Then the process of Enlargement has started, it was expected that Accession of much more agrarian and less developed countries from Eastern and Central Europe, compared to the Member States at that time, should encourage the radical reforms of the EU redistributive policies – Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) and Cohesion Policy. Some researchers provided with numbers proving that Enlargement without reforming the EU redistributive policies would substantially increase the funding for implementation of these policies. While the other group of scientists noticed that the Enlargement process is getting momentum, whereas the internal EU reforms are postponing. The decision on the CAP reform was taken in 2003 by the Agricultural Council, while the Cohesion Policy reform was agreed in the Brussels European Council of 2005. In the Commission’s reform proposals as well as during Member States’ negotiations much attention was paid, especially in the case of the Cohesion Policy reform, to the challenges of Enlargement. In this paper the aforementioned last reforms of the EU redistributive policies are analysed: the CAP reform of 2002–2003 and the Cohesion Policy reform of 2004–2006 aiming to evaluate the impact of Enlargement on the Commission’s reform proposals and the reform results. It is argued that the factor of Enlargement, although in the Commission’s reform proposals was emphasised as encouraging to reform the CAP and the Cohesion Policy radically, in reality for the EU... [to full text] / Prasidėjus ES plėtros procesui buvo pradėta kalbėti apie tai, kad kur kas labiau agrarinių ir silpniau išsivysčiusių, palyginus su tuometinėmis ES valstybėmis narėmis, Rytų ir Vidurio Europos valstybių prisijungimas paskatins ES perskirstomųjų politikų – Bendrosios žemės ūkio politikos (BŽŪP) ir Sanglaudos politikos – radikalias reformas. Tyrinėtojai pateikinėjo skaičius, įrodančius, kad plėtra, ES perskirstomųjų politikų nereformavus, stipriai padidins ir taip dideles šių politikų įgyvendinimui skiriamas lėšas. Tuo tarpu kiti tyrinėtojai atkreipė dėmesį į pagreitį įgaunantį plėtros procesą bei vis atidedamas vidines ES reformas. Dėl BŽŪP reformos buvo sutarta 2003 m. Žemės ūkio ministrų taryboje, o dėl Sanglaudos politikos reformos – 2005 m. Briuselio Europos Viršūnių Taryboje. Europos Komisijos pasiūlymuose ir valstybių narių derybų dėl reformų eigoje daug dėmesio, ypač Sanglaudos politikos reformos atveju, buvo skiriama ES plėtros iššūkių akcentavimui. Šiame darbe išsamiai nagrinėjamos dvi minėtos paskutinės ES perskirstomųjų politikų reformos: 2002–2003 m. BŽŪP reforma ir 2004–2006 m. Sanglaudos politikos reforma, siekiant įvertinti, kokį iš tikrųjų poveikį Europos Komisijos pateiktiems reformų pasiūlymams ir reformų rezultatams turėjo ES plėtra. Darbe įrodinėjama, kad ES plėtros veiksnys, nors Europos Komisijos pasiūlymuose buvo akcentuojamas kaip skatinantis iš esmės reformuoti BŽŪP ir Sanglaudos politiką, iš tikrųjų minėtoms ES perskirstomųjų politikų reformoms... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]

