This diploma thesis researches the stance of czech political parties to reform of the electoral systém. The goal of the paper is to find out what form of electoral systém is prefered by each political party. The paper itself is divided into three parts. The first part is analysis of electoral systems, which should serve as theretical foundations for next parts of the thesis. In the second part the author analyses electoral reforms in Czech republic and in Czechoslovakia after the year 1989. The third part is research, for which the author states three hypotheses, which are absed on work of Maurice Duverger and Giovanni Sartori. The first hypothesis assumes, that big parties favour majority voting, or certain form of proportional system which favours big parties. Second hypothesis puts emphasis on smaller political parties. The author thinks, that small political parties will favour proportional system in its current form, or in that kind of form which favours small parties. The third hypothesis assumes, that small political parties, which were not elected into the House of representatives will advocate for banning or at least reducing of the electoral threshold. These hypotheses are confronted with data. Data was collected via interviews and surveys with party members and representatives.

La presente investigación tiene como objetivo evaluar la conveniencia de implementar mejoras a través del uso de la tecnología al procedimiento de verificación de firmas que se encuentra a cargo de la Sub Gerencia de Verificación de Firmas y Apoyo Electoral del Registro Nacional de Identificación y Estado Civil (RENIEC). La finalidad es demostrar que es factible brindar un mejor servicio al ciudadano y así fortalecer el valor público dentro del sistema democrático del país, ya que la manera en la que actualmente se desarrolla este procedimiento se evidencia serios cuestionamientos en su seguridad científica y jurídica debido a los problemas existentes: firmas falsificadas, demora en la entrega de resultados, marco jurídico inadecuado, falta de personal capacitado y la no optimización de recursos públicos. Para efectuar este cambio en el procedimiento, se propone la modificación del marco normativo, la restructuración del procedimiento principal y la identificación de beneficios como consecuencia de la implementación propuesta. Este informe de la investigación realizada se encuentra organizada en cinco capítulos. En el primero, se presenta el marco teórico general. Aquí se describen aspectos relacionados con el sistema electoral peruano, como son el cuerpo normativo electoral, la legislación vigente en materia de creación y regulación del RENIEC, la gestión por indicadores, el valor público y los lineamientos de la política de modernización del Estado. El segundo capítulo se enfoca en describir la situación actual del procedimiento de verificación de firmas. En este, se detalla el área técnica del RENIEC que está a cargo de la realización de dicha actividad. Además, se hace una breve descripción del marco normativo de este procedimiento y de los indicadores de gestión que utiliza para su desarrollo. En el tercer capítulo, se abarcarán los objetivos estratégicos de la RENIEC con la finalidad de identificar como estos coadyuvan al mejoramiento del procedimiento de verificación de firmas. Además, se identifica cuál es el servicio brindado, los clientes que se benefician y los requerimientos utilizados para efectuar el mencionado procedimiento. En el cuarto capítulo, se identifican las áreas u órganos que intervienen en la ejecución del procedimiento de verificación de firmas. Asimismo, se detalla la forma en la que se realiza el mismo de acuerdo al marco normativo vigente; también, se presenta la evolución histórica del procedimiento de acuerdo a los últimos años. Finalmente, en el quinto capítulo, se aborda la mejora del procedimiento y, tras el análisis y evaluación del mismo, se identifican las dificultades existentes. Luego de ello, se valora la propuesta de mejora y se indica la secuencia lógica para su implementación. Para ello, se efectuó la propuesta normativa adecuada para implementar el nuevo sistema de verificación de identificación biométrica. Además, se indican los beneficios de uso del mismo y la estrategia para su implementación en el RENIEC en un plazo de tres (3) años, con lo cual se coadyuvará a la optimización de recursos y entrega de resultados. Y para finalizar, se presentan las conclusiones y recomendaciones en base a la propuesta de mejora y al plan de implementación. / The research is intended to evaluate the suitability of implementing improvements through the use of technology to the signature verification procedure performed by the Sub-Department of Signature Verification and Electoral Support of the National Registry of Identification and Civil Status (RENIEC). The purpose is to demonstrate the feasibility of providing user citizens with more effective services and strenghten public value within the country´s democratic system, since the way in which this procedure is currently being carried out does not generate legal certainty due to existing problems: forged signatures, delays in the delivery of results, an inadequate legal framework, insuffciently trained staff and nonoptimized public resources. In order to improve on the procedure, modifications to the regulatory framework, a restructuring of the main procedure and the identification of benefits derived from the proposed implementation are proposed. This research report consists of five chapters. In the first one, a general theoretical framework is presented. Aspects related to the Peruvian electoral system are described, such as the electoral regulatory body, such as the electoral regulatory body, the legislation responsible of the creation and regulation of RENIEC, its indicator-based management practices and the guidelines for the State modernization policy. The second chapter focuses on describing the current status of the signature verification procedure and of RENIEC’s technical department in charge of carrying out this activity is discussed. In addition, the chapter includes a brief description of the regulatory framework for this procedure and of the management indicators that it uses for its development. The third chapter covers RENIEC’s strategic objectives, in order to determine their contribution to the improvement of the signature verification procedure. It also identifies the service that is provided, the users that benefit from it and the requirements to perform this procedure. In the fourth chapter, the areas or bodies involved in the execution of the signature verification procedure are identified. The chapter also presents the steps to perform this procedure in compliance with the current regulatory framework. The historical evolution of the procedure in recent years is discussed as well. Finally, the fifth chapter discusses the improvement of the procedure and, after due analysis and evaluation, the identification of existing difficulties. The proposed improvement is assessed and the logical steps towards its implementation are provided. An appropriate normative proposal consisting of implementing the new biometric identification verification system is made. In addition, the chapter discusses its potential benefits and the strategy for its implementation by RENIEC in a three-year period, which will support the optimization of resources and the delivery of results. The final section of this research report includes conclusions and recommendations based on the proposed improvement and implementation plan. / Trabajo de investigación

