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Ma thèse constitue une étude de l'épiscopat byzantin à une période charnière de l'histoire de l'Empire. Les évolutions de l'épiscopat s'articulent autour de la conception de l'autorité des évêques, qu'ils fondent désormais davantage sur leur compétence intellectuelle. Le recrutement d'une partie importante de l'épiscopat parmi le clergé lettré de Constantinople modifie la représentation de leur autorité, qui ne repose pas exclusivement sur la grâce reçue lors de l'ordination et le pouvoir d'ordre. La formation poussée des évêques et les relations qu'ils maintiennent avec leurs amis intellectuels de la capitale ont des conséquences sur l'exercice de leur pouvoir dans leur diocèse. L'absentéisme des évêques étant limité, les prélats ont pris leur rôle au sérieux en dépit de l'opposition grandissante entre la capitale, dont ils sont issus, et les provinces, où ils officient. Les évêques ont mis en œuvre leur compétence intellectuelle, littéraire, théologique et juridique pour gouverner leurs fidèles, défendre les intérêts de leur diocèse et participer au synode permanent à Constantinople. Les liens avec l'aristocratie constantinopolitaines, matérialisés dans les correspondances, sont apparus cruciaux pour le bon exercice du gouvernement épiscopal. L'épiscopat ne résiste cependant pas à l'ensemble de ses contradictions, notamment celle entre les provinces et la capitale. Leur gouvernement est toujours susceptible d'être contesté aussi bien par les aristocrates, les moines ou les simples fidèles. / My dissertation studies the Byzantine episcopate at a crucial period in the history of the Empire. The evolutions of the episcopate revolve around the conception of the bishops' authority, which was based on their intellectual competence. The recruitment of a large part of the bishops among the literate clergy of Constantinople modifies the representation of their authority, which does not rest exclusively on the grace received during their chrismation and the power of order. The advanced intellectual training of the bishops and the relations they maintain with their friends living in the capital have consequences for the exercise of power in their diocese. The bishops' absenteeism being limited, the bishops took their role seriously in spite of the growing opposition between the capital from which they came and the provinces where they held their office. The bishops have implemented their intellectual, literary, theological and legal competence to govern their faithful, defend the interests of their diocese and participate in the pe1manent synod in Constantinople. The links with the Constantinopolitan aristocrats, materialized in the correspondences, appeared crucial for the good exercise of the episcopal government. The episcopate, however, does not resist ail its contradictions, especially that between the provinces and the capital. Their government is always liable to be contested by aristocrats, monks or lay people alike.

Esta tese tem como objetivo analisar o projeto de Reforma da Igreja e governo episcopal levados a cabo por D. Frei Bartolomeu dos Mártires, Arcebispo de Braga (1559-1582), bem como seus conflitos com as demais autoridades que poderiam interferir em sua jurisdição dentro da Arquidiocese: o Cabido da Sé, a Coroa, e, principalmente, o Tribunal do Santo Ofício português. Em 1559, Bartolomeu dos Mártires (O.P) tornou-se a cabeça da mais importante diocese do Reino e desenvolveu ali um modelo alternativo para lidar com delitos religiosos. Durante seu governo sobre Braga, ele parece ter tido uma relação complicada com qualquer instituição que desafiasse sua autoridade. Tal postura difere do que se costuma afirmar como o padrão das conexões entre bispos e o Santo Ofício, geralmente caracterizada pela complacência e cooperação. Através de seus escritos, sua ação no Concílio de Trento, e especialmente a forma como regia sua arquidiocese, colidindo com poderes de diversas ordens para assegurar a afirmação de sua jurisdição, Frei Bartolomeu dos Mártires tornou-se uma personagem distinta que pode ser de grande ajuda para que se entenda a concepção distinta de Reforma da Igreja que motivou o episcopado tridentino. / This thesis has the goal of analyzing the project of Catholic Reformation and episcopal government conducted by D. Friar Bartolomeu dos Mártires, Archbishop of Braga (1559-1582), and his conflicts with the other authorities that could interfere in his jurisdiction within the Archdiocese: the Cathedral Chapter, the Crown and, most of all, the portuguese Holy Office Tribunal. In 1559, Bartolomeu dos Mártires (O.P.) became the head of the most important diocese of the Realm and developed there an alternative way to deal with religious crimes. During his rule over Braga, he seems to have had a complicated relationship with any institution that defied his authority. This position was very different from what is often said to be the pattern of the connections between bishops and the Holy Office, generally characterized by compliance and cooperation. Through his writings, his action in the Council of Trent and especially the way he ruled his archbishopric, colliding with distinct powers to secure the assertion of his jurisdiction, Friar Bartolomeu dos Mártires became a distinguished character who can be extremely helpful to better understand the specific conception of Catholic Reformation that motivated the tridentine episcopate.