Prasidėjus ES plėtros procesui buvo pradėta kalbėti apie tai, kad kur kas labiau agrarinių ir silpniau išsivysčiusių, palyginus su tuometinėmis ES valstybėmis narėmis, Rytų ir Vidurio Europos valstybių prisijungimas paskatins ES perskirstomųjų politikų – Bendrosios žemės ūkio politikos (BŽŪP) ir Sanglaudos politikos – radikalias reformas. Tyrinėtojai pateikinėjo skaičius, įrodančius, kad plėtra, ES perskirstomųjų politikų nereformavus, stipriai padidins ir taip dideles šių politikų įgyvendinimui skiriamas lėšas. Tuo tarpu kiti tyrinėtojai atkreipė dėmesį į pagreitį įgaunantį plėtros procesą bei vis atidedamas vidines ES reformas. Dėl BŽŪP reformos buvo sutarta 2003 m. Žemės ūkio ministrų taryboje, o dėl Sanglaudos politikos reformos – 2005 m. Briuselio Europos Viršūnių Taryboje. Europos Komisijos pasiūlymuose ir valstybių narių derybų dėl reformų eigoje daug dėmesio, ypač Sanglaudos politikos reformos atveju, buvo skiriama ES plėtros iššūkių akcentavimui. Šiame darbe išsamiai nagrinėjamos dvi minėtos paskutinės ES perskirstomųjų politikų reformos: 2002–2003 m. BŽŪP reforma ir 2004–2006 m. Sanglaudos politikos reforma, siekiant įvertinti, kokį iš tikrųjų poveikį Europos Komisijos pateiktiems reformų pasiūlymams ir reformų rezultatams turėjo ES plėtra. Darbe įrodinėjama, kad ES plėtros veiksnys, nors Europos Komisijos pasiūlymuose buvo akcentuojamas kaip skatinantis iš esmės reformuoti BŽŪP ir Sanglaudos politiką, iš tikrųjų minėtoms ES perskirstomųjų politikų reformoms... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / Then the process of Enlargement has started, it was expected that Accession of much more agrarian and less developed countries from Eastern and Central Europe, compared to the Member States at that time, should encourage the radical reforms of the EU redistributive policies – Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) and Cohesion Policy. Some researchers provided with numbers proving that Enlargement without reforming the EU redistributive policies would substantially increase the funding for implementation of these policies. While the other group of scientists noticed that the Enlargement process is getting momentum, whereas the internal EU reforms are postponing. The decision on the CAP reform was taken in 2003 by the Agricultural Council, while the Cohesion Policy reform was agreed in the Brussels European Council of 2005. In the Commission’s reform proposals as well as during Member States’ negotiations much attention was paid, especially in the case of the Cohesion Policy reform, to the challenges of Enlargement. In this paper the aforementioned last reforms of the EU redistributive policies are analysed: the CAP reform of 2002–2003 and the Cohesion Policy reform of 2004–2006 aiming to evaluate the impact of Enlargement on the Commission’s reform proposals and the reform results. It is argued that the factor of Enlargement, although in the Commission’s reform proposals was emphasised as encouraging to reform the CAP and the Cohesion Policy radically, in reality for the EU... [to full text]

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The theme of this thesis is the enlargement of the EU and NATO, and Russia's response to such expansion. The aim of this work is to analyze whether the expansion of these institutions after the end of the Cold War is creating a new dividing line in Europe. The analysis is embedded in a constructivist theoretical perspective. I will therefore examine the distinct identities of the West (for purposes of this work represented by the EU and NATO) and Russia. These different identities should cause that the actors perceive the EU and NATO enlargements from a different perspective. Different vision of certain reality then creates tension between the two "value blocks" and thus may resemble the Cold War.

This diploma thesis examines with the Dutch attitude towards enlargement of the European Union. In Netherlands the EU enlargement is a politically sensitive issue. Dutch foreign policy is traditionally closely connected with the concept of "merchant and the vicar", reflecting both values of the society and national interests. Interestingly the attitude of the government, reflecting the public opinion, is much more conservative compared to other member states and strictly support the democratic conditionality as the core strategy of the EU to induce candidate states to comply with its human rights and democracy standards. Netherlands gives also special value to the need to give particular regards to the current absorption capacity of EU. The main purpose of the thesis is to evaluate to what extent is the official attitude of the Dutch government towards enlargement shaped by either interests or values of the society as a whole. I put the current Dutch attitude in the context of the current development in Serbia, as the most significant candidate state form the region of Western Balkans and Iceland. The thesis analyses two very similar cases: the cooperation with the ICTY in Hague and the Icesave dispute. Netherlands has long and persistently blocked the accession negotiations with Iceland and...

The European Union have continued to grow since its inception with more and more nations becoming member states. In 2016 that changed, when, for the first time, a member state decided to leave, and the EU might explore its enlargement strategy to fill the void left by the United Kingdom. Turkey is a potential addition to the EU, one that could provide a valuable ally from both a monetary and a security perspective. However, there are some doubts regarding democracy in the country, which is one of the cornerstones of the EU. This paper is a qualitative case study that examines Turkish democracy in the period of 2011-2021, and its alignment with the EU accession criteria. Robert Dahl’s famous definition of democracy will be used as the theoretical framework of the study, and the European Commission’s own reports on Turkey’s progress on the EU accession criteria will be the material used for the analysis. The main conclusion of the study is that Turkish democracy is in sharp decline, and fundamental freedoms are regressing in the country. The negotiations have stalled in the wake of the coup attempt in 2016, and restrictive and anti-democratic measures introduced by the government has brought Turkey further away from having a realistic chance of becoming a member state. Future research could focus on other aspects of the Turkey-EU accession talks, for example the economic criteria.

This thesis deals with European policy of the SPD, the oldest and biggest German left-wing political party. The main focus is on time period from 1998 to 2005, when Gerhard Schröder's government was in power. The aim of this thesis is to describe the social democratic change in approach to European policy. The study also examines three SPD internal debates about "Neue Mitte", European finality and first eastern enlargement of the European Union. The European policy of the German Social Democrats has undergone a significant change since 1998. The party became more assertive, pragmatic and realistic.

