The diploma thesis analyses local authorities taking part in the competition The Authority of the Year:"Half to Half" - Respect for Equal Opportunities. The aim of this thesis is to evaluate the progress, regress or stagnation of the selected local authorities with respect to gender equality. The thesis also carries out a more in-depth analysis of the current state of gender equality promotion by local authorities. The theoretical part introduces the background of promoting gender equality. Attention is paid to the strategy of gender mainstreaming and to how gender equality is connected to public administration. The research aims to analyse the development of local authorities in their promotion of gender equality, and it also provides conclusions and recommendations based on this analysis. Keywords Gender equality, gender mainstreaming, The Authority of the Year: "Half and Half"- Respect for Equal Opportunities Competition, equal opportunities, institutional promotion of gender equality, tools to promote gender equality. 4

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On aurait pu s'attendre à ce que la politique de subvention préférentielle (SEP), de 2008, contribue à l'égalité de chances des « élèves prioritaires ». Cependant, ces principes politiques se sont heurtés à plusieurs obstacles de l'ordre idéologique, pragmatique et structurel. La continuité des pratiques sélectives dans le secteur privé subventionné a été expliquée, par le faible pouvoir coercitif de la loi ou par les logiques de ce secteur d'enseignement. Mais, derrière cette assertion que se passe-t-il réellement ? Dans un monde à multiples références à quelles logiques répondent les établissements ? À la différence des travaux normatifs déjà produits sur cette question, cette thèse propose d'interroger la réalité de certains de ces établissements, explorant comment la politique a été traduite, arrangée et accommodée à partir des justifications et des pratiques des acteurs. Cette approche invite à repenser l'intention volontariste que sous-entend la recherche sur les politiques éducatives. Celle-ci n'a que peu conceptualisé le pouvoir de négociation de l'établissement scolaire face à l'action publique. Nous avons réalisé une analyse descriptive des sept établissements privés subventionnés sous l'angle de leurs identités. Tenant compte de leurs logiques d'action, nous avons reconstitué les processus d'appropriation de la politique SEP que nous décrivons selon deux régimes d'action. Selon un « régime de justice », nous abordons les accords et désaccords construits localement, autour de la « priorité scolaire » ce qui montre dans certains cas, la tension entre identité organisationnelle et logiques de la politique, décelant une conception libérale du bien commun. Selon un « régime de justesse », nous décrivons les traductions de la politique en termes concrets, au travers de la description d'actions, qui par ailleurs, se révèlent moins focalisées sur les « élèves prioritaires » que sur l'unité établissement. Ces deux dimensions décèlent le processus de changement d'un système scolaire fragmenté qui s'apprête à implémenter une nouvelle réforme nationale d'inclusion sociale. / The preferential subsidy policy, as of 2008, was expected to contribute to equal opportunities for "priority students". however, these political principles have encountered several obstacles of the ideological, pragmatic and structural order. the continuity of the selective practices in the particular subsidized sector was explained by the little coercive effect of the law or of the logics in this educational sector. but behind this really happening statement? in a world with multiple references to what logics respond establishments? unlike normative works that have already studied this subject, our thesis proposes to interrogate the reality of certain establishments, exploring how politics has been translated, adapted and installed in the speeches and in the practices of the actors. this approach invites us to reconsider the voluntariness implied by research on education policy, which has little conceptualized the bargaining power of the school in the face of public action. A descriptive analysis of the seven subsidized private schools was carried out in terms of their identities. taking into account their logic of action, we have reconstructed the process of appropriation of sep policy that will be described according to two regimes of action. according to a "regime of justice" (or justification), agreements and disagreements built locally around the "take off priority" are discussed, which in some cases show the tension between the organization's identity and the logic of politics, showing a liberal conception of the common good. according to a "regime of fairness" (or routine) the translations of the policy are described in concrete terms, through the description of actions, which also seem to be less focused on "priority" students than on the establishment unit . these two dimensions show the process of change of a fragmented school system that is implementing a national reform of social inclusion.

