Rhetorics of globalization are best understood through the concept of risk. This dissertation traces the history of contemporary globalization back to the encounters of the English East India Company (EIC) from the seventeenth through eighteenth centuries with foreign trading cultures through primary journals, records, and guidebooks. I also contrast the EIC approach with the <i>sulh-i-kull</i> approach of the Mughal Empire. I conclude that the EIC cultivated risk to override ethical considerations of the Other, invent the private sphere, and lay the bedrock of contemporary capitalism.

本研究の目的は，ケンブリッジ学派の経済学者D.H.ロバートソンの経済変動論体系を統一的に理解し，その学史的・現代的意義を再評価することである．ロバートソンが重視した実物的経済変動論の「実物real」とは一体何を指しているのか，という根本的な問いからはじめ，その「実物」が彼の経済変動論体系において有している重要性を明らかにする． / 博士(経済学) / Doctor of Economics / 同志社大学 / Doshisha University

This thesis examines the reception, generation, and use of economic ideas in the British Liberal Party during the period between its decline in the inter-war years and its revival under Jo Grimond. It uses archival sources, party publications, and the political press to reconstruct the Liberal Party’s internal discourse about economic policy from the 1920s to the 1960s, and sets this discourse in the context of wider economic and political developments: the ‘Keynesian revolution’ in economic theory and British public policy, recurrent political interest in economic planning, and growing concern about relative economic decline. The strength of the two-party system which developed after the First World War meant that the Liberal Party spent most of this period in opposition, and even in the coalition governments of 1931-2 and 1940-5 Liberals had limited input into economic policy-making. As historians have frequently noted, however, the party played an important role in introducing Keynesian ideas to British politics through Lloyd George’s 1929 pledge to ‘conquer unemployment’, and seemed to anticipate the post-war managed economy in important respects. At the same time, the party maintained a close relationship with the economics profession, and vocally championed free trade and competitive markets. This thesis highlights the eclecticism of the Liberal Party’s economic heritage, and its continuing ambivalence towards state intervention. Although Liberals were early and sincere supporters of Keynesian demand-management policies, and took a close interest in economic planning proposals in the 1920s, 1940s and 1960s, their interventionism was frequently constrained by their internationalism and their support for free markets. Most Liberals, then, were neither unreconstructed Gladstonians nor unequivocal supporters of Britain’s post-war settlement. Rather, successive party leaders sought to integrate new economic knowledge with traditional Liberal commitments, in order to make both a credible contribution to policy debates and a distinctive appeal to the electorate.

This thesis is an historical study of the formation of Thatcherite economic thinking and policymaking with a particular focus upon investigating the part played by economic ideas and economists in Thatcherism. While some economists and economic ideas are closely associated with Thatcherism, Thatcherites were hostile to the bulk of Britain’s economists residing in universities and in the Government Economic Service and skeptical of the usefulness of economic theory in policymaking. Thatcherites thought that British academic and government economists supported a ‘Keynesian consensus’ which was purported to have been in operation since the Second World War and had allegedly retarded Britain’s growth from a quasi-mythical free-enterprise Victorian high-point. However, Thatcherites were keen to win the ‘battle of ideas’ and became eager ‘buyers’ of economic ideas – Keith Joseph particularly – in a ‘marketplace in economic ideas’ which developed over the 1960s, 1970s and 1980s. Yet, Thatcherites were not suddenly converted to neoliberal economic thinking by the marketplace in economic ideas. Instead, Thatcherites pragmatically sought out ideas which could be adopted and adapted in combination with long-standing ideological beliefs which were hostile to the size and role of the state and in favour of ‘sound money.’ Thatcherite economic thinking developed to include sometimes contradictory strands of supply-side economics, Austrian economics, monetarism/rational expectations and public choice economics but also contained, particularly for Margaret Thatcher, elements of ‘businessmen’s economics’ and ‘housewife economics.’ A case study of privatisation policy illustrates the point that pre-existing Thatcherite thinking, such as the desire to ‘roll back the state’, provided the core underlying rationale for economic policies. Yet, Thatcherites were also able to use a jumbled amalgam of economic ideas such as Austrian and neoclassical economics to promote secondary objectives such as introducing competition when conditions were judged as favourable by Thatcherites.

