Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:34:36Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Luiz Roberto Ribeiro Bueno.pdf: 825768 bytes, checksum: 09ef1f0402e81a1f926308dc3771375c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-02-26 / This dissertation deals with the right to health. It is pointed out that this right nowadays belongs, due to the Constitution of the Federative Republic of Brasil, no longer to the field of natural law, but, precisely, to the field of positive law. The theory of positive law, therefore, gives its support, exclusively, to found the doctrinal conception here expounded. The first purpose is to emphasize that the right to health is a typical human right or, as expressed in the Brazilian Constitution, a fundamental right, since it grows out of the dignity of human being and it is intimately jointed to the basic human right, the right to life. Thus, the second topic to be treated refers to the dignity of human being as one of the constitutional fundamentals of the Law Democratic State, wise chosen by the Fundamental Law to designate the Country. It follows that the insertion of the right to health in the Constitution - it became a constitutional positive right - as a fundamental right it would be a mere consequence of this fundamentals. An analysis of the constitutional order is made, which conveys the conclusion that Brazil is projected to be a Social State, whose construction, however, is still in development. The following matter, consequently, is a study of the characteristics of the Welfare State. The next step analyses two hindrances to the full effectiveness of the right to health: the economic power of the pharmaceutical industries and the inertia or omission of the Government. Finally, it is studied the government public policies as to public health, the jurisprudence of the Brazilian Supreme Court (Supremo Tribunal Federal) and the World Health Organization position about fight against the HIV, specially examining ethical questions. / Esta dissertação versa sobre o direito à saúde. Enfatiza-se que esse direito hoje se integra, devido à Constituição da República Federativa do Brasil, de 1988, não mais à esfera do direito natural, mas, precisamente, à do direito positivo. A teoria do direito positivo, pois, dá suporte, exclusivamente, para fundamentar a concepção doutrinária aqui exposta. O primeiro propósito é salientar que o direito à saúde é um típico direito humano ou, como expresso na Constituição brasileira, um direito fundamental, uma vez que deriva da dignidade da pessoa humana e está intimamente vinculado ao direito humano básico, o direito à vida. Assim, o segundo tópico a ser tratado refere-se à dignidade da pessoa humana como um dos fundamentos do Estado Democrático de Direito, maneira pela qual a Constituição designa o País. Logo, a inserção do direito à saúde na Constituição tornou-se um direito positivo constitucional como um direito fundamental seria mera conseqüência daquele fundamento. Uma análise da ordem constitucional é feita, levando à conclusão de que o Brasil está projetado para ser um Estado Social, ainda em edificação. O assunto seguinte, conseqüentemente, é um estudo das características do Estado de Bem-Estar. O próximo tópico analisa dois obstáculos à plena efetividade do direito à saúde: o poder econômico das indústrias farmacêuticas e a inércia ou omissão do Poder Público. Estudam-se, finalmente, as políticas públicas concernentes à saúde pública, a jurisprudência do Supremo Tribunal Federal e o posicionamento da Organização Mundial da Saúde na luta contra o HIV, especialmente no exame de questões éticas.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:34:40Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Bruno Cesar Lorencini.pdf: 1088468 bytes, checksum: f968489110e1050b6a73aacac9176037 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-08-19 / The financing election is one of the central themes of contemporary political debate in most western democratic states. The reason for this is exactly the growing importance of financial element in the elections and the sensitivity of this field to vices such as corruption and abuse of economic power. The need for the state intervene in this phenomenon, without undermining fundamental rights, such as freedom of expression, justifies a thorough study on the legal system to be adopted, which should elect as premise the control of the financial flow through techniques of transparency. / O financiamento eleitoral é um dos temas centrais do debate político contemporâneo na maior parte dos Estados democráticos ocidentais. A razão disto é exatamente a crescente importância do elemento financeiro nas eleições e a sensibilidade de tal campo a vícios como a corrupção e o abuso de poder econômico. A necessidade de o Estado intervir em tal fenômeno, sem prejudicar direitos fundamentais, como a liberdade de expressão, justifica um estudo minucioso acerca do regime jurídico a ser adotado, o qual deve eleger como premissa o controle do fluir financeiro mediante técnicas de transparência.