Comments and Discussions : Hitoshi HIRAKAWA (平川 均)

This research, by focusing on the Isithebe industrial estate in KwaZulu Natal, analyses the process of industrial change within one location and the resulting impact on the gender relations within the surrounding communities. Rather than adopting the rather simplistic approach utilised by Women in Development advocates, is suggested that the identification, location and particular experience of power between men and women provides for a more informed position from which gender relations can be understood. Using Social Relations Analysis as a departure point, it is argued that a range of variables and impact on the construction and experience of gender, and thus the relation between men and women. In South Africa, the particular economic and social discourse initiated by apartheid resulted in the formulation of a particular understanding of gender. Various economic and industrial and social shifts over the past decade have served to challenge this conceptualisation and experience, and have resulted in a range of new dynamics between men and women. It is argued that many of the businesses located in Isithebe have been slow to follow the trends and processes of restructuring identified nationally. However, there has been some change in the gendered division of labour on the estate, as men gradually move into sectors previously reliant on female labour. Women are concurrently trapped in low skilled, low paid employment. While the increasing engagement by women in multiple livelihood strategies, within an environment of high male unemployment, is increasing the dependence of households on (he ability of women to earn an income, there is little change in the location of power at a household level. The increased autonomy and decision-making power anticipated by many theorists is not evidenced in the Isithebe community. However, as men seek for alternative sources of security as their traditional role as breadwinner is eroded, women are increasingly aware of the discrepancies and dichotomies within the household, and are beginning to reassess the relations between men and women, and the location of power. Concomitantly both men and women are in a position to reconceptualise the gender component of identity. These processes provide the basis from which unequal relations between men and women can be challenged in the future. / Thesis (M.Sc.U.R.P.)-University of Natal, Durban, 1999.

Les mouvements nationalistes flamands et québécois divergent en concernant leur structure; par exemple le nationalisme flamand s'est développé comme un mouvement chrétien-démocrate, alors que le nationalisme québécois contemporain s’est galvanisé autour d'une idéologie laïque de gauche. Par ailleurs, il existe un contraste entre les poids sociodémographique, politique et économique portés par la région de Flandres en Belgique, et ceux portés dans la province du Québec au Canada. Cependant, malgré les influences divergentes structurelles et systémiques, les mouvements nationalistes flamand et québécois ont développé et maintenu des profils très similaires. Par exemple, les deux mouvements nationalistes se définissent par une distinction ethnolinguistique, les deux ont un discours nationaliste parallèle axé sur la nécessité de préserver et de protéger la langue et la culture de la communauté nationale, et les deux se concentrent sur l'obtention d'une redistribution des pouvoirs culturels et politiques. Dans ce mémoire, nous proposons que le profil nationaliste ressemblant du mouvement nationaliste flamand et québécois puisse être expliqué par le développement d'un « nationalisme ethnolinguistique de contestation », qui était initialement mis en place par les nationalistes flamands et québécois cherchant à corriger les effets d'une « division culturelle du travail ». Ce sentiment d’un nationalisme de contestation ethnolinguistique est instrumentalisé et perpétué par les nationalistes flamands et québécois en évoquant certains « souvenirs partagés », qui sont trouvés dans le récit historique de la communauté nationale. Ces souvenirs partagés, ainsi que leurs représentations symboliques, reflètent les sentiments de protestation, injustice et victimisation, qui sont vitaux pour les nationalistes flamands et québécois dans le maintien de leur expression parallèlement à un nationalisme de contestation ethnolinguistique en Flandres et au Québec. / The Flemish and Québécois nationalist movements diverge in terms of their structural nature; for example, Flemish nationalism developed as a Christian democratic movement, whereas contemporary Québécois nationalism was galvanized around a secular-leftist ideology. There is also a significant contrast in the socio-demographic, economic, and political realities of Flanders in Belgium compared to those of Québec in Canada. However, despite the differing influences on the Flemish and Québécois nationalist movements, they have developed and maintained very similar nationalist profiles. Both nationalist movements are defined by a sense of ethno-linguistic distinctness, both have a paralleling nationalist discourse focused on the need to preserve and protect the language and culture of the national community, and both have been focused on obtaining a redistribution of cultural and political power through constructing an alternative political structure from that of the federal state. This thesis proposes that the mirroring nationalist profiles of the Flemish and Québécois nationalist movements can be traced to the development of a similar type of ethno-linguistic nationalism of protest, which was initially established by nationalists wanting to rectify the effects of a linguistically based ‘cultural division of labour’. As a means of instrumentalizing and perpetuating this sense of ethno-linguistic nationalism of protest, both Flemish and Québécois nationalists have relied on evocating and shaping key ‘shared memories’ found within the historical narrative of the national community. These shared memories, as well as their symbolic representations, reflect sentiments of struggle, injustice, and victimization, and have been vital for Flemish and Québécois nationalists in maintaining their paralleling expressions of an ethno-linguistic nationalism of protest in Flanders and in Québec.