<p>Under hösten 2007 har vi genomfört ett utredningsarbete på en arbetsplats kopplad till politik och en folkvald församling. Utredningsarbetet inleddes med att en enkät sändes ut till alla anställda. Ur enkätens resultat formulerades sedan syftet: att undersöka hur jämställdhetsarbete kan utvecklas och arbetas vidare med på en arbetsplats som till synes redan har ett etablerat jämställdhetsarbete. Som ett led i att uppnå syftet frågade vi oss hur den informella jämställdheten kan te sig, och hur den kan relateras till jämställdhets- och mångfaldsplanen? Vi använde oss övergripande av teorier om genus, och applicerade bland annat teorier om könskodning, informella nätverk, könssegregering och motstånd. Förutom enkät användes även kvalitativa intervjuer och deltagande observation. Vi upplevde att jämställdhets- och mångfaldsplanen har en relativt låg status, vilket kan ha samband med det faktum att den tenderade att hamna utanför jämställdhetsdiskussionen överlag. Detta kan bero på att medarbetarna i mångt och mycket uppfattar arbetsplatsen som ”redan jämställd”. En anledning till det kan vara att jämställdhets- och mångfaldsplanen inte tillräckligt berör eller fångar upp de jämställdhetsrelaterade problem som informanterna beskriver, främst informella. Exempel på informella jämställdhetsproblem som beskrivs är: inofficiella nätverk, arbetsuppdelning mellan kvinnor och män och arbetsuppdelningens statusskillnad. Ett ytterligare exempel är en obalans i utrymme mellan könen, gällande tal i offentliga utrymmen. Trots att arbetsplatsen redan har ett etablerat jämställdhetsarbete finns det alltså fortfarande områden att åtgärda. Jämställdhet är ett ständigt pågående arbete och vi ser att arbetsplatsen har goda förutsättningar att möta ovan nämnda utmaningar.</p> / <p>During the fall of 2007 we have carried out an investigative work in a workplace connected to politics and an elected political assembly. Our investigation started with a survey being sent out to all employees. The results of this survey allowed us to formulate the precise aim of the study: to investigate how gender equality work can continue and also evolve in a workplace that seems to already have an established gender equality work. As a part of fulfilling our aim we asked the question how the informal gender equality may appear and whether it can be related to the equal opportunities and diversity plan of the workplace? Throughout the investigation we used a gender theory perspective and applied theories concerning gender coding, informal networks, gender segregation and resistance against equality. Apart from the survey, qualitative interviews and field observation were used. We found that the equal opportunity and diversity plan had a relatively low status, which might be connected to the fact that it tended to be placed outside the overall gender equality discussion. This could be a result of workers already perceiving the workplace as “gender equal”. One reason for this could be that the equal opportunities and diversity plan is not adequately focusing on the gender equal related problems that are described as mostly informal. Examples of informal gender equality problems are: informal networks, division of labor based on gender and the differences in status thereof. Another example is the imbalance between the sexes considering verbal communication in public arenas. Despite the fact that the workplace already has an established gender equality work there is still work to be done. Gender equality is an ongoing process and we find that the workplace has a good chance to face these above-mentioned ongoing challenges.</p>

Under hösten 2007 har vi genomfört ett utredningsarbete på en arbetsplats kopplad till politik och en folkvald församling. Utredningsarbetet inleddes med att en enkät sändes ut till alla anställda. Ur enkätens resultat formulerades sedan syftet: att undersöka hur jämställdhetsarbete kan utvecklas och arbetas vidare med på en arbetsplats som till synes redan har ett etablerat jämställdhetsarbete. Som ett led i att uppnå syftet frågade vi oss hur den informella jämställdheten kan te sig, och hur den kan relateras till jämställdhets- och mångfaldsplanen? Vi använde oss övergripande av teorier om genus, och applicerade bland annat teorier om könskodning, informella nätverk, könssegregering och motstånd. Förutom enkät användes även kvalitativa intervjuer och deltagande observation. Vi upplevde att jämställdhets- och mångfaldsplanen har en relativt låg status, vilket kan ha samband med det faktum att den tenderade att hamna utanför jämställdhetsdiskussionen överlag. Detta kan bero på att medarbetarna i mångt och mycket uppfattar arbetsplatsen som ”redan jämställd”. En anledning till det kan vara att jämställdhets- och mångfaldsplanen inte tillräckligt berör eller fångar upp de jämställdhetsrelaterade problem som informanterna beskriver, främst informella. Exempel på informella jämställdhetsproblem som beskrivs är: inofficiella nätverk, arbetsuppdelning mellan kvinnor och män och arbetsuppdelningens statusskillnad. Ett ytterligare exempel är en obalans i utrymme mellan könen, gällande tal i offentliga utrymmen. Trots att arbetsplatsen redan har ett etablerat jämställdhetsarbete finns det alltså fortfarande områden att åtgärda. Jämställdhet är ett ständigt pågående arbete och vi ser att arbetsplatsen har goda förutsättningar att möta ovan nämnda utmaningar. / During the fall of 2007 we have carried out an investigative work in a workplace connected to politics and an elected political assembly. Our investigation started with a survey being sent out to all employees. The results of this survey allowed us to formulate the precise aim of the study: to investigate how gender equality work can continue and also evolve in a workplace that seems to already have an established gender equality work. As a part of fulfilling our aim we asked the question how the informal gender equality may appear and whether it can be related to the equal opportunities and diversity plan of the workplace? Throughout the investigation we used a gender theory perspective and applied theories concerning gender coding, informal networks, gender segregation and resistance against equality. Apart from the survey, qualitative interviews and field observation were used. We found that the equal opportunity and diversity plan had a relatively low status, which might be connected to the fact that it tended to be placed outside the overall gender equality discussion. This could be a result of workers already perceiving the workplace as “gender equal”. One reason for this could be that the equal opportunities and diversity plan is not adequately focusing on the gender equal related problems that are described as mostly informal. Examples of informal gender equality problems are: informal networks, division of labor based on gender and the differences in status thereof. Another example is the imbalance between the sexes considering verbal communication in public arenas. Despite the fact that the workplace already has an established gender equality work there is still work to be done. Gender equality is an ongoing process and we find that the workplace has a good chance to face these above-mentioned ongoing challenges.