Esta tese tem como objetivo analisar o projeto de Reforma da Igreja e governo episcopal levados a cabo por D. Frei Bartolomeu dos Mártires, Arcebispo de Braga (1559-1582), bem como seus conflitos com as demais autoridades que poderiam interferir em sua jurisdição dentro da Arquidiocese: o Cabido da Sé, a Coroa, e, principalmente, o Tribunal do Santo Ofício português. Em 1559, Bartolomeu dos Mártires (O.P) tornou-se a cabeça da mais importante diocese do Reino e desenvolveu ali um modelo alternativo para lidar com delitos religiosos. Durante seu governo sobre Braga, ele parece ter tido uma relação complicada com qualquer instituição que desafiasse sua autoridade. Tal postura difere do que se costuma afirmar como o padrão das conexões entre bispos e o Santo Ofício, geralmente caracterizada pela complacência e cooperação. Através de seus escritos, sua ação no Concílio de Trento, e especialmente a forma como regia sua arquidiocese, colidindo com poderes de diversas ordens para assegurar a afirmação de sua jurisdição, Frei Bartolomeu dos Mártires tornou-se uma personagem distinta que pode ser de grande ajuda para que se entenda a concepção distinta de Reforma da Igreja que motivou o episcopado tridentino. / This thesis has the goal of analyzing the project of Catholic Reformation and episcopal government conducted by D. Friar Bartolomeu dos Mártires, Archbishop of Braga (1559-1582), and his conflicts with the other authorities that could interfere in his jurisdiction within the Archdiocese: the Cathedral Chapter, the Crown and, most of all, the portuguese Holy Office Tribunal. In 1559, Bartolomeu dos Mártires (O.P.) became the head of the most important diocese of the Realm and developed there an alternative way to deal with religious crimes. During his rule over Braga, he seems to have had a complicated relationship with any institution that defied his authority. This position was very different from what is often said to be the pattern of the connections between bishops and the Holy Office, generally characterized by compliance and cooperation. Through his writings, his action in the Council of Trent and especially the way he ruled his archbishopric, colliding with distinct powers to secure the assertion of his jurisdiction, Friar Bartolomeu dos Mártires became a distinguished character who can be extremely helpful to better understand the specific conception of Catholic Reformation that motivated the tridentine episcopate.

La réforme grégorienne, du nom du pape Grégoire VII (1073-1085), est un évènement majeur de l’histoire de l’Occident médiéval. L’Eglise, en s’appuyant notamment sur un épiscopat renouvelé, inaugure une entreprise de distinction profonde entre clercs et laïcs, profane et sacré, pouvoir temporel et pouvoir spirituel. L’objectif est de réformer en profondeur l’institution ecclésiale en s’appuyant sur une idéologie valorisant la pureté morale, mais aussi sur des structures et un fonctionnement nouveaux - c’est à cette époque que se développent la paroisse, la dîme, la fonction de légat, de nouveaux ordres religieux...Hugues de Châteauneuf, né vers 1053, est le fils d’un membre de la petite élite châtelaine des environs de Valence. Destiné aux études et à l’état clérical, il est repéré par des représentants de Grégoire VII et placé sur le siège épiscopal de Grenoble. Son épiscopat, long d’un demi-siècle, est marqué du sceau de la réforme, dont il fut à la fois agent et acteur. De par son réseau, son action locale ou sa participation aux affaires de l’Eglise hors de son diocèse, Hugues de Châteauneuf fut un protagoniste du « moment grégorien ». Deux aspects de sa politique à la tête du diocèse de Grenoble sont à retenir : les conflits qui l’opposèrent aux nobles locaux - en particulier les comtes d’Albon, fondateurs de la principauté du Dauphiné - ainsi que les nombreuses fondations religieuses qu’il encouragea - pensons notamment au rôle clé qu’il joua dans le développement de la fondation de la Grande-Chartreuse.Deux sources majeures nous sont parvenues et nous permettent de cerner la trajectoire et l’action de ce prélat des XI-XIIe siècles. D’une part les trois cartulaires de Grenoble, qui regroupent plus de trois cents documents nous permettant de suivre sa politique, sa gestion et son administration du diocèse de Grenoble. D’autre part l’hagiographie rédigée par l’un de ses proches, le prieur de la Grande-Chartreuse Guigues - car Hugues de Grenoble fut canonisé moins de deux ans après sa mort. Cette source nous permet d’insérer l’action et le rôle d’Hugues de Grenoble dans un autre élément de contexte fondamental de la période : le schisme d’Anaclet, prolongement de la réforme grégorienne et de la querelle des investitures.En s’appuyant sur certains renouvellements historiographiques et épistémologiques récents, ce travail a consisté à dresser le portrait d’un homme, d’un moment et d’une fonction. En effet, l’épiscopat fut le maillon essentiel de l’application de la réforme grégorienne. En outre, la région des Alpes, par son particularisme géopolitique - entre Saint-Empire, royaume de France et Italie - représentait un laboratoire intéressant pour les réformateurs. Ainsi on mesure mieux tout l’intérêt pour Rome de placer un homme de confiance à la tête d’un diocèse comme celui de Grenoble. / [Summary not transmitted]