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:33:37Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Bruno Boris Carlos Croce.pdf: 941598 bytes, checksum: 320c85cc3bab323afe22ee5268b27e61 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-07-27 / The question of the interpretation of contractual clauses of consumption contracts is a problem faced for the applicator of Law. Specifically on the analysis of an abusive contractual clause it is important to the interpreter to appreciate all available the elements, especially the influence of the economic power in consumer issues. Besides the interpreter are not able to ignore the instrumental capacity of the general clause of good-faith, the absence of the analysis by the judge about the influence of the economic power in contracts harms a effective jurisdictional rendering to real case. The limitation by the applicator of Law to the individual questions and not much relevance given to the economic power as relevant force in the contractual drafting cause deficiency on the interpretation and harm an efficient control of the abusive clauses. / A questão da interpretação das cláusulas contratuais nos contratos de consumo é um problema enfrentado pelos aplicadores do direito. Especificamente na análise e na constatação de uma cláusula contratual abusiva é relevante que o intérprete aprecie todos os elementos que estejam à sua disposição, porém, especialmente perceber desta análise o quanto há de influência do poder econômico nas relações de consumo. Além do fato de o intérprete não poder ignorar a capacidade instrumental da cláusula geral de boa-fé no momento do estudo do instrumento contratual, a ausência da análise por parte do julgador sobre a influência do poder econômico nos contratos prejudica uma prestação jurisdicional efetiva ao caso concreto. A limitação por parte do aplicador da lei às questões individuais e a pouca importância dada ao poder econômico como relevante força na elaboração contratual, ocasionam uma interpretação deficiente e prejudicam o controle eficaz das cláusulas abusivas.

Text in Afrikaans / Summaries in English and Afrikaans / The statutory definition of the lock-out encompasses certain acts (inter alia termination of contracts of employment) which must be executed by the employer with a certain purpose. The Appellate Division has recently found that the employment relationship not necessarily terminates similarly to the common law contract of employment, but may subsist after termination of the contract of employment. The industrial court does not easily accept that it has been deprived of its unfair labour practice jurisdiction where terminations of employment take place in consequence of a lock-out. The motive of the employer seems to be decisive. In line with both the trend in first world countries and principles established by the courts in South Africa, the Constitution and especially recent labour legislation significantly curtail the bargaining power of the employer because it is progressively being believed that the employer has sufficient economic power to his disposal. / Die omskrywing van die uitsluiting in wetgewing omvat sekere handelinge {onder andere beeindiging van dienskontrakte) wat deur die werkgewer met 'n sekere doel verrig moet word. Die Appelhof het onlangs beslis dat die diensverhouding na beeindiging van die dienskontrak kan bly voortduur en nie noodwendig soos die gemeenregtelike dienskontrak ten einde loop nie. Die nywerheidshof aanvaar ook nie geredelik dat hy in geval van diensbeeindiging wat volg op 'n uitsluiting van sy onbillike arbeidspraktyk jurisdiksie ontneem is nie. Die motief van die werkgewer blyk hier deurslaggewend te wees. In lyn met sowel die ne1g1ng in eerstew~reldse lande, asook beginsels reeds deur die howe in Suid-Afrika gevestig, word die bedingingsmag van die werkgewer ingevolge die Grondwet en veral onlangse arbeidswetgewing betekenisvol ingekort omrede toenemend aanvaar word dat die werkgewer oor voldoende ekonomiese mag beskik. / Law / LL.M.