The presented thesis mainly focuses on an analysis of twenty years of the politics of electoral reform in Czechoslovakia (1990-1992), on the federal level (the Federal Assembly), and the national level (the Czech National Council), respectively, and later on the politics of electoral reform in the Czech Republic, on the national level (the Chamber of Deputies of the Parliament of the Czech Republic). First, the thesis discusses how and why electoral systems are chosen and changed. Recent analysis of the politics of electoral reform has yielded two main theoretical perspectives regarding the reforms of recent decades. The first one, the power-maximizing perspective, assumes that politicians control the choice of the electoral system and that they are motivated to maximize their power. The other perspective allows for a wider range of actors - in particular, including ordinary citizens as well as politicians - and sees electoral reform as the product of a mix of inherent and contingent factors. Reform can, under this approach, occur in response to specific instances of systemic failure. More recently, Alan Renwick (in 2010 and more precisely in 2011) seeks to develop a more refined understanding of electoral reform processes through two steps. At the outset, there is an acknowledgement that there are...

The thesis examines a phenomenon of small political parties in the Czech Republic in the period since 1998 until now. It reveals their position in the Czech party system, their potential to survive in the Chamber of Deputies of the Parliament of the Czech Republic and examines their chances of being a relevant coalition partner. The thesis is divided into 6 parts. An introduction opens the issue of small political parties. In the first chapter there is an identification of small political parties acting in the Czech political system. It focuses on their formation and development, their participation in elections, entering the Chamber of Deputies, prospective coalition cooperation and their current activity without any representation within the Parliament. In the next chapter the theses examines electoral systems and their key variables in regards to small political parties by using a concrete example of the election mechanism used for the Czech Chamber of Deputies. The question of election reform is raised together with revealing the key points of a relevant academic and public discussion. The last chapter examines the relationship among small political parties and media in regards to the key moments of election campaigns for the Chamber of Deputies of the Czech Parliament. The hypothesis stated in...

The thesis "Proposals to amend the electoral and political system in contemporary Czech public debate" examines proposals presented by different types of entities who are trying to rectify the Czech policy. The current political scene is struggling with problems such as corruption, bribery and government instability. Such a situation leads to dissatisfaction with politicians and it may ultimately lead to their alienation. The starting point is to reform the policy and restore the confidence of citizens and their interest in public affairs. The aim of this paper is to describe what proposals dominate the current debate on the amendment of the Czech electoral system and in many cases can lead to a change of the political system. The thesis is divided into four thematic sections. The first, theoretical part briefly introduces the concept of democracy, individual elements of direct democracy and the typology of political systems. In addition, there are information about the Czech constitutional order and the development of the electoral system in the Czech Republic. Other three chapters deal with those proposals, which are divided according to the type of the entity that proposed them. This is a set of proposals by entities established by power and relevant political parties; smaller political...