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T19:32:45Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Fernando Arthur de Freitas Neves.pdf: 2781084 bytes, checksum: 87dbbfbe0c8f924da3ebf110f7c3c3c3 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-12-11 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / It wanted church to separate up itself of the state? It wanted the state to break up itself of church? Impossible to recognize in the hierarchy a positive answer for this quandary when if it perceives the gale of mobilized forces to church to remain in the head of the souls and institutions to its constant work of religious regeneration and of the necessary structures to the apport of resources for offering of symbolic services and the civil services given by this. If some clergymen in Brazil, for example of other national states had assumed the responsibility to slash a statal apparatus according to liberal models of England, U.S.A. and France, neither therefore must attribute to church or the hierarchy to the predilection for this type of state. In the decade of 1870, the prelates romanizadores of Pará and Pernambuco, D. Macedo Costa and D. Vital Lima, respectively, had been condemned to the arrest for do not suspend the injunction determinate to the Carmo Third Order , according to determination of the emperor, crime against the authority of this about the religious subjects, until then of court of appeals of the civil power. This conviction is the apex of the litigation between state and church in Brazil of the last quarter of century XIX, therefore from this moment the alliances of this block of power will suffer other crises ( for example, the civil processions and wax candles, civil cemeteries, civil marriages and civil registers), gaining more powerness ,and leading to the separation of the two institutions in 1890, by the decree of the recent republic. This has been the way covered for the historiography when investigating the relations between state and church. Notedly, the historians of church have designated the condition of secondary of church before the state, now that one does not control none of the necessary material ways to its institucional reproduction. To this respect, this work looks up to demonstrate the cases as of the bishoprics, in the born of the republic that were completely unprovided of the necessary resources to the continuity of the proposal catholic being essential to recover the constructions, such as churches, chapels, convents and high schools, therefore thanks to these church had obtained, to make present in the hearts and minds of the faithful. Thus being, the mote of the research is try to perceive the relation between church in the Amazônia, state and the national episcopate during pastorate of Dom the Macedo Costa / Queria a igreja separar-se do estado? Queria o estado separar-se da igreja? Impossível reconhecer na hierarquia uma resposta positiva para esse dilema quando se percebe o vendaval de forças mobilizadas para a igreja permanecer na direção das almas e das instituições afeitas ao seu trabalho constante de regeneração religiosa e das estruturas necessárias ao aporte de recursos para o oferecimento de serviços simbólicos e dos serviços civis prestados por esta. Se alguns clérigos, no Brasil, a exemplo de outros estados nacionais, assumiram a responsabilidade de talharem um aparelho de estado segundo os modelos liberais de Inglaterra, EUA e França, nem por isso devemos atribuir a igreja ou a hierarquia à predileção por esse tipo de estado. Na década de 1870, os prelados romanizadores do Pará e de Pernambuco, D. Macedo Costa e D. Vital Lima, respectivamente, foram condenados à prisão por não levantarem o interdito imposto à Ordem Terceira do Carmo, conforme determinação do imperador, crime que lesava a autoridade deste sobre os assuntos religiosos, até então de alçada do poder civil. Essa condenação é o ápice do litígio entre estado e igreja no Brasil do último quartel do século XIX, pois desse momento em diante as alianças deste bloco de poder sofrerão outras crises (como, por exemplo, as procissões e círios civis, cemitérios, casamentos e registros civis), ganhando cada vez maior envergadura, levando à separação das duas instituições em 1890, pelo decreto da recente república. Esse tem sido o caminho percorrido pela historiografia ao investigar as relações entre estado e igreja. Notadamente, os historiadores da igreja têm assinalado a condição de subalternidade da igreja ante ao estado, visto aquela não controlar nenhum dos meios materiais necessários a sua reprodução institucional. A esse respeito, esse trabalho procura demonstrar os casos como dos bispados, na aurora da república, completamente desprovidos dos recursos necessários à continuidade da proposição católica, sendo imprescindível reaver as edificações, como igrejas, capelas, conventos e colégios, pois graças a estes a igreja conseguia, se fazer presente nos corações e mentes dos fiéis. Assim sendo, o mote da pesquisa é tentar perceber a relação entre igreja na Amazônia, estado e o episcopado nacional durante o pastorado de Dom Macedo Costa

