Na construção do discurso ainda incipiente de Timor Leste, Ruy Cinatti e Luis Cardoso são autores fundamentais. Ambos constroem discursos sobre Timor, calcados na necessidade de se pensar as questões identitárias. Com seu caráter multifacetado, Cinatti apresenta uma visão bastante ampla dos timorenses e de seu território, através de sua obra poética e também dos seus inúmeros estudos científicos sobre o local e seus habitantes. Cinatti é, sem dúvida, um dos poucos poetas que articulam ciência e poesia, inaugurando uma nova visão de Timor. É fundamental perceber também como houve, para ele, uma evolução na imagem do timorense, ou seja, como ele deixa de ser um simples elemento exótico, numa paisagem por si só já exótica, e passa a figurar como elemento de destaque. Durante os diversos períodos em que esteve no território timorense, Ruy Cinatti escreveu diversos estudos científicos, além das poesias. A análise de alguns desses documentos complementa a leitura da obra poética do autor. As inúmeras fotos tiradas por ele, bem como os registros em filme, também são elementos fundamentais para a compreensão global do discurso cinattiano acerca de Timor. Ruy Cinatti, assim como o conjunto da sua obra, influenciou o romancista timorense Luís Cardoso, que lança mão da memória para narrar acontecimentos pessoais, sempre ligados a fatos históricos do Timor. Utiliza-se constantemente da memória não-oficial para recuperar a história que não foi registrada. Sua narrativa tem fortes características da literatura oral, com pinceladas de realismo fantástico. O presente trabalho procura traçar um paralelo entre esses dois autores, mostrando como cada um constrói a sua própria imagem de Timor, e perceber como Timor se vai desenhando na narrativa desses dois autores. / In the construction of the still incipient discourse on East Timor, Ruy Cinatti and Luis Cardoso are fundamentally important authors. Both build discourses about Timor based on the need to think about questions of identity. With his multifarious character, Cinatti presents a broad overview of the Timorese and their territory, through his poetic work and also through his countless scientific studies about the place and its inhabitants. Cinatti is, beyond doubt, one of the few poets to articulate science and poetry, introducing a new vision of Timor. It is also crucial to perceive how there was, in his case, an evolution in the image of the East Timorese, or, in other words, how he ceases to be a simple exotic element, in a landscape in itself exotic, and then appears as an outstanding element. During the several periods he spent in the territory of East Timor, Ruy Cinatti wrote many scientific studies, in addition to poetry. The analysis of some of these documents complements the reading of the authors poetry. The countless photos he took, as well as records on film, are also crucial elements in an overall understanding of Cinattis discourse about Timor. Ruy Cinatti, as well as all of his work, influenced the Timorese novelist Luís Cardoso, who makes use of memory to narrate personal events, always linked to historical facts about Timor. He constantly uses the unofficial memory to retrieve the history that was not recorded. His narrative has strong features of oral literature, with touches of fantastic realism. The present work searches to draw a parallel between these two authors, showing how each builds his own image of Timor, and to understand how Timor is pictured in the narrative of these two authors.