The Republic of South Africa entered into a new constitutional dispensation in 1994. As part of this new constitutional dispensation, a new electoral system, i.e. the closed-list proportional representative electoral system, was adopted. This electoral system was accepted for elections on a national level of representatives for the National Assembly and has certain advantages and disadvantages. Some political scientists, political parties and opinion formers are of the opinion that this electoral system brings about poor contact between the representatives in the National Assembly (Parliament) and the voters. Critics are also of the opinion that party leaders obtain too much power within this electoral system, in that the parties appoint candidates to the candidate lists. In elections, voters vote for specific political parties and therefore do not have a choice with regard to who their representatives are. The result is that South Africa adheres to the representative aspect of democracy, but is lacking with regard to the accounting of representatives to voters. The legitimacy of Parliament is impaired by this defect. The aim of this study is to provide a critical analysis and investigate alternative frameworks of the South African electoral system and its functioning on a national level. In the analysis it is determined to what extent the South African electoral system meets the criteria set for an electoral system to ensure the legitimacy of Parliament, a sustainable representative democracy and an accountable government in the long term in the country. This analysis and evaluation was used to determine whether the existing closed-list proportional representative electoral system is the most suitable electoral system for South Africa and, if not, to identify and analyse an alternative electoral system for South Africa. The analysis entails a literature overview analysis of electoral systems. From the study it appears that modern democracies use a wide variety of different electoral systems. There is consensus that no single best electoral system exists which could be used by all countries, since every country has its distinctive circumstances and an electoral system’s functioning and outcomes are affected by it. In this study, twelve different electoral systems are identified with specific advantages and disadvantages. Criteria were set with which electoral systems had to comply in order to promote democracy and ensure the legitimacy of Parliament. These criteria require that electoral systems have to promote and ensure broad representation, accessible and meaningful elections, reconciliation, stable and effective government, accountability of government, accountability of representatives, promotion of political parties, opposition and oversight, sustainability of the electoral process, and international standards. The listed criteria were placed in order of priority according to those which are the most important in the current South African circumstances. In accordance with this, an evaluation model was drawn up which was quantified in order to calculate the extent to which every electoral system met the requirements and priority order. In determining the order of priority of the requirements in the criteria, the historical circumstances of South Africa, of discord, conflict, racial hatred, riots and suspicion between races, were taken into account. When applying the evaluation model to the twelve different electoral systems, it was found that the current closed-list proportional representative electoral system is the most suitable electoral system for South Africa and should be retained. In terms of the criticism of the current electoral system, the conclusion drawn is that electoral systems cannot ensure the measure of accountability of representatives. It is ensured by the internal rules and discipline of the political parties they represent. The contribution of electoral systems to the accountability of representatives is to ensure that voters have a choice between more than one candidate, or more than one political party at a following election. Furthermore, electoral systems also do not appoint candidates in an election; the respective political parties appoint them. In any appointment of candidates, the leadership and party bureaucracy will play a specific role, regardless of the type of electoral system. / Thesis (PhD (Political Studies))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2013.