Ce mémoire analyse la stratégie d’affirmation de puissance mise en oeuvre par la Chine dans le contexte post-Guerre froide, caractérisé par la seule superpuissance des États-Unis, en utilisant le cadre théorique du réalisme offensif. Challenger désigné des États-Unis, la Chine a basculé dans le 21ème siècle avec un défi important à relever. La prépondérance américaine continue d’être une donnée essentielle dans le système politique mondial. Les États-Unis produisent plus du quart du total de l’économie mondiale et comptent pour près de la moitié des dépenses militaires. La Chine, de son côté, avec ses 1.3 milliards d’habitants, une croissance économique quasiexponentielle, dotée d’un arsenal nucléaire conventionnel, est la principale puissance émergente, avec le potentiel de rivaliser avec les États-Unis dans les affaires mondiales. Mais, vu l’énorme écart qui les sépare, pour la Chine la question de l’hégémonie américaine se pose sous la forme d’une équation dont la seule variable connue est le potentiel de l’adversaire à affronter. Le principal problème auquel la Chine est confrontée est dès lors sa capacité de penser une stratégie sans toutefois courir le risque de provoquer la seule superpuissance du globe. Par conséquent, cette étude analyse les politiques et actions stratégiques développées par la Chine à la lumière des contraintes que lui impose un environnement international peu favorable. Elle s’intéresse en particulier à la manière dont Beijing a su exploiter avec maestria une des armes les plus redoutables de l’ère post-Guerre froide, sa puissance économique, afin de consolider son ascension au rang de grande puissance. Elle soutient que, tenant compte d’un retard considérable à combler, la Chine a entrepris de balancer la superpuissance américaine d’une manière pragmatique. A cet effet, elle a conçu une stratégie qui comprend deux grands piliers : sur le plan interne, des réformes économiques et militaires ; sur le plan externe, une diplomatie agressive et efficace en adéquation avec ses ambitions de puissance. Nous concluons qu’une telle stratégie vise à éviter à la Chine pour le moment tout risque de confrontation directe qui aurait pour principal effet de nuire à son ascension. Cependant, à mesure que sa puissance s’accroît, elle pourrait afficher une posture plus agressive, quitte à engager également, avec la seule superpuissance du monde, des compétitions de nature sécuritaire en Asie et au-delà de cette région. / This research analyzes the power strategy implemented by China in the post-cold war context characterized by an only superpower, the United States, by using offensive realism as a theoretical framework. Designated challenger of the United States, China tilted into the 21st century with an important challenge to confront. The American ascendancy continues to be an essential fact in the world political system. The United States produces more than one fourth of the total of the world economy and counts for nearly half of the military expenditures. China, for its part, with 1.3 billion inhabitants, a quasi-exponential economic growth, endowed with a conventional nuclear arsenal, is the main emerging power, with the potential to compete with the United States in world affairs. But, considering the enormous gap separating them, for China the question of the American hegemony arises under the shape of an equation, the only known variable of which is the potential of its adversary. The main problem China then faces is its ability to think of a strategy without however running a risk of provoking the only superpower of the globe. Consequently, this work analyzes the policies and the strategic actions developed by China in light of the constraints imposed by a less favorable international environment. Its main focus is how Beijing exploited with great panache one of the most redoubtable weapons of the post-cold war era, its economic power, to strengthen its ascent to the rank of major power. It contends that, taking into account a considerable delay to catch up, China began to balance the American superpower in a pragmatic way. To that purpose, it conceived a strategy which includes two main pillars: internally, economic and military reforms; externally, an aggressive and effective diplomacy in adequacy with its power ambitions. This analysis concludes that the aim of china’s strategy is to avoid for the moment every risk of direct confrontation which would have for main effect to damage its rise. However, as its power increases, it might tend to show a more aggressive posture, even if it means also engaging, with the only superpower of the world, in competitions of a security nature in Asia and beyond this region.

