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Showing 1 to 5 of 5 (0.073 seconds)Spelling suggestions: "subject:"conomic anda cocial council"" "subject:"conomic anda cocial ouncil""
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Diálogo social e neoliberalismo : análise comparativa dos conselhos econômicos e sociais da Espanha, de Portugal e do Brasil (1991-2016)CARNEIRO, André Pereira 23 August 2016 (has links)
A ideologia neoliberal se manifestou predominante, após a crise vivenciada a partir do fim da
década de 70, com a defesa da necessidade de diminuição do aparato estatal e a ampliação da
liberdade dos agentes econômicos, o que interferiu no modelo de democracia vigente. Sob a
perspectiva dessa ideologia, o modelo de democracia então hegemônico se viu reforçado,
dando-se prevalência ao sistema representativo, bem como se sedimentando a questão
puramente procedimental, vinculada apenas ao sufrágio universal e despida da perspectiva
moral de alteração da sociedade. Isso acabou aumentando a desigualdade e fortalecendo a
influência do mercado e agentes externos sobre as políticas públicas. Com isso, a democracia
se viu afetada com o crescimento da apatia social e dos questionamentos quanto à política, já
que a alternância de projetos não existe. Como forma de mitigar esses problemas, a ampliação
da participação social seria o instrumento, sendo isso defendido inclusive por agências
multilaterais, como a OIT, ao trazer o diálogo social como um de seus objetivos estratégicos.
Ele seria utilizado para ampliar a discussão a respeito das políticas econômicas e sociais,
permitindo a construção de soluções alternativas e concertadas. Dentro desse contexto de
dominação da ideologia neoliberal, viu-se a criação de Conselhos Econômicos e Sociais na
Espanha, em Portugal e no Brasil. Na Espanha e em Portugal, a criação ocorreu em um
momento em que eram necessárias grandes reformas para adequação desses países aos
ditames da União Europeia, mormente em razão da premente unificação monetária. No Brasil,
a criação foi apresentada como um instrumento para fazer frente àquele predomínio
ideológico, tendo sido assentada, como uma de suas funções, a construção de um novo pacto
social. Levando em conta essa realidade vivenciada, o presente estudo objetiva analisar se o
diálogo social institucionalizado nos Conselhos Econômicos e Sociais desses países realmente
serviu de instrumento para uma maior participação social e para a criação de alternativas
concertadas para o desenvolvimento econômico e social. A hipótese a ser trabalhada é que a
prática dos Conselhos na Espanha, em Portugal e no Brasil é parecida, no sentido de dar
legitimidade às políticas econômicas e sociais ou ao governo, apesar de o discurso de criação
ser distinto. Para possibilitar esse estudo, o segundo capítulo traz a vinculação da democracia
ao capitalismo, principalmente no período de dominação ideológica do neoliberalismo. O
terceiro capítulo faz um apanhado histórico a partir do processo de redemocratização até a
criação dos Conselhos. No quarto, são apresentadas as características institucionais e a
evolução do diálogo social com a criação dos Conselhos. Para apresentar essa evolução,
foram utilizados artigos a respeito do diálogo social naqueles países e documentações
primárias fornecidas por cada um dos Conselhos, sendo utilizados os pareceres feitos pelo
pleno dos Conselhos da Espanha e de Portugal e as atas e discursos das reuniões ordinárias do
Conselho do Brasil. No quinto capítulo, são apontados problemas vistos no processo de
participação social institucionalizada. Para, na sequência, ser apresentada a conclusão de que
a institucionalização do diálogo social não serviu para a pensada ampliação democrática. / The neoliberal ideology has manifested prevalent after the crisis experienced from the end of
the 70’s, with its defense of the need to reduce the state apparatus and of the expansion of
freedom of the economic agents, which interfered in the model of the democracy. From the
perspective of this ideology, the hegemonic model of democracy was reinforced, giving
prevalence to the representative system, as well as consolidating the purely procedural matter,
linked only to the universal suffrage and without the moral perspective of change in society.