The Republic of South Africa entered into a new constitutional dispensation in 1994. As part of this new constitutional dispensation, a new electoral system, i.e. the closed-list proportional representative electoral system, was adopted. This electoral system was accepted for elections on a national level of representatives for the National Assembly and has certain advantages and disadvantages. Some political scientists, political parties and opinion formers are of the opinion that this electoral system brings about poor contact between the representatives in the National Assembly (Parliament) and the voters. Critics are also of the opinion that party leaders obtain too much power within this electoral system, in that the parties appoint candidates to the candidate lists. In elections, voters vote for specific political parties and therefore do not have a choice with regard to who their representatives are. The result is that South Africa adheres to the representative aspect of democracy, but is lacking with regard to the accounting of representatives to voters. The legitimacy of Parliament is impaired by this defect. The aim of this study is to provide a critical analysis and investigate alternative frameworks of the South African electoral system and its functioning on a national level. In the analysis it is determined to what extent the South African electoral system meets the criteria set for an electoral system to ensure the legitimacy of Parliament, a sustainable representative democracy and an accountable government in the long term in the country. This analysis and evaluation was used to determine whether the existing closed-list proportional representative electoral system is the most suitable electoral system for South Africa and, if not, to identify and analyse an alternative electoral system for South Africa. The analysis entails a literature overview analysis of electoral systems. From the study it appears that modern democracies use a wide variety of different electoral systems. There is consensus that no single best electoral system exists which could be used by all countries, since every country has its distinctive circumstances and an electoral system’s functioning and outcomes are affected by it. In this study, twelve different electoral systems are identified with specific advantages and disadvantages. Criteria were set with which electoral systems had to comply in order to promote democracy and ensure the legitimacy of Parliament. These criteria require that electoral systems have to promote and ensure broad representation, accessible and meaningful elections, reconciliation, stable and effective government, accountability of government, accountability of representatives, promotion of political parties, opposition and oversight, sustainability of the electoral process, and international standards. The listed criteria were placed in order of priority according to those which are the most important in the current South African circumstances. In accordance with this, an evaluation model was drawn up which was quantified in order to calculate the extent to which every electoral system met the requirements and priority order. In determining the order of priority of the requirements in the criteria, the historical circumstances of South Africa, of discord, conflict, racial hatred, riots and suspicion between races, were taken into account. When applying the evaluation model to the twelve different electoral systems, it was found that the current closed-list proportional representative electoral system is the most suitable electoral system for South Africa and should be retained. In terms of the criticism of the current electoral system, the conclusion drawn is that electoral systems cannot ensure the measure of accountability of representatives. It is ensured by the internal rules and discipline of the political parties they represent. The contribution of electoral systems to the accountability of representatives is to ensure that voters have a choice between more than one candidate, or more than one political party at a following election. Furthermore, electoral systems also do not appoint candidates in an election; the respective political parties appoint them. In any appointment of candidates, the leadership and party bureaucracy will play a specific role, regardless of the type of electoral system. / Thesis (PhD (Political Studies))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2013.

我國於2005年修憲案通過後，區域立委產生的方式由複數選區改為單一選區，每選區選出一名代表，選舉制度的改變、單一選區的設計及其劃分方式，造成某些立委選區幅員變小，有些甚至比地方公職人員的選區小或者與地方公職人員選區相同，但絕大多數選區仍較地方公職人員來得大，就這兩種類型立委而言，面臨選區內潛在的挑戰者時，其行為模式會有何不同？本研究以代表理論為基礎，將第七、八屆立委分為兩種類型（選區大與小），以量化分析與深入訪談並重的方式探究立委代表行為的差異。 本研究發現，控制其他的因素之後，在選區服務行為方面，相較於選區較地方公職人員大之立委，選區較地方公職人員小的立委於選區工作時間比例較高並達到顯著差異，而選民個案服務及紅白帖較為踴躍，從深度訪談結果得知，選區較小的立委確實從事更多的選區服務，也出現明顯地方化的現象。在立法問政行為方面，選區較小的立委在法律提案以及施政質詢行為上與選區較大的立委無差別，可能原因為選舉競爭激烈，每位區域立委需要展現自己，積極於國會中問政、提出法案等，而選區較小的立委由於在選區工作上投入大量時間，相對而言，無法分出更多的精力於立法問政，以至於立法問政的分析結果中，選區大與小的立委之間相差無幾。