The object of this essay is to discuss the relationship between the definition of the concept of gender equality and attitudes towards gender equality and their consequences for gender equality measures. The point of departure is feminist political theory and interviews about attitudes towards gender equality at a department at the University of Linköping. The conclusions of this study is that there are a wide range of definitions and attitudes, and these conceptions are not necessarily the same as those being pointed out in the official gender equality policy at the University of Linköping. In this study the opinions of measures for gender equality among the interviewed are widely spread. Some finding Swedish men and women already being equal and therefore there is no need for measures, since this would result in discrimination of men since women would gain advantages from being women. Others find measures for gender equality important since the society and the University is male-defined and therefore not equal. Following, there is a need for further discussions on the definition of, and measures for gender equality. The feminist perspective on the concept of gender equality highlights the need for consideration on how the measures are reproducing, reinforcing or reconceptualizing the signification of gender.

L’abeille domestique (Apismellifera) a un rôle majeur dans les écosystèmes naturels et agronomiques mais est exposée à un nombre croissant de pressions environnementales (nouveaux parasites, xénobiotiques, variations climatiques et malnutrition). Dans ce contexte, la compréhension des phénomènes impliqués dans les réponses au stress ainsi que leurs coûts associés devient cruciale pour mieux appréhender l’impact de ces pressions sur les abeilles. L’émergence d’un stress perturbe généralement l’homéostasie de l’organisme qui doit mettre en place une cascade d’adaptations physiologiques et comportementales pour le surmonter. Cependant, du fait de son mode de vie social, il est raisonnable de penser que les réponses vont se faire dans l’intérêt du groupe et non plus seulement dans l’intérêt de l’individu. Afin de caractériser les réponses au stress et de déterminer leur spécificité en fonction de la nature du stimulus (xénobiotiques, immunitaire, thermique, social), j’ai adopté une approche multidisciplinaire en ciblant l’identification des modifications i) physiologiques associées à la division du travail, ii) du métabolisme énergétique, et iii) comportementales. J’ai démontré quequelque soit leur rôle social (nourrice, gardienne, butineuse), les abeilles répondent de la même manière à un stress donné, si celui-­ci est écologiquement pertinent (hyperthermie et stress immunitaire mais pas xénobiotique). Une tendance à la diminution des ressources énergétiques a également été observée suite à un stress suggérant une modification des performances comportementales. Afin de vérifier cela, je me suis concentrée sur l’activité de butinage; le vol chez les insectes étant un des processus physiologiques les plus coûteux du règne animal. Une altération des performances de butinage a été mise en évidence chez les abeilles soumises à un stress immunitaire avec une réorientation des préférences de butinage au dépens du pollen, plus coûteux àc ollecter et moins riche en ressource énergétique que le nectar ; ceci probablement pour pallier au coût énergétique du stress. En revanche, en réponse àune hyperthermie, une augmentation de l’activité de butinage a été observée mais sans engendrer un coût supplémentaire au niveau des ressources collectées.Ces résultats sont discutés à la lumière du coût énergétique du stress et des conséquences potentielles sur les performances des abeilles, qui infine pourrait perturber l’homéostasie énergétique de la colonie. / Honeybees (Apis mellifera), which play an important role in natural and agronomic ecosystems, are exposed to a growing number of environmental pressures(new parasites, pesticides, climatechangeand poor nutrition). In this context, deciphering the mechanisms underlying stress responses and their costs becomes crucial to better understand theim pact of these pressures. Stress usually represents a challenge to the homeostasis of a norganism. In response, a cascade of physiological and behavioural adaptations enables the organism to cope with the stress. However, dueto their sociallife style, we could suggest that stress response in honeybees will occurin the interest of the colony and not only in the interest of the individual. To characterise the stress response and determine its specificity according to the stimulus (xenobiotic, immune, thermal, social), I developed a multidisciplinary approach to identify changes in i) task-­related physiology, ii) energetic metabolism, and iii) behaviour. I demonstrated that, regardless of their social function (nurse, guard, forager), bees respond in the sameway to a given stress, if itis ecologically-­relevant (heat and immune stress but not pesticides). Atendencytoward decreas ingenergetic resources was also observed following stress exposure, which suggests changes in behavioural performance.In order to test this hypothesis, I analysed changes in foraging activity in response to stress, as insect flight is one of the most costly physiological processes in the animal kingdom. I found that for aging performances were affected by animmune stress : bees changed their foraging preferences at the expense of pollen, probably to reduce the stress energetic cost, given that pollen is more costly to collect and provides alower energetic return than nectar. In contrast, in response to heat stress, an increase in colony for aging activity was observed, without an additional cost on resource collection. These results are discussed in the light of stress energetic cost and its potential consequences onhoneybee performances, which could disrupt the colony’s energetic homeostasis.