O presente trabalho tem por objetivo estudar o financiamento da política no Brasil por pessoas jurídicas, a fim de evocar os riscos que gera para o processo de escolha dos governantes e a fase governamental. A análise dessas questões dá-se por meio de quatro chaves. A primeira trata da capitalização dos partidos políticos e candidatos, a qual demanda fixação de limites por meio de ferramentas de regulação que buscam equilíbrio nas campanhas eleitorais e no financiamento das atividades dos partidos. A segunda versa sobre os dados de eleições nacionais e de pesquisas empíricas sobre o resultado da participação de pessoas jurídicas, correlacionando-o com os efeitos colaterais do financiamento, quais sejam, a corrupção e a influência do poder econômico. O exame de alguns escândalos tem relevância na atualidade, sobretudo diante da possibilidade de subsidiarem reformas que se apresentam necessárias. A terceira aborda soluções encontradas em outros países para equacionar os efeitos da participação das pessoas jurídicas, com destaque para o debate da questão atinente à liberdade de expressão. A pesquisa revela que a Justiça Eleitoral e a jurisdição constitucional brasileira tiveram papel decisivo na conformação do financiamento da política. A quarta consiste na análise crítica das regras do ordenamento brasileiro, inclusive as decorrentes da reforma política, que visam equacionar os problemas diagnosticados no estudo, e das decisões da jurisprudência que lidaram com o princípio da igualdade. Ao final, alinham-se vantagens e desvantagens do financiamento da política por pessoas jurídicas. / The present work aims to analyze the political financing by legal entities in Brazil in order to evoke the risks for the process of choosing the rulers and the period of governorship. The analysis of the issues considers four keys. The first is about the capitalization of the political parties and the candidates, which demands the fixing of limits through regulation tools to seek the balance in the electoral campaigns and in the financing of the parties activities. The second one concerns the data of the national elections and the empirical researches on the result of the participation of legal entities, correlating it with the side effects of financing, in other words corruption and the influence of the economic power. The exam of some scandals is relevant in the present time mainly considering the possibility of subsidizing reforms that are presented as necessary. The third point considers the other countries solutions to balance the effects of the legal entities contributions especially the discussion of the issue pertaining to freedom of expression. The research reveals that the Electoral Courts and the Brazilian constitutional jurisdiction had a decisive role shaping the political financing. The fourth key is the critical analyses of the Brazilian legal system, including the rules resulting from the political reform, which intended to solve the problems identified in the study, and the case law which dealt with principle of equality. In the end, there is an evaluation of the advantages and disadvantages of political financing by legal entities.

O direito antitruste, atualmente ditado pela Lei 12.529 de 30 de novembro de 2011, e o direito da propriedade intelectual permeiam o ordenamento jurídico brasileiro buscando regrar condutas e procedimentos com vistas a tutelar, de um lado, a livre concorrência e, de outro, estimular a inovação e o desenvolvimento tecnológico do país. No exercício de ambos os direitos, muitas vezes observam-se conflitos, que aparentemente revelam uma contradição: a concessão de exclusividade de exploração de bens intangíveis, tais como patentes e desenhos industriais, conflita com a livre concorrência, sendo uma excludente da outra. Entretanto, essa contradição, como se verá, encontra-se superada. Em nosso sistema jurídico não há direitos absolutos que possam justificar a dominância pura e simples de um sobre o outro sem medir as consequências. O equilíbrio é buscado através da vedação legal aos abusos de direito, especialmente abusos de direito de propriedade intelectual e o exercício abusivo de poder econômico. Adicionalmente, a Constituição Federal subordina o uso da propriedade à sua função social. O presente estudo analisa as questões que envolvem esse aparente conflito e os abusos decorrentes do exercício desses direitos. O tema é introduzido com a análise da interface entre o direito da propriedade intelectual e o antitruste e as questões de direito dela decorrentes. A seguir, são analisados o abuso de direito, o abuso de poder econômico e o abuso de posição dominante, com destaque para o entendimento da existência de venda casada mesmo que o vínculo ocorra com diferimento no tempo. O estudo prossegue discorrendo sobre a livre iniciativa e a livre concorrência, bem como o instituto do desenho industrial e seu eventual uso abusivo. Também são analisados o mercado de reposição