Os partidos políticos participam do uso do território brasileiro disputando o controle de suas porções. Quando ganham um cargo, seja legislativo ou executivo, potencializam suas possibilidades de intervenção no território, participando da construção de novas materialidades, ora promovendo ora coibindo novos usos. Um novo sistema normativo, como é o caso da proposta de reforma política, pode significar outras possibilidades de uso do território pelos partidos políticos, beneficiando uns ou outros, porque estabelece novas regras para a concorrência eleitoral e para o financiamento das campanhas e quais alianças territoriais serão permitidas. Essas novas regulamentações podem influenciar, junto com outros fatores, futuras distribuições do poder dos partidos políticos pelo território. Ao mesmo tempo, o território usado participa não só da criação dessas novas normas como da sua eficácia, caso sejam adotadas, determinando se as novas leis serão apenas formas vazias, que perpetuam o mosaico político-territorial vigente, ou se promoverão novos arranjos territoriais. A reforma política não pode ser entendida como uma variável autônoma da regulamentação das ações político-partidárias, independentemente da totalidade do uso do território. As regulamentações, ou seja, as normas são mediadoras e mediadas pela relação intrínseca entre ação política e materialidade. Dessa forma, o intuito de nossa pesquisa foi o de buscar compreender algumas propostas da reforma política a partir do território e seu uso, participando do debate da geografia política e eleitoral. / Political parties participate in the use of the Brazilian territory competing for the control of its portions. Winning a seat in the legislative body or a position in the executive branch increase exponentially their possibilities of intervention in such territory, allowing them to participate in the building of new materialities by either promoting or preventing its new use. A new system of norms, as in the case of the political reform proposal, might turn into new possibilities for the use of territory by political parties yielding benefit to some because it establishes new rules for electoral competition as well as for campaign financing in which territorial alliances shall be allowed. These new regulations might influence, together with other factors, future distribution of the political parties power over territory. At the same time, the territory used takes part not only in the making of these new norms but also in its efficacy, when they are adopted, determining whether the new laws will be no more than empty forms which perpetuate the prevailing political territorial mosaic, or they may promote new territorial organization. The Political Reform should not be seen as an independent variable of the setting of norms of the political parties actions, apart from the totality of territorial use. Norms are both mediators and mediated by the intrinsic relation between political action and materiality. Thus, the objective of this study was to reach an understanding of some political reform proposals based on territory and its use and by so doing, take part in the debate concerning political and electoral geography.

Os partidos políticos participam do uso do território brasileiro disputando o controle de suas porções. Quando ganham um cargo, seja legislativo ou executivo, potencializam suas possibilidades de intervenção no território, participando da construção de novas materialidades, ora promovendo ora coibindo novos usos. Um novo sistema normativo, como é o caso da proposta de reforma política, pode significar outras possibilidades de uso do território pelos partidos políticos, beneficiando uns ou outros, porque estabelece novas regras para a concorrência eleitoral e para o financiamento das campanhas e quais alianças territoriais serão permitidas. Essas novas regulamentações podem influenciar, junto com outros fatores, futuras distribuições do poder dos partidos políticos pelo território. Ao mesmo tempo, o território usado participa não só da criação dessas novas normas como da sua eficácia, caso sejam adotadas, determinando se as novas leis serão apenas formas vazias, que perpetuam o mosaico político-territorial vigente, ou se promoverão novos arranjos territoriais. A reforma política não pode ser entendida como uma variável autônoma da regulamentação das ações político-partidárias, independentemente da totalidade do uso do território. As regulamentações, ou seja, as normas são mediadoras e mediadas pela relação intrínseca entre ação política e materialidade. Dessa forma, o intuito de nossa pesquisa foi o de buscar compreender algumas propostas da reforma política a partir do território e seu uso, participando do debate da geografia política e eleitoral. / Political parties participate in the use of the Brazilian territory competing for the control of its portions. Winning a seat in the legislative body or a position in the executive branch increase exponentially their possibilities of intervention in such territory, allowing them to participate in the building of new materialities by either promoting or preventing its new use. A new system of norms, as in the case of the political reform proposal, might turn into new possibilities for the use of territory by political parties yielding benefit to some because it establishes new rules for electoral competition as well as for campaign financing in which territorial alliances shall be allowed. These new regulations might influence, together with other factors, future distribution of the political parties power over territory. At the same time, the territory used takes part not only in the making of these new norms but also in its efficacy, when they are adopted, determining whether the new laws will be no more than empty forms which perpetuate the prevailing political territorial mosaic, or they may promote new territorial organization. The Political Reform should not be seen as an independent variable of the setting of norms of the political parties actions, apart from the totality of territorial use. Norms are both mediators and mediated by the intrinsic relation between political action and materiality. Thus, the objective of this study was to reach an understanding of some political reform proposals based on territory and its use and by so doing, take part in the debate concerning political and electoral geography.