L’épuisement des énergies fossiles est un thème d’actualité dont les prémices datent, selon l’opinion courante, des années 1970 et du premier choc pétrolier. En réalité, c’est une préoccupation plus ancienne, intimement liée à l’ère industrielle. Dans la deuxième partie du XIXème siècle, les économistes se sont penchés sur la question de l'épuisement des minerais, ‘objet non identifié’ jusqu'alors et nécessitant la mise sur pied de nouveaux outils d'analyse (effet-rebond chez Jevons, rente minière chez Marshall-Einaudi notamment). Avec le progrès des techniques et l'apparition de nouvelles énergies (pétrole, hydro-électricité), leurs craintes de déclin industriel se sont progressivement dissipées dans les années 1910 et 1920. Mais ces évolutions tenant à l’histoire des faits ne sont pas les seules à considérer. Des facteurs internes à la discipline économique, comme l'émergence du marginalisme dans les années 1870 et de la théorie de l'épargne et du capital dans les années 1890, ont aussi changé le regard des économistes sur la question de l'épuisement des ressources. Pourquoi ? Comment ? Quels enseignements peut-on en tirer pour les défis environnementaux d'aujourd'hui ? Voilà les questions qui sont traitées dans ce travail de thèse. / Fossil fuels exhaustion is a current topic. It is often said that its first presages appeared in the 1970s with the first oil shock. Actually, this exhaustion fear is much older than that, it started with the Industrial Revolution and kept going since then. In the second part of the 19th century, some economists focused their attention on the mineral resources depletion, which was at the time an ‘unknown item’ that necessitated the creation of new concepts and new analytical tools to deal with (for example Jevons’ rebound-effect, Marshall-Einaudi’s mining rent). In the 1910s and 1920s, thanks to technical progress and the development of new energies (oil, hydro-electricity), their fears about industrial decline progressively dissipated. Yet, these factual evolutions are not the only ones to consider. Internal factors, inside economic science (marginalism in the 1870s, capital theory in the 1890s), also shaped economists’ viewpoint on resources exhaustion. Why? How? What lessons can we get from this period for our current environmental challenges? These are the questions that are studied in this thesis.

O presente trabalho busca discutir o papel político das idéias econômicas em um contexto de transformação estrutural. A Argentina enfrentou, durante os anos 80 e 90, os dilemas próprios de um processo de reformas estruturais. O giro para estas reformas foi produzido sob o impacto da crise da dívida externa. A resposta inicial à emergência econômica, que teve um alcance limitado, não comportou mudanças apreciáveis na organização das instituições econômicas. Este alcance das políticas de ajuste foi correspondido com os diagnósticos do momento que postulavam que os desequilíbrios macroeconômicos eram, fundamentalmente, de curto prazo. O governo lançou, em 1985, um plano de estabilização heterodoxo. Os economistas heterodoxos, chamando a atenção para os componentes inerciais da dinâmica inflacionária, sustentaram que as políticas ortodoxas, eram ineficazes e custosas para resolver o problema inflacionário. Contudo, esse programa não conseguiu estabilizar a economia. O fracasso da experiência heterodoxa abriu as portas para a ortodoxia. A partir do final dos anos 80 a agenda governamental foi dominada por uma onda de reformas estruturais. Em 1989, o governo eleito estabeleceu uma nova orientação em política econômica, a partir da qual levou adiante um profundo processo de ajuste. Para entender a modalidade de mudança estrutural seguida pela Argentina existem alguns elementos fundamentais. Em primeiro lugar, aqueles de caráter econômico relacionados com o impacto da crise. Contudo, embora a crise econômica tenha constituído um estímulo poderoso para o início de um programa de reformas estruturais, por si só não foi suficiente para definir quando, como e em o que medida era necessário fazer o ajuste. A interpretação das causas da crise foi central na direção da inovação política. Assim, o debate de idéias cumpriu um papel chave na entrada das reformas econômicas na agenda pública. Para a direção da inovação política foi central a interpretação das causas dos desequilíbrios econômicos. A controvérsia entre alternativas de políticas, que se levou a cabo tendo como pano de fundo a emergência econômica, constituiu a primeira via de entrada das reformas estruturais na agenda pública. Portanto, o desenlace da disputa de interpretações que se estabeleceu durante esses anos acerca da definição da natureza dos desequilíbrios é o foco central de nosso trabalho. / The present work seeks to discuss the political power of the economic ideas in a context of structural transformation. Argentina faced, during ´80 ´90, the dilemmas characteristic of a process of structural reform. The turn toward the structural reform took place under the impact of the crisis of the foreign debt. The initial answer to the economic emergency that had a limited reach, didn\'t behave appreciable changes in the organization of the economic institutions. This limited reach of the adjustment belonged together with the diagnoses of the moment that postulated that the macroeconomic imbalances, were fundamentally imbalances of short term. The government rushed, in 1985, a heterodox stabilization plan. The heterodox economists, getting the attention on the inertial components of the inflationary dynamics, they sustained that the politicians of orthodox, were ineffective and expensive to solve the inflationary problem. However the program was not able to stabilize the economy. The failure of the heterodox experience opened the doors for the orthodoxy. From ends of the years eighty, the government agenda was dominated by a wave of political of structural reforms. In 1989, the elect government established a new orientation in economic politics, starting from which took a deep adjustment process ahead. To understand the modality of structural change continued by the Argentina, some fundamental elements exist. In the first place, those of economic character related with the impact of the crisis. But, although the economic crisis constituted a powerful stimulus for the setting in march of a program of structural reform, by itself it was not enough to define when, how and in what measure it must make the adjustment. The interpretation of the causes of the crisis was central in the address of the political innovation. The debate of ideas completed a key role in the entrance of the economic reform in the public calendar. For the address of the political innovation it was central the interpretation of the causes of the economic imbalances. The controversy among alternative of political that was taken to end on the backdrop of the economic emergency, it constituted the first road of entrance from the structural reform to the public agenda. Therefore, the outcome of the bid of interpretations that was begun in those years about the definition of the nature of the imbalances is the central focus for our work.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:48:51Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Alexandre Hamilton Bugelli.pdf: 1428227 bytes, checksum: bf0a8d00212318ceac61de780732dfa2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-05-16 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / From 1962 the growth rates of the Gross Domestic Product start to decrease in regard to previous years, reaching the low mark of 0,6% in 1963. Otherwise, the inflation which in 1961 was about 51,6%, rose to 80% in 1962, reaching 93% in 1963. Those events attracted the interest of many economists who proposed several interpretations about this crisis, which became known as the brazilian economic crisis debate. This dissertation is about the recovery of the debate concerning the economic crisis of the beginning of the 60 s in Brazil and had as objective to organize and exam the analysis of the economists, who proposed to explain the crisis that occurred right after the country had experienced a deep industrial diversification process / A partir de 1962 as taxas de crescimento do Produto Interno Bruto passaram a decrescer em relação aos períodos anteriores, chegando a apenas 0,6% de crescimento em 1963. Por outro lado, inflação que em 1961 era de 51,6% em 1961, passa a 80% em 1962, chegando a 93% em 1963. Esses eventos provocaram o interesse de vários economistas que ofereceram diversas interpretações sobre a crise, no que ficou conhecido como o debate sobre a crise econômica brasileira dos anos 1960. A presente dissertação trata da reconstrução do debate acerca da crise econômica do início dos anos 1960 no Brasil e teve como objetivo organizar e examinar as análises dos economistas, que se propuseram a interpretar a crise que ocorreu, após o País ter se lançado no aprofundamento da diversificação industrial entre 1955 e 1961