O período da história brasileira que abrange os anos de 1964 a 1985 a ditadura militar se caracterizou pela mobilização popular e pela necessidade de mudança social. Clamava-se por uma libertação das opressões históricas que a maioria do povo vinha sofrendo. Paradoxalmente, foi um momento de forte autoritarismo e de violação dos direitos sociais e humanos. Naquele contexto, o episcopado nordestino assumiu um papel revolucionário ao se distanciar do governo militar e transgredir em favor do povo da região. Treze bispos e cinco religiosos assinaram Eu ouvi os clamores do meu povo e foram perseguidos pela censura militar. Neste trabalho foi analisado aquele documento no qual diversos aspectos econômicos, sociais, políticos e religiosos foram apresentados; ressaltamos o esforço dos prelados na construção, preservação e circulação das informações acerca do escrito eclesial. Apesar da relevância daquele texto, tão importante para o catolicismo brasileiro e nordestino, defrontamo-nos com uma escassa documentação sobre sua repercussão na imprensa escrita em Pernambuco, bem como em órgãos oficiais da Igreja Católica e do regime militar, dado o momento histórico vivido quando da sua divulgação. No entanto, apesar dos entraves e das limitações, Eu ouvi os clamores do meu povo fez seu percurso e assinalou um passo importante na trajetória política da Igreja Católica no Brasil. / The period of Brazilian history covering the years 1964 to 1985 - the military dictatorship - was characterized by the popular mobilization and the need for social change. Claimed by a release of historical oppression that most of the people had been suffering. Paradoxically, it was a time of strong authoritarianism and violations of social and human rights. In that context, the northeastern bishops took a revolutionary role in distancing theirselvs from the military government and transgress on behalf of the people of the region. Thirteen bishops and five religious signed "I heard the cries of my people" and were persecuted by the military censorship. In this work, that document in which various economic, social, political and religious aspects were presented was analyzed; we highlight the efforts of prelates in the construction, preservation and dissemination of information about the ecclesial writing. Despite the relevance of that text, so important for the Brazilian and Northeast Catholicism, we are faced with a scant documentation about its impact on print media in Pernambuco, as well as in official agencies of the Catholic Church and the military regime, given the lived historical moment when disclosure. However, despite the obstacles and limitations, I heard the cries of my people made their path and marked an important step in the political history of the Catholic Church in Brazil.

Orientador: Néri de Barros Almeida / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-19T17:55:40Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Silva_ThiagoJuarezRibeiroda_M.pdf: 1849286 bytes, checksum: e3b26268b134e5c31502fa2ab9a96efe (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011 / Resumo: Esta pesquisa visa o estudo comparativo entre as realezas merovíngia e visigoda entre os séculos VI e VII e o modo como estas autoridades ligaram à finalidade governamental valores cristãos. Para tanto, fazemos uso de cânones conciliares e editos reais, assim como de textos narrativos. A intenção é verificar de que maneira a realeza, em colaboração com o episcopado, pretendeu organizar a sociedade de acordo com as prerrogativas morais cristãs por meio de uma prática normativa a partir de uma documentação de origem diversa / Abstract: The present research proposal aimed a comparative study of the Merovingian royalty and Visigoth between the sixth and seventh centuries and how these authorities linked to the purpose of government the Christian moral values. To this end, we make use of conciliar canons and royal edicts, as well as narrative texts. The objective is to see how the royalty in collaboration with the bishops intend to organize the society according to the Christian moral prerogatives through regulation praxis / Mestrado / Historia Cultural / Mestre em História

Made available in DSpace on 2017-06-01T18:12:54Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 maria_alexssandra_prado_oliveira.pdf: 944913 bytes, checksum: a1c01c29b6bc5d6fcdbffb3a8d5e150b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-07-14 / The period of Brazilian history covering the years 1964 to 1985 - the military dictatorship - was characterized by the popular mobilization and the need for social change. Claimed by a release of historical oppression that most of the people had been suffering. Paradoxically, it was a time of strong authoritarianism and violations of social and human rights. In that context, the northeastern bishops took a revolutionary role in distancing theirselvs from the military government and transgress on behalf of the people of the region. Thirteen bishops and five religious signed "I heard the cries of my people" and were persecuted