de peças e partes de produtos complexos e sua repercussão no Brasil e no exterior, e a posição do CADE sobre eventuais condutas anticompetitivas. A jurisprudência comentada ilustra as diversas posições doutrinárias acerca da matéria. O monopólio decorrente de direito de propriedade intelectual seria benéfico para a eficiência e regulação dos mercados, apesar de seus eventuais efeitos contra os interesses do consumidor? Este ensaio procura responder essa indagação, aprofundando o debate sobre o conflito entre o monopólio concedido por desenho industrial às peças de reposição de objetos complexos e a liberdade de escolha do consumidor. Oferece ainda uma proposta legislativa que visa assegurar o equilíbrio entre os direitos dos envolvidos. / The antitrust law, currently under Law 12,529, of November 30, 2011, and the intellectual property law is within the Brazilian juridical ordination, seeking to rule conducts and procedures intended to protect the free competition, on one hand, and to stimulate the innovation and technological development of the country, on the other hand. In the performance of both rights, conflicts are many times observed, which apparently reveal a contradiction: the granting of exclusivity for the exploitation of intangible goods, such as patents and industrial designs, conflicts with the free competition, excluding one another. Said contradiction, however, has been overcome, as it will be noticed. Our juridical system encompasses no absolute rights liable to justify the pure and simple dominance of one on the other, without assessing the consequences. The balance is searched by means of the legal prevention of the abuses of right, especially the abuses of the intellectual property law and the abusive exercise of the economic power. In addition, the Federal Constitution subordinates the use of property to its social function. This study analyzes the issues involving this apparent conflict and the abuses resulting from the enforcement of said rights. The theme is introduced with the analysis of the interface between the intellectual property right and the antitrust one and the resulting legal issues. Then, the abuse of right, the abuse of economic power and the abuse of the dominant position are analysed, pointing out the understanding of the existence of a tying arrangement, even though the binding occurs with deferral in time. The study proceeds by analyzing the free initiative and the free competition, as well as the industrial design institute and its eventual abusive use. The parts reposition and parts of complex products and their repercussion in Brazil and overseas, the CADE´s position as to eventual anticompetitive conducts are also analyzed. The commented jurisprudence illustrates the several opinion of jurists on this matter. Would the monopoly resulting from the intellectual property right benefit the market efficiency and regulation, despite the eventual effects against the consumer interests ? This paper seeks to reply such a question, by deepening the debate on the conflicts between the monopoly granted by industrial design to spare parts of complex objects and the consumer´s free choice. It also offers a legislative proposal intended to ensure the balance between the involved parties´ rights.

Ce mémoire analyse la stratégie d’affirmation de puissance mise en oeuvre par la Chine dans le contexte post-Guerre froide, caractérisé par la seule superpuissance des États-Unis, en utilisant le cadre théorique du réalisme offensif. Challenger désigné des États-Unis, la Chine a basculé dans le 21ème siècle avec un défi important à relever. La prépondérance américaine continue d’être une donnée essentielle dans le système politique mondial. Les États-Unis produisent plus du quart du total de l’économie mondiale et comptent pour près de la moitié des dépenses militaires. La Chine, de son côté, avec ses 1.3 milliards d’habitants, une croissance économique quasiexponentielle, dotée d’un arsenal nucléaire conventionnel, est la principale puissance émergente, avec le potentiel de rivaliser avec les États-Unis dans les affaires mondiales. Mais, vu l’énorme écart qui les sépare, pour la Chine la question de l’hégémonie américaine se pose sous la forme d’une équation dont la seule variable connue est le potentiel de l’adversaire à affronter. Le principal problème auquel la Chine est confrontée est dès lors sa capacité de penser une stratégie sans toutefois courir le risque de provoquer la seule superpuissance du globe. Par conséquent, cette étude analyse les politiques et actions stratégiques développées par la Chine à la lumière des contraintes que lui impose un environnement international peu favorable. Elle s’intéresse en particulier à la manière dont Beijing a su exploiter avec maestria une des armes les plus redoutables de l’ère post-Guerre froide, sa puissance économique, afin de consolider son ascension au rang de grande puissance. Elle soutient que, tenant compte d’un