Diese Arbeit hat zum Ziel, marktunterstützende institutionelle Reformen im Transformationsprozess zu analysieren. Als Einstieg in die Thematik wird die Aufnahme mittel- und osteuropäischer Länder in die Europäische Union mit der zurückliegenden Süderweiterung der Europäischen Gemeinschaft verglichen. Die folgenden Kapitel befassen sich mit der Bedeutung weicher Budgetbeschränkungen in Transformationsökonomien. Zunächst werden anhand von Daten bulgarischer und rumänischer Unternehmen theoretische Erklärungsansätze für weiche Budgetbeschränkungen getestet. Im anschließenden Teil wird analysiert, ob Handelskredite einen Teil der normalen Geschäftspraxis darstellen oder ob Handelskredite starke Handelsverflechtungen zwischen Unternehmen unterstützen und damit die Wahrscheinlichkeit von weichen Budgetbeschränkungen erhöhen können. Im empirischen Teil werden Daten aus Ungarn und Rumänien verwendet, die aus Unternehmensbefragungen stammen. Im letzten Kapitel wird die Unternehmensebene verlassen und mit makroökonomischen Daten gearbeitet. Ziel ist es hier, den Einfluss institutioneller Reformen auf das Wirtschaftswachstum zu testen. / Main objective of this work is to analyse market-supporting institutional reforms in the transition process. In the first part of the dissertation, the upcoming enlargement of the European Union towards the east is compared with the earlier southern enlargement. Research in the following chapters is devoted to the problem of soft budget constraints in transition countries. Firstly, theories on the causes of soft budget constraints are empirically tested. Therefore a panel data set consisting of company account data for Bulgarian and Romanian firms is used. Secondly, firm-level survey data from Hungary and Romania is used to test whether trade credits are just part of normal business practice or whether trade credits are representing a systematic phenomenon supporting soft budget constraints of firms in transition. Thirdly, macroeconomic data is utilised to illustrate the impact of implementing institutional change on economic performance.

地中海島嶼賽普勒斯，於1960年脫離英國統治，建立賽普勒斯共和國。島上兩大族裔－希臘裔與土耳其裔居民，長久以來對於生存權力之競奪，導致國內動亂不斷。1974年，賽普勒斯發生憲政危機，土耳其派兵佔領賽島北部36.4%之領土，賽普勒斯遂成為分裂國家。 1990年，賽普勒斯向歐盟提出入會申請。賽普勒斯入會案，為其本身之政治分裂問題、聯合國調停行動，以及土耳其、希臘、歐盟三方關係，投下新的變數。在歐盟第五波擴大的十個新會員國當中，賽普勒斯之政治情況最為特殊，所牽涉之議題最為廣泛。本文旨在研究賽普勒斯加入歐盟之過程，並分析其動機、影響其入會過程之變數、以及入會後所產生之影響。 / As a small island located in the East Mediterranean, Cyprus decolonized from British domination in 1960. It was named The Republic of Cyprus. The perennial political distemper in the country is derived from contending for political powers and living resources between the two main ethnic groups – the Greek and Turkish Cypriots. In 1974, after the constitutional crisis of Cyprus, the Turkish army invaded the northern part of the country and occupied 36.4% of its territory. Thereupon Cyprus became a divided country. In 1990, the Cyprus government applied to the European Union for membership. Cyprus’ application for EU membership had unprecedented effects on Cyprus’ political problem, particularly for UN mediation in Cyprus and the tripartite relationship between Greece, Turkey and the EU. Compared to the nine new member states that joined the EU in 2004, Cyprus is in the most complicated political situation. This thesis focuses on Cyprus’ accession to the EU. The author analyzes Cyprus’ motivation for its application for EU membership, variables which affect its accessing process and the effects after joining the EU.

Diese Arbeit untersucht, inwieweit sich die Präferenzen polnischer politischer Parteien in der Europapolitik Polens widerspiegeln. Es wird dabei davon ausgegangen, dass die Parteipräferenzen signifikanten Einfluss auf die Gestaltung der politischen Praxis ausüben und so einen Spezialfall der liberalen Theorie der Internationalen Politik darstellen. Diese Abhandlung beschreibt die Überprüfung der genannten Hypothese und fasst die Ergebnisse des Verfahrens zusammen. Diese sprechen gegen eine parteizentrische Interpretation der liberalen Theorie in der internationalen Politik.