This has increased inequality and strengthened the influence of the market and external
stakeholders on public policy. Therefore, democracy was affected with the growth of social
apathy and questions about the politic, since the alternation of projects does not exist. In order
to mitigate these problems, increasing social participation would be the instrument and this
was defended even by multilateral agencies such as the ILO, to bring social dialogue as one of
its strategic objectives. The social dialogue would be used to broaden the discussion of
economic and social policies, enabling the construction of alternatives and concerted
solutions. Within this context of domination of neoliberal ideology, it has been seen the
creation of Economic and Social Councils in Spain, Portugal and Brazil. In Spain and
Portugal, the creation occurred at a time when they were needed to do major reforms to adapt
these countries to the dictates of the European Union, especially given the proximity of the
monetary union. In Brazil, the creation was presented as a tool to counter to that ideological
predominance and it was placed, as one of its functions, the construction of a new social pact.
Considering this reality, the study aims to analyze if the social dialogue institutionalized in the
Economic and Social Councils of these countries actually served as an instrument for a
greater social participation and for the creation of concerted alternatives for economic and
social development. The hypothesis to be worked is that the practice of these Councils in
Spain, Portugal and Brazil is similar, in order to give legitimacy to economic and social
policies or the government, despite the difference of speech in their creation. To enable this
study, the second chapter provides the linkage of democracy to capitalism, especially during
the period of ideological domination of neoliberalism. The third chapter makes a historical
overview from the democratization process until the creation of the Councils. In the fourth,
the institutional characteristics and evolution of the social dialogue with the creation of the
Councils are showed. To display this evolution, it was used articles about the social dialogue
in those countries and primary documentation provided by each of the Councils, that being
the opinions made by the plenary of the Councils of Spain and Portugal and the minutes and
speeches of the regular meetings of the Council of Brazil. In the fifth chapter, it is singled out
problems seen in the process of the institutionalized social participation. After that, it is
presented the conclusion that the institutionalization of social dialogue was not used to the
democratic expansion as thought.
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La fabrication des stratégies dans un contexte pluraliste : le cas du Conseil économique et social du Liban / Strategizing in pluralistic context : the case of the economic and social Coucil of LebanonSami Dandachi, Salam 08 February 2018 (has links)
Cette thèse a pour objectif de comprendre la façon dont se fabrique la stratégie dans un contexte pluraliste. Dans ce cadre, nous nous appuyons sur la littérature du pluralisme identitaire (Dutton & Dukerich, 1991; Gioia & Chittepeddi, 1991; Ashforth & Mael, 1996; Golden-Biddle & Rao, 1997; Hatch & Schultz, 1997; Silva, 2010) et sur l'approche pratique de la stratégie (Whittington, 2003; Jarzabkowsky, 2003, 2004; Golsorkhi & al., 2010; Johnson & al., 2010). Ce travail de recherche est né d'un manque dans la littérature qui examine la relation entre la multiplicité des identités organisationnelles et la fabrication des stratégies. Nous avons ainsi opté pour un design de recherche interprétativiste et pour une étude de cas unique: le Conseil Economique et Social du Liban. Cette institution constitutionnelle abrite deux identités organisationnelles: l'identité d'un lieu de négociation et l'identité d'un lieu d'expertise. Etant donné la nouveauté du terrain et du contexte traité, nous adoptons la méthodologie de la théorie enracinée préconisée par Glaser et Strauss. Nous montrons que le pluralisme influence la fabrication des stratégies de trois façons: 1) par la "référentialisation" qui consiste à "opérationnaliser" les systèmes des valeurs à travers "une stratégie d'initiation" et "de renforcement", 2) par la "régulation" identitaire qui consiste à gérer les identités organisationnelles pour des fins stratégiques à travers "une stratégie de légitimation" et 3) la "négociation" identitaire suite à une crise institutionnelle et qui aboutit à "une stratégie de survie". Nous avons également conclu que cette influence évolue avec l'évolution du contexte institutionnel de l'organisation: nous avons identifié un couplage faible entre la multiplicité des identités organisationnelles et la fabrication des stratégies dans la phase de naissance de l'organisation mais qui croit avec la croissance de l'organisation, surtout dans les périodes de "perturbation". Ces périodes entrainent une rupture