by the military censorship. In this work, that document in which various economic, social, political and religious aspects were presented was analyzed; we highlight the efforts of prelates in the construction, preservation and dissemination of information about the ecclesial writing. Despite the relevance of that text, so important for the Brazilian and Northeast Catholicism, we are faced with a scant documentation about its impact on print media in Pernambuco, as well as in official agencies of the Catholic Church and the military regime, given the lived historical moment when disclosure. However, despite the obstacles and limitations, I heard the cries of my people made their path and marked an important step in the political history of the Catholic Church in Brazil. / O período da história brasileira que abrange os anos de 1964 a 1985 a ditadura militar se caracterizou pela mobilização popular e pela necessidade de mudança social. Clamava-se por uma libertação das opressões históricas que a maioria do povo vinha sofrendo. Paradoxalmente, foi um momento de forte autoritarismo e de violação dos direitos sociais e humanos. Naquele contexto, o episcopado nordestino assumiu um papel revolucionário ao se distanciar do governo militar e transgredir em favor do povo da região. Treze bispos e cinco religiosos assinaram Eu ouvi os clamores do meu povo e foram perseguidos pela censura militar. Neste trabalho foi analisado aquele documento no qual diversos aspectos econômicos, sociais, políticos e religiosos foram apresentados; ressaltamos o esforço dos prelados na construção, preservação e circulação das informações acerca do escrito eclesial. Apesar da relevância daquele texto, tão importante para o catolicismo brasileiro e nordestino, defrontamo-nos com uma escassa documentação sobre sua repercussão na imprensa escrita em Pernambuco, bem como em órgãos oficiais da Igreja Católica e do regime militar, dado o momento histórico vivido quando da sua divulgação. No entanto, apesar dos entraves e das limitações, Eu ouvi os clamores do meu povo fez seu percurso e assinalou um passo importante na trajetória política da Igreja Católica no Brasil.

The purpose of this thesis is to examine the Church of England’s understanding of ‘episcopal’ episcopacy and ordained ministry, including their ecclesiological implications and ecumenical consequences. Special attention is given to the refusal of interchangeability of ordained ministers with ‘non-episcopal’ churches (whilst allowing inter-communion), on the grounds that they lacked a ‘historic succession’ of bishops (cf. The Meissen Declaration and Agreement). This claim gives the adjective ‘episcopal’ a denominational, (quasi-)sacramental connotation (hence the inverted commas). Official Anglican statements today claim that the concept of episcopacy in a ‘historic succession’ is and always has been an integral part of ‘Anglican’ teaching as part of its ‘Catholic’, pre-Reformation heritage, whereas it appears that before the nineteenth century the Church of England had been defined largely in territorial and institutional terms. This faced challenges both from without and within, with an increasingly secular and multi-denominational context in Britain (with Non-conformists slowly gaining equal social and political rights) and in the face of the emergence of the Anglican Communion (and ecumenism in the twentieth century). This required the Church of England to forge a distinctive, trans-national, denominational identity for itself and for ‘Anglicanism’ (which can be described as the ‘Anglicanization of the Church of England’). In the first half of the nineteenth century, the English episcopate exercised a more active leadership role (the ‘episcopalization of the Church of England’), creating bishoprics in overseas dependencies and strengthening the influence of the Church of England there and also that of the episcopate (a colonial aspect of the ‘Anglicanization’). In the second half of the nineteenth century the bishops established interchangeability of ministers with formerly English, ‘Episcopal’ churches. This development occurred at the high point of Anglo-Catholic and ritualistic influence (which resulted in a ‘Catholicization of the Church of England’, opposed by Evangelicals and High-churchmen of the pre-Tractarian type). The nature of ‘Anglicanism’ was increasingly interpreted as ‘catholic’/‘Catholic’. In the twentieth century the notion of a ‘historic succession’ of bishops eventually appeared in official documents, whereas earlier statements had been insisting on the ‘historic episcopate’, but open to an understanding in the sense of ‘apostolic succession’ or a divinely instituted or sanctioned, or simply ancient form of government (episcopacy as esse, plene esse or bene esse of church). The eventual adoption of the notion of succession, however, the crucial characteristic of the esse model, meant a ‘theologization’ of Anglican ecclesiology in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries with a distinct ‘catholic’ character, which explains the refusal to agree on interchangeability of ministers with ‘Protestant’ churches, now on theological grounds.