Significant associations between self-reported “whole units” of work and self-reported mental task requirements as well as personal outcomes are well known. Also of interest is, however, whether a significant association also exists between the underlying objective assignment of tasks, i.e. the division of labour, and self-reported mental requirements. Such an association would represent a concrete starting point for job design or redesign. We analyzed this question for retail sale jobs as an example of the numerous human service jobs, which usually consist of customer- and object-centred tasks. The study (N = 558 employees) evaluated the potential association between documented assignments of customer-centred and goods-centred activities and employees’ perceived mental requirements, skill utilisation, and learning on the job, as well as mental difficulties. A significant association of moderate effect size between the objective division of labour and self-reported mental job requirements was shown. Theoretical and practical consequences of this association are also discussed.

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The Hadza, residing near Lake Eyasi in northern Tanzania, represent one of the last remaining hunter-gatherer populations. Inhabiting the same area as our hominin ancestors and exploiting very similar resources, the Hadza maintain a foraging lifestyle characterised by a sexual division of labour. Studies of their foraging and food sharing habits serve as the foundation to numerous hypotheses of human behaviour and evolution. Data from the Hadza have featured heavily in debates on the sexual division of labour. These debates focus predominantly on men’s foraging, including how and why men provision. Women’s provisioning, on the other hand, is seldom explicitly examined and is often presumed to be constrained by reproduction. This thesis contributes to debates on the sexual division of labour by investigating how a woman’s reproductive status affects her foraging behaviours. Observational data on women’s foraging are investigated from 263 person/day follows (1,307 hours total) across 10 camps between 2004 and 2006. These data present the first quantitative documentation of forager women’s eating and sharing outside of camp. Interview data on women’s reproductive timeline are also analysed from in-depth interviews with 58 women from 9 camps in 2015. Spanning from menarche to menopause, these data offer the first quantitative and qualitative documentation of forager women’s menstruation. The results demonstrate that Hadza women eat and share over 800 kilocalories outside of camp per person/day. They regularly give and receive food, including gifts of honey from men. Breastfeeding women are more likely to give gifts and give more gifts than non-breastfeeding women. When they bring nurslings with them outside of camp, they forage less kilocalories per hour. Post-menopausal women eat less relative to what they forage, are less likely to receive gifts, rest less and forage more than pre-menopausal women. Although Hadza women describe their foraging workload as most difficult during late pregnancy, no significant differences in eating, sharing, resting or foraging are observed for pregnant women. Menstrual data from the Hadza reveal that menstruation is not only culturally relevant to the sexual division of labour, but it is also biologically relevant to current understandings of fertility. The majority (60%) of Hadza women report not doing their normal work during menstruation. They also report menstruation-related taboos for berry picking. The thesis presents an in-depth review of women’s menstruation, from the duration of menses to the menstrual cleaning process.