dans la pratique des praticiens: si cette rupture n'est pas assez significative, la gestion des IO devient une pratique stratégique, si la rupture est significative mettant en cause la survie de l'organisation, les IO deviennent des lentilles perceptuelles à travers lesquelles les praticiens perçoivent les capacités fondamentales de l'organisation ce qui influence ainsi sur leur choix et leur pratique stratégique. / The objective of this thesis is to understand strategizing in pluralistic contexts. Our research is based on the literature of pluralistic organizations (Dutton & Dukerich, 1991; Gioia & Chittepeddi, 1991; Golden-Biddle & Rao, 1997, Ashforth & Mael, 1996; Hatch & Schultz, 1997; Silva, 2010) and the strategy-as-practice approach (Whittington, 2003; Jarzabkowsky, 2003, 2004; Golsorkhi & al., 2010; Johnson & al., 2010). This research addresses the gap in the literature discussing the relationship between the multiplicity of organizational identities and strategizing. Thus, our thesis operates an interpretativist research design and conducts a one case study: the Economic and Social Council of Lebanon. This institutional constitution has two organizational identities: the identity of a negotiation place and the identity of an expertise one. Due to the novelty of the research field and the context studied, we have chosen to apply the grounded theory methodology advocated by Glaser and Strauss. We show that the pluralism influence strategizing in three ways: 1) by the "referentialization" which means the operationalization of the system of values through an "initiation" and "reinforcement strategy", 2) by the identity "regulation" which consists of managing organizational identities for strategic purposes through a "legitimation strategy" and 3) by the identity "negociation" following an institutional crisis and which leads to a "survival strategy". We have also concluded the evolution of this influence with the evolution of the institutional context of the organization: it is weak at the initiation phase (birth) but increases with the growth of the organization and especially in periods of "perturbation". These periods lead to a breakdown in the praxis of practitioners: if the breakdown is weak, the management of organizational identities become a strategic practice, if the breakdown is significant, the organizational identities become lenses trough which practitioners craft their particular definitions of the organizational core capabilities which influence their strategic choice and praxis.
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La représentation du personnel dans l'entreprise : Du regroupement à la fusion. / Workplace representation : From gathering to mergingRioche, Steven 01 December 2018 (has links)
Assurer l’efficacité du processus décisionnel tout en y associant les salariés : telle est l’équation que s’attache à résoudre le système français de représentation du personnel. Les réformes successives qu’il a connues traduisent bien des incertitudes quant au meilleur moyen d’y parvenir. Fruit d’une lente maturation, la création d’une instance unique, le comité social et économique, est de nature à affecter durablement les relations sociales. Parce qu’elle concentre des pouvoirs jusque-là disséminés, dans les entreprises d’au moins cinquante salariés, entre les délégués du personnel, le comité d’entreprise et le comité d’hygiène, de sécurité et des conditions de travail, cette instance nouvelle constitue a priori un vecteur de simplification des procédures de participation. Favorisant le dialogue, le « nouveau » droit de la représentation du personnel est susceptible d’entraîner de profonds bouleversements. Laissant une large place au contrat collectif, il comporte de multiples facettes. Une analyse systémique est possible, à condition d’identifier les traits saillants d’un déploiement susceptible de remettre en cause, lorsque l’instance est métamorphosée en conseil d’entreprise, la place accordée à la représentation syndicale. / Combining an effective decision-making process with worker participation: such an issue is central in the French representation system. A series of reforms emphasized a state of doubt when it comes to the best way to resolve it. Resulting from a slow maturation, the creation of a single representative body, the economic and social council, shall significantly affect labour relations. Concentrating powers previously spread, within companies having at least fifty employees, among staff delegates, the works council and the health and safety committee, this new representative body shall at first glance be a medium of simplification. Stimulating cooperation, the “new” staff representation law will likely produce radical changes. Encouraging collective bargaining, it carries various aspects. A systemic analysis is feasible provided that the key points of its implementation are identified. If this body is transformed into a company council, the situation of the union representation may be challenged.