Este trabalho tem como escopo analisar, sob o viés dos estudos do discurso e da linguagem, como se edificam discursivamente identidades para o povo leste-timorense. Para tanto, a partir do tratamento qualitativo dos elementos dos corpora, observamos os procedimentos linguístico-discursivos relacionados à ativação/construção/mobilização de frames, à construção de objetos de discurso e à patemização. Nossos corpora são compostos por dez discursos pronunciados por Xanana Gusmão em dois momentos distintos da história de Timor-Leste: no período em que atuou como guerrilheiro durante a ocupação indonésia (entre 1982 e 1993) e, posteriormente, quando ocupou o cargo de Presidente da República (entre 2001 e 2006). O desenvolvimento do trabalho está articulado em torno de cinco eixos de estudo: História, Identidade, Cognição, Análise Crítica do Discurso e Argumentação. Quanto ao aporte teórico, recorremos às pesquisas de Anderson (1993/2009), Chomsky (2015, 1999 e 1987), Durand (2009), Felgas (1956), Magalhães (1999), Ribeiro (2004), SantAnna (1997) e Thomaz (2008 e 2002), para tratar das questões de cunho histórico; no âmbito da identidade, buscamos subsídio, fundamentalmente, nos trabalhos de Moita Lopes (2006), Mendes (2005), Hall (2006, 2000) e Moscovici (2006); no que concerne aos estudos do discurso, relativamente à construção de objetos de discurso e aos frames, como elementos de natureza cognitiva, serviram-nos como fundamento as obras de Fávero (2009), Marcuschi (2007, 2005 e 2002), Aquino (2016 e 1991), Aquino e Palumbo (2018); Koch (2005, 2004, 2002 e 2001), Goffman (2006 [1974]), Fillmore (2009 [1982]) e Mondada e Dubois (2003 [1995]); por fim, no que concerne à argumentação e à análise crítica do discurso, recorremos aos trabalhos de Perelman e Olbrechts-Tyteca (1999 [1958]) van Dijk (2015, 2008, 1994 e 1983), Fairclough (2009) e Aquino (1997), respectivamente. As análises permitiram-nos identificar que os distintos projetos de construção de identidades leste-timorenses representados pelos discursos de Xanana Gusmão nos períodos analisados fundam-se em pelo menos dois frames proeminentes: o de Guerra e o de Família, durante o Período Indonésio, e o de Guerra e o de Povo Genérico, no momento Pós-Indonésio. Desse modo, observamos que a complexidade de que se reveste o conceito de identidade, para além das questões de ordem social e que se refletem nas discursivas, também se deve aos procedimentos discursivos e sociocognitivos que lhe dão forma. Os discursos de Xanana Gusmão, portanto, não apenas discorrem sobre a realidade e os anseios de transformá-la, mas atuam na construção dela, bem como na de seus personagens, atribuindo-lhes identidades que estejam em conformidade com seus projetos de dizer. / This work aims to analyze, as part of the study of discourse and language, how identities are discursively built for East Timorese people. Therefore, from the qualitative treatment of the elements of corpora, the linguistic-discursive procedures are observed related to the activation/construction/mobilization of frames, to the construction of speech objects and to pathemization. Our corpora are composed by ten speeches delivered by Xanana Gusmão in two different moments in the history of East Timor: during his period as a guerrilla during the Indonesian occupation (between 1982 and 1993) and later when he was the President (between 2001 and 2006). The development of this work is articulated around five pillars of research: History, Identity, Cognition, Critical Discourse Analysis and Argumentation. As for the theoretical contribution, we used the research of Anderson (1993/2009), Chomsky (2015, 1999 and 1987), Durand (2009), Felgas (1956), Magalhães (1999), Ribeiro (2004), Sant\'Anna (1997) and Thomaz (2008 and 2002), to deal with historical issues; in the scope of identity, we sought support, fundamentally, in the works of Moita Lopes (2006), Mendes (2005), Hall (2006, 2000) and Moscovici (2006); what concerns discourse studies, regarding the construction of discourse objects and frames, as elements of a cognitive nature, we made use of the works of Fávero (2009), Marcuschi (2007, 2005 and 2002), Aquino (2016 and 1991), Aquino and Palumbo (2018); Koch (2005, 2004, 2002 and 2001), Goffman (2006 [1974]), Fillmore (2009 [1982]) and Mondada and Dubois (2003 [1995]); finally, with regard to the argumentation and critical analysis of the discourse, we resorted to the works of Perelman and Olbrechts-Tyteca (1999 [1958]) van Dijk (2015, 2008, 1994 and 1983), Fairclough (2009) and Aquino (1997). The analyzes allowed us to identify that the distinct projects of construction of the East Timorese identities represented by Xanana Gusmão\'s discourses in the analyzed periods are based on at least two prominent frames: War and Family, during the \"Indonesian Period\" , and War and Generic People, in the \"Post-Indonesian\" period. Thus, we observe that the complexity of the concept of identity, beyond social issues and reflected in the discourses, is also due to the discursive and socio-cognitive procedures that shape them. The discourses of Xanana Gusmão, therefore, not only discuss the reality and the yearnings to transform it, but act in the construction of it, as well as of its characters, attributing to them identities that are in conformity with his speech project.