Cette thèse porte sur les arrangements de couples de parents hétérosexuels québécois à revenus modestes en s’attardant aux pratiques et aux significations mises de l’avant dans le récit des personnes rencontrées. Elle vise principalement à cerner les arrangements conjugaux en regard de la division du travail et de la gestion de l’argent et, plus spécifiquement à 1) décrire ces arrangements, 2) cerner l’articulation entre la division du travail et la gestion financière entre conjoints, et 3) cerner les écarts et les convergences entre les pratiques et les significations de ces arrangements dans le récit des personnes participantes. À partir de l’analyse de 30 entretiens semi-directifs réalisés dans une perspective inductive et compréhensive auprès de 17 femmes et 13 hommes, nous mettons au jour l’intrication entre la division sexuelle du travail, la signification sociale de l’argent et la sémantique de la conjugalité contemporaine pour saisir la complexité des arrangements décrits. Nos analyses montrent que les trajectoires professionnelles des femmes sont très marquées par la maternité, contrairement à celles des hommes pour qui des facteurs extérieurs à la famille expliquent les changements. L’utilisation du congé parental de même que les arrangements de garde des enfants montrent les limites qu’imposent à la fois les conditions de travail et de rémunération de même que la ségrégation professionnelle selon le genre. De plus, la division du travail domestique dans les couples rencontrés rend compte du maintien de la division sexuelle du travail. Nos analyses montrent aussi que les arrangements financiers des couples peuvent être décrits à partir des logiques des modes de gestion (mise en commun des revenus ou partage des dépenses), mais que des dimensions de la gestion de l’argent doivent également être abordées (propriété de l’argent, accès à l’argent, contrôle de l’argent et responsabilité du travail de gestion financière). En observant ces quatre dimensions, nous pouvons prendre la pleine mesure de la complexité des arrangements financiers. Étroitement liées entre elles, elles rendent compte de la prégnance des rapports sociaux de sexe au sein des couples. Que ce soit dans la façon de percevoir ses revenus, au-delà de leur source, des liens qui se maintiennent toujours entre la maternité et le dévouement attendu envers ses enfants et le type de dépenses faites, ou de la continuité entre la responsabilité du travail domestique et du travail de gestion financière dans les couples où l’argent est limité, etc., la division sexuelle du travail imprègne fortement les significations de l’argent ainsi que les arrangements financiers observés au sein des couples. Enfin, tant la mise en place des arrangements conjugaux étudiés que la satisfaction que les personnes participantes en ont reflètent les logiques de la division sexuelle du travail, de la signification sociale de l’argent et des règles de la sémantique de la conjugalité contemporaine (fiction de la durée, investissement continu dans la relation, communication, altruisme ou désintérêt, réciprocité différée et confiance). Contrairement à l’idée répandue voulant que les hommes et les femmes en couples hétérosexuels, en tant qu’individus indépendants et égaux, négocient leurs arrangements, nous affirmons, d’une part, qu’ils et elles n’ont pas autant le « choix » qu’il y parait et que, d’autre part, la communication n’est pas le moyen par lequel les arrangements sont mis en place. / This doctoral dissertation is centred on the arrangements of couples of low-income Québec heterosexual parents by focusing on the practices and meanings put forward in the stories of those interviewed. Its main purpose is to identify couples’ arrangements with regard to the division of labour and money management and, more specifically, to 1) describe these arrangements, 2) identify the articulation between the division of labour and financial management between spouses, and 3) identify gaps and convergences between the practices and the meanings of these arrangements in the narrative of the participants. Based on the analysis of 30 semi-structured interviews conducted with an inductive and comprehensive perspective with 17 women and 13 men, we bring to light the entanglement between the sexual division of labor, the social meaning of money and the semantics of contemporary conjugality to grasp the complexity of the arrangements described. Our analysis shows that women's occupational trajectories are very marked by motherhood, unlike those of men for whom factors outside the family explain the changes. The use of parental leave as well as childcare arrangements show the limits imposed by both working and remuneration conditions as well as occupational segregation by gender. In addition, the division of domestic work among the couples met reflects the maintenance of the sexual division of labour. Our analysis also shows that couples' financial arrangements can be described from the logic of management methods (pooling income or sharing expenses), but that money management dimensions also need to be addressed. By observing the property of money, access to money, control of money and moneywork, we can take full measure of the complexity of the financial arrangements. Closely linked, these four dimensions reflect the importance of the social relations of the sexes within couples. Whether it is in the way of perceiving one's income, the links that are still maintained between maternity and the expected dedication towards the children and the types of expenses made, or the continuity between the responsibility of domestic work and moneywork in couples where money is limited, etc., the sexual division of labour strongly imbues the meaning of money as well as the financial arrangements observed within couples. Finally, both the set up of the couples’ arrangements studied and the satisfaction of the participants reflect the logic of the sexual division of labour, the social meaning of money and the rules of the semantics of contemporary conjugality (fiction duration, continuous investment in the relationship, communication, altruism or disinterest, delayed reciprocity and trust). Contrary to popular belief that men and women in heterosexual couples, as independent and equal individuals, negotiate their arrangements, we affirm, on the one hand, that they do not have as much “choice,” and that, on the other hand, communication is not the means by which arrangements are put in place.