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“Accumulation by Dispossession” by the Global Extractive Industry: The Case of CanadaKinuthia, Wanyee 13 November 2013 (has links)
This thesis draws on David Harvey’s concept of “accumulation by dispossession” and an international political economy (IPE) approach centred on the institutional arrangements and power structures that privilege certain actors and values, in order to critique current capitalist practices of primitive accumulation by the global corporate extractive industry. The thesis examines how accumulation by dispossession by the global extractive industry is facilitated by the “free entry” or “free mining” principle. It does so by focusing on Canada as a leader in the global extractive industry and the spread of this country’s mining laws to other countries – in other words, the transnationalisation of norms in the global extractive industry – so as to maintain a consistent and familiar operating environment for Canadian extractive companies. The transnationalisation of norms is further promoted by key international institutions such as the World Bank, which is also the world’s largest development lender and also plays a key role in shaping the regulations that govern natural resource extraction. The thesis briefly investigates some Canadian examples of resource extraction projects, in order to demonstrate the weaknesses of Canadian mining laws, particularly the lack of protection of landowners’ rights under the free entry system and the subsequent need for “free, prior and informed consent” (FPIC). The thesis also considers some of the challenges to the adoption and implementation of the right to FPIC. These challenges include embedded institutional structures like the free entry mining system, international political economy (IPE) as shaped by international institutions and powerful corporations, as well as concerns regarding ‘local’ power structures or the legitimacy of representatives of communities affected by extractive projects. The thesis concludes that in order for Canada to be truly recognized as a leader in the global extractive industry, it must establish legal norms domestically to ensure that Canadian mining companies and residents can be held accountable when there is evidence of environmental and/or human rights violations associated with the activities of Canadian mining companies abroad. The thesis also concludes that Canada needs to address underlying structural issues such as the free entry mining system and implement FPIC, in order to curb “accumulation by dispossession” by the extractive industry, both domestically and abroad.
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“Accumulation by Dispossession” by the Global Extractive Industry: The Case of CanadaKinuthia, Wanyee January 2013 (has links)
This thesis draws on David Harvey’s concept of “accumulation by dispossession” and an international political economy (IPE) approach centred on the institutional arrangements and power structures that privilege certain actors and values, in order to critique current capitalist practices of primitive accumulation by the global corporate extractive industry. The thesis examines how accumulation by dispossession by the global extractive industry is facilitated by the “free entry” or “free mining” principle. It does so by focusing on Canada as a leader in the global extractive industry and the spread of this country’s mining laws to other countries – in other words, the transnationalisation of norms in the global extractive industry – so as to maintain a consistent and familiar operating environment for Canadian extractive companies. The transnationalisation of norms is further promoted by key international institutions such as the World Bank, which is also the world’s largest development lender and also plays a key role in shaping the regulations that govern natural resource extraction. The thesis briefly investigates some Canadian examples of resource extraction projects, in order to demonstrate the weaknesses of Canadian mining laws, particularly the lack of protection of landowners’ rights under the free entry system and the subsequent need for “free, prior and informed consent” (FPIC). The thesis also considers some of the challenges to the adoption and implementation of the right to FPIC. These challenges include embedded institutional structures like the free entry mining system, international political economy (IPE) as shaped by international institutions and powerful corporations, as well as concerns regarding ‘local’ power structures or the legitimacy of representatives of communities affected by extractive projects. The thesis concludes that in order for Canada to be truly recognized as a leader in the global extractive industry, it must establish legal norms domestically to ensure that Canadian mining companies and residents can be held accountable when there is evidence of environmental and/or human rights violations associated with the activities of Canadian mining companies abroad. The thesis also concludes that Canada needs to address underlying structural issues such as the free entry mining system and implement FPIC, in order to curb “accumulation by dispossession” by the extractive industry, both domestically and abroad.
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