retard considérable à combler, la Chine a entrepris de balancer la superpuissance américaine d’une manière pragmatique. A cet effet, elle a conçu une stratégie qui comprend deux grands piliers : sur le plan interne, des réformes économiques et militaires ; sur le plan externe, une diplomatie agressive et efficace en adéquation avec ses ambitions de puissance. Nous concluons qu’une telle stratégie vise à éviter à la Chine pour le moment tout risque de confrontation directe qui aurait pour principal effet de nuire à son ascension. Cependant, à mesure que sa puissance s’accroît, elle pourrait afficher une posture plus agressive, quitte à engager également, avec la seule superpuissance du monde, des compétitions de nature sécuritaire en Asie et au-delà de cette région. / This research analyzes the power strategy implemented by China in the post-cold war context characterized by an only superpower, the United States, by using offensive realism as a theoretical framework. Designated challenger of the United States, China tilted into the 21st century with an important challenge to confront. The American ascendancy continues to be an essential fact in the world political system. The United States produces more than one fourth of the total of the world economy and counts for nearly half of the military expenditures. China, for its part, with 1.3 billion inhabitants, a quasi-exponential economic growth, endowed with a conventional nuclear arsenal, is the main emerging power, with the potential to compete with the United States in world affairs. But, considering the enormous gap separating them, for China the question of the American hegemony arises under the shape of an equation, the only known variable of which is the potential of its adversary. The main problem China then faces is its ability to think of a strategy without however running a risk of provoking the only superpower of the globe. Consequently, this work analyzes the policies and the strategic actions developed by China in light of the constraints imposed by a less favorable international environment. Its main focus is how Beijing exploited with great panache one of the most redoubtable weapons of the post-cold war era, its economic power, to strengthen its ascent to the rank of major power. It contends that, taking into account a considerable delay to catch up, China began to balance the American superpower in a pragmatic way. To that purpose, it conceived a strategy which includes two main pillars: internally, economic and military reforms; externally, an aggressive and effective diplomacy in adequacy with its power ambitions. This analysis concludes that the aim of china’s strategy is to avoid for the moment every risk of direct confrontation which would have for main effect to damage its rise. However, as its power increases, it might tend to show a more aggressive posture, even if it means also engaging, with the only superpower of the world, in competitions of a security nature in Asia and beyond this region.

Text in Afrikaans / Summaries in English and Afrikaans / The statutory definition of the lock-out encompasses certain acts (inter alia termination of contracts of employment) which must be executed by the employer with a certain purpose. The Appellate Division has recently found that the employment relationship not necessarily terminates similarly to the common law contract of employment, but may subsist after termination of the contract of employment. The industrial court does not easily accept that it has been deprived of its unfair labour practice jurisdiction where terminations of employment take place in consequence of a lock-out. The motive of the employer seems to be decisive. In line with both the trend in first world countries and principles established by the courts in South Africa, the Constitution and especially recent labour legislation significantly curtail the bargaining power of the employer because it is progressively being believed that the employer has sufficient economic power to his disposal. / Die omskrywing van die uitsluiting in wetgewing omvat sekere handelinge {onder andere beeindiging van dienskontrakte) wat deur die werkgewer met 'n sekere doel verrig moet word. Die Appelhof het onlangs beslis dat die diensverhouding na beeindiging van die dienskontrak kan bly voortduur en nie noodwendig soos die gemeenregtelike dienskontrak ten einde loop nie. Die nywerheidshof aanvaar ook nie geredelik dat hy in geval van diensbeeindiging wat volg op 'n uitsluiting van sy onbillike arbeidspraktyk jurisdiksie ontneem is nie. Die motief van die werkgewer blyk hier deurslaggewend te wees. In lyn met sowel die ne1g1ng in eerstew~reldse lande, asook beginsels reeds deur die howe in Suid-Afrika gevestig, word die bedingingsmag van die werkgewer ingevolge die Grondwet en veral onlangse arbeidswetgewing betekenisvol ingekort omrede toenemend aanvaar word dat die werkgewer oor voldoende ekonomiese mag beskik. / Law / LL.M.