Esta pesquisa tem por objetivo analisar a proposta pedagógica da Escola Canossa, bem como suas relações com os dispositivos legais pósindependência, os quais regulamentam a política educacional na República Democrática de Timor-Leste. Analisa-se ainda a sua contribuição ao processo educativo nacional. Para tanto, parte-se do estudo da Lei de Educação Básica da RDTL, destacando o paradigma da educação integral, proposto para fundamentar o currículo das escolas timorenses, situando-a no contexto sociocultural e educacional do país, após os conflitos da independência. Também retoma a gênese histórica da implantação da Escola Canossiana em Timor-Leste, analisando sua proposta educacional, cujas bases são buscadas na tradição filosófica. Ao final, discutem-se as condições e o alcance das contribuições que essa proposta pode trazer ao emergente processo civilizatório do país. Como fontes além da literatura filosófica educacional pertinente foram explorados os documentos oficiais do Estado e da Instituição Canossiana. O trabalho terá como resultado a apresentação de subsídios para a complementação, o aprimoramento a educação timorense. / This study has as its aim the pedagogical proposal for the Canossian School, its relations with the legal provisions prevailing post-independence educational policy in the Democratic Republic of East Timor, as well as its contribution to national education process. Therefore, including of this study the Basic Education Decree of (RDTL), which highlighting the paradigm of integral education offered to sustain the curriculum of Timorese schools, placing it in the context of socio- cultural and the educational in the state post conflicts after independence. It also incorporates the historical genesis of the establishment of Canossian School in East Timor, analyzing its educational proposal, whose bases are sought in the philosophical tradition. Eventually, discuss the conditions and extent of contributions that can bring this proposal to the emerging process of civilization of the country. As methodological sources besides the philosophical literature - education were explored relevant official documents of the State and the Canossian Institute. The work will result in the presentation of grants to supplement, improving Timorese education.

The differences in the international responses to the violent conflicts in East Timor (1998–1999), Maluku (1999–2003) and Aceh (1998–2005) are examined in this research. Given the growing acceptance of the significance of the use of military force for humanitarian purposes, the humanitarian crises in Maluku and Aceh might prima facie have justified humanitarian intervention similar to that in East Timor. By analysing the differences from the Indonesia’s domestic political point of view it is clear that the conscience-shocking situation caused by the violent conflicts was not the compelling factor for the international community to militarily intervene. The deployment of a multinational force in East Timor (INTERFET) was decided only after the UN and foreign major countries believed that such military intervention would not jeopardize the ongoing process of democratization in Indonesia. This suggested that Indonesia’s domestic circumstance was central to whether a similar measure in Maluku and Aceh would take place or not. Due to the reformasi (political reform) in Indonesia within which the independence of East Timor took place, two main changes within Indonesian politics, namely the growing sentiment of anti-international intervention and the continuing democratization process, helped to ensure that humanitarian intervention in the two other regions did not happen. / These two conditions were fortified by the increasingly consolidated democratic politics which brought the communal conflict in Maluku to the Malino Peace Agreement. The emergence of a stronger and democratic government in Indonesia, furthermore, made cooperation with the international community possible in seeking a peaceful resolution to the armed conflict in Aceh. By involving the Crisis Management Initiative (CMI) the government of Indonesia and the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) agreed to the Helsinki peace agreement and accepted the role of the Aceh Monitoring Mission (AMM) to secure its implementation. Thus, a strong democratic government made an international military intervention for humanitarian purposes unnecessary.

In 1975 Indonesian forces invaded Dili, the capital of East Timor. The invasion and ensuing occupation forced thousands of East Timorese to leave their homes and seek refuge in Australia and other countries. This study considers the situation of a particular group of East Timorese refugees: those who fled to Australia during the 1990s and who were children or young adolescents at the time of their flight. Founded upon an understanding of social identity as being constantly transformed though a dialectic relation between the individual and his or her sociocultural surroundings, this dissertation considers the consequences of refugee experiences on individual identity and belonging, as well as the processes of conceptualising self and negotiating identity within changing social and cultural structures. The relationship between conflict and flight, resettlement, acculturation, identity and attachment is explored, and particular attention is given to issues of socialisation and categorisation, age and agency, hybridity, and ambiguity. Through a qualitative anthropological methodology informed by theories of cultural identity, adolescence and cross-cultural socialisation, the thesis seeks to shed light on the various dynamics that have influenced the young East Timorese people’s identity and sense of belonging, and considers the impact of acculturation and socialisation into a new culture at a critical period of the young people’s lives. / Masters Thesis

This thesis presents a study of John Howard’s leadership of Australian foreign policy from 1996 to 2003. It documents and examines the way in which John Howard, Australia’s national leader, managed the complex challenges presented by two major events in Australian foreign policy: the East Timor crisis and the war against Iraq. Because it is the national leader who speaks for the nation, the manner in which the Prime Minister articulates and communicates the country’s foreign policy is vitally important, both domestically and internationally. Two theoretical concepts—constant scanning and multidimensional diplomacy—are proposed and developed in this thesis to explore and analyse how national leaders, situated at the nexus of domestic and foreign concerns, manage the distinctive challenges presented to them in this position. They also assist in understanding and explaining John Howard’s particular approach to these two major foreign policy issues. This study demonstrates that both constant scanning and multidimensional diplomacy are useful descriptive and normative tools for examining ways in which national leaders communicate and implement their foreign policies in the increasingly interconnected political landscape. By tracing and documenting the trajectory of Howard’s foreign policy, this study finds that his skill and confidence in the area of foreign policy, and his command and control of the foreign policy process, all increased over time. The evidence also suggests that he developed a greater awareness of the need to employ both constant scanning and multidimensional diplomacy. However, as this study shows, his absolute commitment to the ANZUS alliance saw him relinquish the responsibility to employ them in the case of Iraq. This study draws on exisiting knowledge in the areas of leadership, political science and international relations as a basis for testing the proposed concepts of constant scanning and multidimensional diplomacy. It then explores the wider application of these approaches for leaders striving to balance domestic and international concerns and considers their importance for the security and stability of the international system.

