This thesis investigates policy formulation and implementation processes in Zambia. A number of issues emerge with respect to the weaknesses of the system and how policy decisions worsened Zambia's economic performance instead of improving it. The Kaunda era policies of nationalization had an adverse impact on productivity of industries as well as affecting the resource flow from donors and business houses. On the other hand President Chiluba's reforms in the 1990s have had both positive and negative impacts on the people of Zambia. The rapid privatization and liberalization affected employment levels thereby worsening the poverty levels. Further, the liberalization brought in stiff competition from other countries forcing most manufacturing companies to close down. The policy environment based on the Bretton Woods Institutions seems not to be working as result of not taking into account the local Zambian situation. On the other hand, there were positive macroeconomic developments such as growth in GDP, lowering of inflation and stabilizing of exchange rates as from 1996. This has however not improved the living standards of the people. In Zambia, the shifts back and forth between strong and weak planning institutions have negatively affected policy development and implementation. There has been uncoordinated policy development; as a result, some policies in the major sectors are contradictory while in other cases policies are not linked to the resource envelope, making them un-implementable. Secondly, the institutional framework for policy development is not effective. There is generally lack of coordination among ministries, provinces and other stakeholders in planning, implementation and monitoring and evaluation of development programmes. This thesis urges that the improving planning capacities at the national, provincial and district levels should improve the processes of policy development and implementation in Zambia, which will in turn help to reduce poverty. Further, the districts should be the centre for the bottom-up process. In order to carryout this responsibility, efforts should be made to improve their capacities. As for the top-down process, the Sector Advisory Groups should continue to participate in the planning, monitoring and evaluation so as to contribute to policy formulation and implementation. These should be coordinated by the National Development Coordinating Committee (NDCC) through a Planning Bureau. / Development Studies / D. Litt. et Phil. (Development Studies)

Depuis plus de trois décennies, l'un des aspects par lequel se manifeste la mondialisation est la mobilité internationale des firmes et des facteurs de production. L'interdépendance croissante des économies, qui résulte de l'expansion des échanges et du développement des mouvements des capitaux, est devenue incontournable. La mondialisation a donné lieu à la promotion du libéralisme économique, et au développement d'un processus mondialisé des activités, dans lesquels les IDE se font une place centrale, dans les politiques de développement des pays d'accueil. Qu'ils soient pays développés ou PED, ces derniers se livrent à une concurrence acerbe, pour l'attractivité des flux d'IDE sur leur territoire. Les FMN ont gagné une place centrale dans ce nouveau schéma. Après avoir suscité la méfiance et l'hostilité des gouvernements des PED, elles sont devenues une composante principale dans la stratégie de développement. Suivant leurs propres préoccupations (gains de productivité, sources d'approvisionnement, etc), les FMN établissent des stratégies dans une perspective internationale, et intègrent dans les activités leur responsabilité sociale et environnementale. Les IDE ont fait l'objet d'une forte controverse sur leurs potentialités à faire profiter les pays d'accueil des « spillovers ». Une inégale répartition des flux d'IDE, amène les PED à mettre en place des politiques d'attractivité ambitieuses (exonérations fiscales, subventions, etc.). L'Algérie a engagé, à l'instar d'autres PED, une série de réformes pour s'inscrire dans une nouvelle logique qui consacre les lois du marché et la libéralisation de l'économie touchant tous les secteurs d'activité. L'objectif de cette thèse est d'évaluer empiriquement les déterminants d'attractivité des IDE dans le modèle algérien, de la conduite de sa politique de promotion et de son évaluation. La qualité des institutions est bel et bien validée comme déterminant central dans la conduite de la politique d'attractivité de l'Algérie. La construction de la matrice d'attractivité a révélé que l'Algérie se place dans le cercle des « pays potentiels », qui pourraient figurer un jour dans la « short-list », à condition d'améliorer certaines composantes de leur attractivité. Des réformes cohérentes restent à faire pour une insertion effective dans l'économie internationale. / For over three decades, one aspect by which manifests globalization is the international mobility of firms and factors of production. Growing interdependence of economies resulting from the expansion of trade and development of capital movements has become unavoidable. Globalization has given rise to the promotion of economic liberalism, and development of a process of global activities in which FDI are central in the development policies of host countries. Whether developed or developing countries, these one are engaged in a bitter competition for FDI attractiveness of flux of FDI in their territory. The MNF has taken a central place in this new scheme. After arousing the suspicion and hostility of the governments of developing countries, they have become a key component in the strategy of development. Following their own concerns (productivity gains, exoneration, etc.), the MNF gone to research an international perspective, and integrate their activities in the social and environmental responsibility. The FDI has been subject of an important controversy over their potential to benefit the host countries of the "spillover". An unequal distribution of FDI, make the developing countries to take up an attractive ambitious policies (tax holidays, subsidies etc.). Algeria has committed, like other developing countries, a series of reforms to be part of a new logic that embodies the laws of the market and liberalization of the economy, affecting all sectors of activity. The objective of this thesis is to empirically assess the determinants of FDI attraction in the Algerian model, the conduct of its promotion policy and its evaluation. Quality of institutions is indeed well validated as a central determinant in the conduct of political attractiveness of Algeria. The construction of the matrix of attractiveness revealed that Algeria is located in the circle of ?potential countries", and that could one day appear in the "short list", provided certain components to improve their attractiveness. Consistent reforms are still needed for effective integration into the international economy.