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:48:55Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Cesar Antonio Locatelli de Almeida.pdf: 1335857 bytes, checksum: be8f8f06e7020d20c6a078cd15e9a7d6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-05-13 / The election of the major leader of the Brazilian Worker's Party, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, to be the president of Brazil in 2002 has sparked the debate over the paths the economic policies should take. Despite the history of this party, continuity was noteworthy. Such a fact has not cooled down the debate among Brazilian economists and this is the debate this work tries to show. The economic schools that take part in this dispute are classified in, essentially, the orthodox, the Keynesian, which is presented here with the Brazilian structuralism, and the socialist. As the object of study is set and seen through three distinct points of view, an assessment of the object and, at the same time, the status of the Brazilian political economy is achieved. Besides that, throughout the text the schools' theoretical foundations become explicit. The text tries not to reduce the debate to monetary, exchange rate and fiscal policies, as welfare, social assistance, institutions and regulatory agencies are also focused. The argument goes through themes as labor legislation, tax burden, income inequality, growth, as well as commercial, industrial and investment policies / A eleição do líder maior do Partido dos Trabalhadores, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, para presidente do Brasil em 2002 avivou o debate sobre os rumos que deveriam tomar as políticas econômicas do país. Não obstante a história desse partido, a continuidade das políticas do governo anterior foi marcante. Esse fato não inibiu o debate entre os economistas e é esse debate que se busca aqui exibir. Essencialmente as linhas em disputa são a ortodoxa, a keynesiana, que aqui é agrupada à escola desenvolvimentista, e a socialista. Fixar um objeto de estudo, o primeiro governo Lula, e olhá-lo sob três prismas distintos, permite avaliar o objeto e, simultaneamente, o estágio do debate no espaço da economia política brasileira. Além disso, é feita, ao longo do texto, a explicitação das bases teóricas de cada uma da três correntes. Busca-se também não restringir a discussão às políticas monetária, cambial e fiscal, mas ampliá-la, passando pela discussão da Previdência Social, das políticas de assistência social e das instituições e agências reguladoras. As argumentações continuam com a legislação trabalhista, a carga tributária, a desigualdade de renda, o crescimento econômico e as políticas comercial, industrial e de investimentos

This study compares the National Economy concept as it is employed in Friedrich List&rsquo / s works with its theoretical reflections among Ottoman intelligentsia, particularly in Ziya G&ouml / kalp. The effects of National Economy on the Ottoman thought is examined by bearing in mind two journals: T&uuml / rk Yurdu and Iktisadiyat Mecmuasi. The field of application of National Economy is explicated by an analysis of the first steps towards industrialization, especially after the Young Turk Revolution of 1908. It attempts to find answers to the questions as to how and to what degree the theoretical development of National Economy affected the Ottoman economic policies implemented.

This thesis examines the impact of Social Credit in North America during the Great Depression as a social philosophy and approach to government. By placing Social Credit in the context of interwar social movements for monetary reform, the events in Alberta from 1932 to 1938 are examined from the historical geographic iteration of what I call the Keynesian frontier of monetary macro-economic thought. This thesis shifts attention on this episode of Canadian history towards the lens of monetary neutrality. I argue that the Keynesian frontier was the intellectual environment for a worldwide English- speaking progressive underground which sought to find in macro-economic theory a vision of utopian society where money had no effect on material choices and interpersonal relations. During the 1930s, movements such as Social Credit transformed this underground into a collective effort to integrate the institutional channels of circulation with the mechanics of the modern monetary and fiscal state.