In this thesis I investigate the process of international negotiation to resolve a serious dispute between Australia and East Timor over offshore oil and gas, which arose after East Timor’s transition to independence in 1999. The central aim is to uncover and analyse the dynamics of the negotiations, and to explain how outcomes were determined. The question of negotiated outcomes is of special significance given the extent to which East Timor was able to move Australia beyond its preferred outcome. In this case, the seemingly weaker party was able to overcome a more powerful bargaining opponent. My aim in writing this thesis is to explain why that was possible and how it was achieved.

For over two decades the issue of East Timor's right to self-determination has been a ‘prickly’ issue in Australian foreign policy. The invasion by Indonesian forces in 1975 was expected, as Australian policy-makers had been well informed of the events leading up to the punitive action being taken. Indeed, prior discussions involving the future of the territory were held between the Australian Prime Minister and the Indonesian President in 1974. In response to the events unfolding in the territory the Australian Labor Government at the time was presented with two policy options for dealing with the issue. The Department of Defence recommended the recognition of an independent East Timor; whereas the Department of Foreign Affairs proposed that Australia disengage itself as far as possible from the issue. The decision had ramifications for future policy considerations especially with changes in government. With the Department of Foreign Affairs option being the prevailing policy what were the essential ingredients that give explanation for the government's choice? It is important to note the existence of the continuity and cyclical nature of attitudes by Labor governments toward Indonesia before and after the invasion. To do so requires an analysis of the influence ‘Doc’ Evatt had in shaping any possible Labor tradition in foreign policy articulation. The support given by Evatt for the decolonisation of the Netherlands East Indies (Indonesia) gave rise to the development of a special relationship-so defined. Evidence of the effect Evatt had on future Labor governments may be found in the opinions of Gough Whitlam. In 1975 when he was Prime Minister, Whitlam felt the East Timor issue was merely the finalisation of Indonesia's decolonisation honouring Evatt's long held anti-colonialist tradition existing in the Australian Labor Party. The early predisposition toward Indonesia's cohesiveness surfaced again in the Hawke and Keating Labor governments of later years. It did not vary a great deal with changes in government The on-going commitment to preserving and strengthening the bilateral relationship meant Indonesia's territorial integrity became the focus of the Australian political elites’ regional foreign policy determinations. The actions taken by policy-makers served to promote the desire for a stable region ahead of independence claims of the East Timorese. From a realist perspective, the security dilemma for Australian policy-makers was how to best promote regional order and stability in the South East Asian region. The desire for regional cohesiveness and stability continues to drive Australian political elites to promote policies that gives a priority to the territorial integrity of regional states. Indonesia, in spite of its diversity, was only ever thought of as a cohesive unitary state and changes to its construct have rarely been countenanced. Australia's political elite justifications for this stance vacillate between strategic and economic considerations, ideological (anti-colonialism) to one of being a pragmatic response to international politics. The political elite argues the projection of power into the region is in Australia’s national interest. The policies from one government to the next necessarily see the national interest as being an apparent fixed feature of foreign policy. The persistent fear of invasion from the north traditionally motivated Australia's political elite to adopt a strategic realist policy that sought to ‘shore up’ the stability, strength and unity of Indonesia. The national interest was deemed to be at risk if support for East Timorese independence was given. The national interest though can involve more than just the security issue, and the political elite when dealing with East Timor assumed that they were acting in the common good. Questions that need to be addressed include determining what is the national interest in this context? What is the effect of a government invoking the national interest in debates over issues in foreign policy? And, who should participate in the debate? In an effort to answer these questions an analysis of how the ex-foreign affairs mandarin Richard Woolcott defines the national interest becomes crucial. Clearly, conflict in East Timor did have implications for the national interest. The invasion of East Timor by Indonesia had the potential to damage the relationship, but equally communist successes in 1975 in Indo-China raised Australia's regional security concerns. During the Cold War, the linking of communism to nationalism was driving the decision-making processes of the Australian policy-makers striving to come to grips with the strategic realities of a changing region. Because of this, did the constraints of world politics dominated by Cold War realities combined with domestic political disruption have anything to do with Australia's response? Certainly, Australia itself was experiencing a constitutional crisis in late 1975. The Senate had blocked supply and the Labor Government did not have the funds to govern. The Governor-General by dismissing the Labor Government finally resolved the impasse. What were the reactions of the two men charged with the responsibility of forming the caretaker government toward Indonesia's military action? And, could the crisis have prevented the Australian government from making a different response to the invasion? Importantly, and in terms of economic security, did the knowledge of oil and gas deposits thought to exist in the Timor Sea influence Australia's foreign policy? The search for oil and gas requires a stable political environment in which to operate. Therefore for exploration to continue in the Timor Sea Australia must have had a preferred political option and thoughts of with whom they preferred to negotiate. What was the extent of each government's cooperation and intervention in the oil and gas industry and could any involvement have influenced the Australian political elites’ attitude toward the prospect of an independent East Timor? Australia's subsequent de jure recognition that East Timor was part of Indonesia paved the way for the Timor Gap (Zone of Cooperation) Treaty signing in 1989. The signing underpinned Australia's acceptance of Indonesian sovereignty over East Timor. The outcome of the analysis of the issues that shaped Australia's foreign policy toward East Timor showed that the political elite became locked into an integration model, which was defended by successive governments. Moreover, they formed an almost reflexive defence of Indonesia both at the domestic and international level.