This diploma thesis deals with the communication of state substantial economic reforms. Methodology is a case study that examines the governmental communication of the pension reform in 2013. The introduction of the thesis briefly outlines the socioeconomic situation in the Czech Republic after 2008. The theoretical part sets out the necessary basis in the fields of media and communication, public relations, political communication, psychology and public choice theory and it also provides an overview of pension system reforms development in the Czech Republic area from the time of Austro-Hungarian Empire. It notes that this issue is one of the constant governmental agenda, especially after 1989, and its enforcement is depends on the political settlement. Practical part of the thesis analyzes the communication discourse of governmental pension reform effective from 1 January 2013. For this purpose it uses structured interviews with stakeholders, quantitative content media analysis and public opinion polls. It concludes that there was no communication strategy for the pension reform and governmental information activities were insufficient and time inadequate. The thesis results in a set of recommendations for the government and its future economic reforms communication. It includes political consensus, clear message and target group identification, detailed timeline plan and the principle of simplicity in the reform explaining.

The thesis offers new paradigms for advancing socio-economic rights in Africa. Many States Parties to human rights instruments have failed to promote the common welfare of their citizens partly because of the justiciability debate, which continues to complicate intellectual and practical efforts at advancing socio-economic rights. The debate also prevents the normative development of these rights through adjudication. Furthermore, traditional human rights theory and practice have been state-centric, with non-state actors largely ignored in the identification, formulation, and implementation of human rights norms. Yet, the involvement of non-state entities in international arena has limited states' autonomies considerably, with serious implications for human rights. Transnational Corporations (TNCs) have capacities to foster economic well-being, development, tenchnological improvement, and wealth, but they also often cause deleterious human rights impacts through thei employment practices, environmental policies, relationships with suppliers and consumers, interactions with governments, and other activities. The thesis argues that socio-economic rights are normative and justiciable. It argues that traditional approaches are no longer sufficient to secure human rights and calls for a dismantatling of some structures erected by doctrinal systems; for realignment of relationships among social institutions; and for integrated bundles of fundamental interests that harness benefits of human rights norms and widen the landscape to commit both formal and informal regimes. Fashioning out a new paradigm for advancement of socio-economic rights requires addressing state capacity. It requires an integrative and global interpretive framework. It requires, finally, a new paradigm to commit non-state actors in Africa. The illustrative chapter uses the rights to work and to social security as templates for some prescriptions towards reaslising socio-economic rights in Africa. / Jurisprudence / LL.D.