O direito antitruste, atualmente ditado pela Lei 12.529 de 30 de novembro de 2011, e o direito da propriedade intelectual permeiam o ordenamento jurídico brasileiro buscando regrar condutas e procedimentos com vistas a tutelar, de um lado, a livre concorrência e, de outro, estimular a inovação e o desenvolvimento tecnológico do país. No exercício de ambos os direitos, muitas vezes observam-se conflitos, que aparentemente revelam uma contradição: a concessão de exclusividade de exploração de bens intangíveis, tais como patentes e desenhos industriais, conflita com a livre concorrência, sendo uma excludente da outra. Entretanto, essa contradição, como se verá, encontra-se superada. Em nosso sistema jurídico não há direitos absolutos que possam justificar a dominância pura e simples de um sobre o outro sem medir as consequências. O equilíbrio é buscado através da vedação legal aos abusos de direito, especialmente abusos de direito de propriedade intelectual e o exercício abusivo de poder econômico. Adicionalmente, a Constituição Federal subordina o uso da propriedade à sua função social. O presente estudo analisa as questões que envolvem esse aparente conflito e os abusos decorrentes do exercício desses direitos. O tema é introduzido com a análise da interface entre o direito da propriedade intelectual e o antitruste e as questões de direito dela decorrentes. A seguir, são analisados o abuso de direito, o abuso de poder econômico e o abuso de posição dominante, com destaque para o entendimento da existência de venda casada mesmo que o vínculo ocorra com diferimento no tempo. O estudo prossegue discorrendo sobre a livre iniciativa e a livre concorrência, bem como o instituto do desenho industrial e seu eventual uso abusivo. Também são analisados o mercado de reposição de peças e partes de produtos complexos e sua repercussão no Brasil e no exterior, e a posição do CADE sobre eventuais condutas anticompetitivas. A jurisprudência comentada ilustra as diversas posições doutrinárias acerca da matéria. O monopólio decorrente de direito de propriedade intelectual seria benéfico para a eficiência e regulação dos mercados, apesar de seus eventuais efeitos contra os interesses do consumidor? Este ensaio procura responder essa indagação, aprofundando o debate sobre o conflito entre o monopólio concedido por desenho industrial às peças de reposição de objetos complexos e a liberdade de escolha do consumidor. Oferece ainda uma proposta legislativa que visa assegurar o equilíbrio entre os direitos dos envolvidos. / The antitrust law, currently under Law 12,529, of November 30, 2011, and the intellectual property law is within the Brazilian juridical ordination, seeking to rule conducts and procedures intended to protect the free competition, on one hand, and to stimulate the innovation and technological development of the country, on the other hand. In the performance of both rights, conflicts are many times observed, which apparently reveal a contradiction: the granting of exclusivity for the exploitation of intangible goods, such as patents and industrial designs, conflicts with the free competition, excluding one another. Said contradiction, however, has been overcome, as it will be noticed. Our juridical system encompasses no absolute rights liable to justify the pure and simple dominance of one on the other, without assessing the consequences. The balance is searched by means of the legal prevention of the abuses of right, especially the abuses of the intellectual property law and the abusive exercise of the economic power. In addition, the Federal Constitution subordinates the use of property to its social function. This study analyzes the issues involving this apparent conflict and the abuses resulting from the enforcement of said rights. The theme is introduced with the analysis of the interface between the intellectual property right and the antitrust one and the resulting legal issues. Then, the abuse of right, the abuse of economic power and the abuse of the dominant position are analysed, pointing out the understanding of the existence of a tying arrangement, even though the binding occurs with deferral in time. The study proceeds by analyzing the free initiative and the free competition, as well as the industrial design institute and its eventual abusive use. The parts reposition and parts of complex products and their repercussion in Brazil and overseas, the CADE´s position as to eventual anticompetitive conducts are also analyzed. The commented jurisprudence illustrates the several opinion of jurists on this matter. Would the monopoly resulting from the intellectual property right benefit the market efficiency and regulation, despite the eventual effects against the consumer interests ? This paper seeks to reply such a question, by deepening the debate on the conflicts between the monopoly granted by industrial design to spare parts of complex objects and the consumer´s free choice. It also offers a legislative proposal intended to ensure the balance between the involved parties´ rights.