This thesis explores the roles and experiences of local East Timorese non-government organisations through the multiple transitions which accompanied East Timor's process of independence in the period 1999-2004. It explores how NGOs attempted to influence the changing environment in which they were operating, particularly in the development of the new nation. In doing so, it examines how the actual experience of these local NGOs relates to theories of civil society and NGOs in the various phases of transition to democracy, state and nation building and post-conflict peacebuilding. After reviewing literature relating to the role of civil society and NGOs in democratisation, development and peacebuilding, and identifying some key issues to explore, the study turns to the particular context of East Timor. It summarizes the colonial history, with a particular focus on governance, development and the emergence of civil society and NGOs in that territory, and the phases of the transition. It then focuses closely on six leading East Timorese NGOs, which between them reflect different organisational origins and sectoral interests and which were perceived to be playing significant roles within the NGO community. The case study chapters describe briefly the history of each NGO, then trace their stories over an approximately five year period. They explore how the visions, strategies, programs and organisational systems of these NGOs changed as the context changed. The case studies show how adaptive these NGOs were, how excluded some of them were by the huge influx of international players after the ballot, but how, in the absence of a legitimate government, they were included in various processes in a number of important ways during the UNTAET period. These studies also reveal some of the challenges the NGOs faced as the new government took over in May 2002. The study concludes by summarising the changing roles and capacities of the NGOs, highlighting the many roles which local NGOs played throughout the study period, and the way in which they met new demands placed upon them. It identifies capacities critical for these NGOs' survival and development, and identifies some strategies which the NGOs themselves identified as useful in helping them attain these. It also identifies some areas which they found challenging and where more capacity development may have been valuable. Finally the study reflects on the actual experiences of Timorese NGOs compared to theory and experiences elsewhere relating to democracy, development and peacebuilding. The findings, which emphasise the changing relationship of the new state to its citizens, suggest that the civil society and development practice, which has been strongly based on de Tocqueville's approach to civil society, is not particularly helpful in a post-conflict setting. Instead, an adapted Gramscian approach, viewing civil and political society as interrelated sites in which a struggle to embed non-violent means of apportioning power are being waged, could be of greater analytic and practical value.

The main aim of this dissertation is to analyze the idea and practice of handing over the administration of a territory to the United Nations on a temporary basis in response to manage and settle the consequences of a dispute concerning the future status of that territory. The United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) and the United Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor (UNTAET) are novel examples in this respect since they present both the opportunities offered and the challenges experienced by the international administrations and give clear guidelines for the future state-building engagements. Since the end of the Cold War, there emerged a definitive trend toward accepting a more interventionary role for the UN. Taking the changing nature of interventionism into account, within the scope of this dissertation, the foremost focus will be on the post-intervention period where peacebuilding and state-building processes take place in war-torn societies. Thereby, international transitional administrations which represent the most complex and comprehensive peace operations attempted by the United Nations will be the focal point of the study. Since such administrations assume some or all of the sovereign powers of an independent state, in a period when neo-interventionism and suspended or conditional sovereignty are debated, the degree of executive, legislative and judicial authority assumed by transitional administrations is worth to consider.