Social Safety Nets (SSNs) were in the early 1990s a major feature of poverty alleviation and social impact mitigating mechanism from austere economic reforms implemented by the Zambian Government. Evidently, SSNs became prominent when Zambia accelerated the implementation of the Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP) in the early 1990s. At that time, the levels of poverty skyrocketed affecting 73% of the 10.5 million people of which 58 % were said to be extremely poor with the acute levels of poverty being more concentrated in rural areas which harbour about 65 % of the country’s population (CSO 1998: 20). SSNs are non-contributory transfer programmes for the poor or those vulnerable to shocks and these include income support through participation in public works programmes, cash transfers to the poor or vulnerable households, fee waivers for usage of essential health and education services, in kind transfers such as school feeding or even price subsidies for specific goods deemed essential to the poor (World Bank 2005: 1). Pritchett (2005:17) observed that SSNs can be applied across the various levels of society whether or not the shocks push households below the absolute threshold of poverty. Despite being a major feature of social mitigation it is not clear to what extent they (SSNs) can be said to an effective mechanism for poverty mitigation in Zambia. With SAP be decried by interests groups as having reduced people’s living conditions for fuelling in, higher prices for basic commodities, lower real incomes, reduced access to social services, medical care and retrenchments and lack of job opportunities for those seeking employment. The absence of fully fledged unemployment benefit system, made the victims of the adjustment process worse off. The social security schemes equally got adversely affected by high unemployment levels and growth of the informal sector because the proportion of the insured population plummeted and that inexorably leads to a fall in contributions. Other consequences of SAP besides retrenchments of blotted workforce include child labour and overburdening women as their participation in economic activities increased as part of the copping mechanisms besides their reproductive roles. Given the aforementioned complications that arise during structural reforms, this thesis seeks to examine how effective SSNs are in poverty alleviation programmes in countries like Zambia where they have been tried. / Development Studies / M.A. (Development Studies)

The thesis offers new paradigms for advancing socio-economic rights in Africa. Many States Parties to human rights instruments have failed to promote the common welfare of their citizens partly because of the justiciability debate, which continues to complicate intellectual and practical efforts at advancing socio-economic rights. The debate also prevents the normative development of these rights through adjudication. Furthermore, traditional human rights theory and practice have been state-centric, with non-state actors largely ignored in the identification, formulation, and implementation of human rights norms. Yet, the involvement of non-state entities in international arena has limited states' autonomies considerably, with serious implications for human rights. Transnational Corporations (TNCs) have capacities to foster economic well-being, development, tenchnological improvement, and wealth, but they also often cause deleterious human rights impacts through thei employment practices, environmental policies, relationships with suppliers and consumers, interactions with governments, and other activities. The thesis argues that socio-economic rights are normative and justiciable. It argues that traditional approaches are no longer sufficient to secure human rights and calls for a dismantatling of some structures erected by doctrinal systems; for realignment of relationships among social institutions; and for integrated bundles of fundamental interests that harness benefits of human rights norms and widen the landscape to commit both formal and informal regimes. Fashioning out a new paradigm for advancement of socio-economic rights requires addressing state capacity. It requires an integrative and global interpretive framework. It requires, finally, a new paradigm to commit non-state actors in Africa. The illustrative chapter uses the rights to work and to social security as templates for some prescriptions towards reaslising socio-economic rights in Africa. / Jurisprudence / LL.D.

Social Safety Nets (SSNs) were in the early 1990s a major feature of poverty alleviation and social impact mitigating mechanism from austere economic reforms implemented by the Zambian Government. Evidently, SSNs became prominent when Zambia accelerated the implementation of the Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP) in the early 1990s. At that time, the levels of poverty skyrocketed affecting 73% of the 10.5 million people of which 58 % were said to be extremely poor with the acute levels of poverty being more concentrated in rural areas which harbour about 65 % of the country’s population (CSO 1998: 20). SSNs are non-contributory transfer programmes for the poor or those vulnerable to shocks and these include income support through participation in public works programmes, cash transfers to the poor or vulnerable households, fee waivers for usage of essential health and education services, in kind transfers such as school feeding or even price subsidies for specific goods deemed essential to the poor (World Bank 2005: 1). Pritchett (2005:17) observed that SSNs can be applied across the various levels of society whether or not the shocks push households below the absolute threshold of poverty. Despite being a major feature of social mitigation it is not clear to what extent they (SSNs) can be said to an effective mechanism for poverty mitigation in Zambia. With SAP be decried by interests groups as having reduced people’s living conditions for fuelling in, higher prices for basic commodities, lower real incomes, reduced access to social services, medical care and retrenchments and lack of job opportunities for those seeking employment. The absence of fully fledged unemployment benefit system, made the victims of the adjustment process worse off. The social security schemes equally got adversely affected by high unemployment levels and growth of the informal sector because the proportion of the insured population plummeted and that inexorably leads to a fall in contributions. Other consequences of SAP besides retrenchments of blotted workforce include child labour and overburdening women as their participation in economic activities increased as part of the copping mechanisms besides their reproductive roles. Given the aforementioned complications that arise during structural reforms, this thesis seeks to examine how effective SSNs are in poverty alleviation programmes in countries like Zambia where they have been tried. / Development Studies / M.A. (Development Studies)

