucault's theories of power. The essay shows that the governmental objectives in mid 1800-th century was to rationalize the production and privatize the swedish arm manufactories in order to gain a lower prize for muskets used by the armed forces. The new organization of the production led to resistance among the artisans. The guild was the organizer of the protests, and the artisans acted strategic. They cooperated with different parties to put pressure behind their demands. Several times this was a fruitful strategy. In spite of the mercantilistic visions of their superiors, the majority of the artisans had their own workshops and where able to maintain a substantial production for the private market during the whole time. During the Seven year war the production of the infantry musket where stopped at the same time as the workers in Jönköping where stiking for better payment. Four of five facilities had problems delivering armament in 1761. When krigskollegium regained the ownership of the manufactory in 1778 the artisans lost influence. The division of labour progressed during the crown´s management.