Taking into consideration that national identity and nationalism are not purely political, and trying not to simplify the factors that led to fallout of the state, I will try to research the history of Yugoslavia in relation to economic reforms and the discourse in literature and media. Most analysis turn to ethno-nationalism and deep-rooted hate. However, this master thesis will take into consideration some other variables, like the economic reforms and the role of the media, literature and political elites that followed. The main hypothesis is that the implementation of the economic reforms that were introduced during transition weakened the previous economic system in Yugoslavia and that these reforms went hand in hand with the rise of nationalism in the media and literature caused the rise of nationalistic discourse in different parts of Yugoslavia. The main hypothesis is that the implementation of the economic reforms that went hand in hand with the nationalistic discourse in the media and literature caused the rise of nationalism in different parts of Yugoslavia. The most important unit around which I will define the main research is the question of neoliberal reforms and its effects on the nation and the national discourse through media and literature in former Yugoslavia. This is going to be a research on the consequences of those variables in Yugoslavia and the rise of ethno-nationalism in Serbia, and with that respect, the main research question will be: ‘’What is the relation between the economic reforms, politics, literature and media on the rise of nationalism in Yugoslavia before the fallout?’’ Additional questions are: ‘’How did economic reforms in the 1960s affect the rise of nationalism?’’, How did media, literature discourse and the political elite affect the rise of nationalism?’’  This thesis describes the break-up of Yugoslavia in relation to economic reforms and literature and media, perceiving it as a political, economic, as well as a cultural project.

Cette thèse étudie la contribution assez complexe du partenariat euro-méditerranéen au soft powerde l’UE. Nous avons procédé à l’examen de l’articulation entre les objectifs, les instruments, lesprogrammes, les accords et l’efficacité de l’action de l’Euromed. Il ne s’agit pas d’évaluer lepartenariat en tant que tel mais plutôt son utilisation par l’Union européenne comme instrument desoft power pour instaurer une démocratie libérale dans les pays sud-méditerranéens. Les quatreaspects fondamentaux de la démocratie libérale ont été donc examinés. Dans le domaineéconomique, il y eu des améliorations économiques dans les pays sud-méditerranéens del’Euromed, surtout par la mise en oeuvre de réformes économiques et institutionnelles, mais la zonede libre-échange prévue pour 2010 n’a pas été établie. L’intégration régionale et internationale, deces pays partenaires a connu des avancées qui demeurent encore modestes. La promotion de labonne gouvernance occupe une place centrale au sein des objectifs politiques du Partenariat.Ciblant principalement le renforcement des capacités des institutions et l’indépendance du systèmejudiciaire, les efforts menés dans le cadre de l’Euromed ont apporté une amélioration globale, maisinsuffisante, de la bonne gouvernance dans les pays sud-méditerranéens. Les actions menées dansle cadre du partenariat sur le terrain des droits de l’Homme ont mis surtout l’accent sur les questionsde sécurité, de la lutte antiterroriste et du contrôle des migrations, tandis que les questions relativesaux droits de l’Homme et à la démocratisation étaient plus ou moins passées sous silence. Mêmel’action civile est insuffisamment renforcée. / This thesis studies the rather complex contribution of the Euro-Mediterraneanpartnership to the EU’s soft power. We have examined the link between the objectives,instruments, programs, agreements and effectiveness of the euro-Mediterraneanpartnership’s action. It is not a matter of evaluating the partnership as such but rather itsuse by the European Union as a soft power instrument to establish liberal democracy inthe South Mediterranean countries. The four fundamental aspects of liberal democracywere therefore examined. In the economic field, there have been economicimprovements in the southern Mediterranean countries, mainly through theimplementation of economic and institutional reforms, but the free trade areaanticipated for 2010 was not established. The regional and international integration ofthese partner countries has made some progress that remains however modest. Thepromotion of good governance is central to the political objectives of the Partnership.Focusing mainly on institutional capacity building and the independence of the judicialsystem, Euromed efforts have brought about a global but insufficient improvement ingood governance in the southern Mediterranean countries. Actions in the framework ofthe Human Rights Partnership have focused on security issues, counter-terrorism andmigration control, while human rights issues and democratization were more or lessignored. Even civil action is not sufficiently strengthened.