Lyčių lygybė reiškia, kad abi lytys turi būti vienodai matomos, turi turėti vienodus įgaliojimus, ir teises, taip pat ir galimybes vienodai dalyvauti visose gyvenimo srityse. Pastaraisiais dešimtmečiais nemažai pasiekta šioje srityje, tačiau praktika rodo, kad nelygybė vis dar egzistuoja ir primena, kad tobulėti vis dar yra kur. Todėl šiame darbe nagrinėjamas lyčių lygių galimybių politikos įgyvendinimas Lietuvoje ir Suomijoje. Suomija pasirinkta kaip palyginamasis atvejis pasirinkta dėl kelių priežasčių. Pirma, Suomija yra viena Baltijos regiono šalių. Antra, Suomija, kaip ir Lietuva, yra viena iš šiandieninių ES šalių. Trečia, Suomija – tai šalis, kurios pasiekimai lyčių lygybės įgyvendinimo srityje 2008 m. pripažinti geriausiais tarp ES narių. Darbo objektas - lyčių lygių galimybių politikos įgyvendinimas Darbo tikslas – atskleisti Suomijos ir Lietuvos lyčių lygių galimybių politikos įgyvendinimo ypatumus. Darbo uždaviniai: • Aptarti lyčių lygių galimybių politikos įgyvendinimo aspektus Lietuvoje • Analizuoti lyčių lygių galimybių politikos įgyvendinimą Suomijoje • Ištirti Lietuvos ir Suomijos lyčių lygių galimybių politikos įgyvendinimo panašumus ir skirtumus Darbe buvo naudoti šie tyrimo metodai: 1. Mokslinės literatūros apžvalga. 2. Teisės aktų analizė. 3. Statistinių duomenų analizė. 4. Lyginamasis ir atvejo tyrimo metodas. Taigi Suomijos, kaip vienos iš efektyviausiai įgyvendinančių lyčių politiką, lyginimas su Lietuva, padėjo atrasti skirtumų ir panašumų, kuriuos... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / Gender equality means that both sexes should be equally visible, must have the same powers and rights, as well as opportunities to participate equally in all spheres of life. In recent decades, significant progress in this area, but practice shows that inequality still exists and points out that the improvement is still everywhere. Therefore, this work deals with gender equality policy implementation in Lithuania and Finland. Finland has chosen as a comparable case for the few reasons. First, Finland is one of the state of the Baltic region. Secondly, Finland, as well as Lithuania, is one of the EU member states. Third, Finland is a country whose achievements in the field of gender equality in 2008 are recognized as the best among the EU's members. Object - Gender equality policy implementation The aim - to reveal the Finnish and Lithuanian gender equality policy features. Objectives: • To discuss the gender aspects of policy implementation in Lithuania • Analyze the gender equality policy in Finland • Investigate the Lithuanian and Finnish gender equality policy on the similarities and differences The following methods was used at the paperwork: 1. The scientific literature review. 2. Legislative Analysis 3. Statistical analysis of data. 4. And comparative case study method. Finland Therefore, as one of the most implementing gender policy in comparison with Lithuania, helped discover the differences and similarities and assessed to achieve better results in terms of gender... [to full text]

The theme of the thesis An Implementation of the Policy on Equal Opportunities in Lithuania is relevant and important, because the implementation of this policy in Lithuania is highly associated with adoption of Western democratic values, integration into Western international organizations and striving to achieve international communities set the standards in fields of human rights and equal opportunities.

Submitted by Thiago Maços de Oliveira Miranda (thiago.macos@gmail.com) on 2016-01-15T16:12:05Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação Mestrado - Ações Afirmativas - Thiago Miranda Versão final.pdf: 1871630 bytes, checksum: 3d03929b7eda257aeb19a2e0e64c5eac (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by ÁUREA CORRÊA DA FONSECA CORRÊA DA FONSECA (aurea.fonseca@fgv.br) on 2016-01-27T18:49:42Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação Mestrado - Ações Afirmativas - Thiago Miranda Versão final.pdf: 1871630 bytes, checksum: 3d03929b7eda257aeb19a2e0e64c5eac (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Marcia Bacha (marcia.bacha@fgv.br) on 2016-02-01T12:33:34Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação Mestrado - Ações Afirmativas - Thiago Miranda Versão final.pdf: 1871630 bytes, checksum: 3d03929b7eda257aeb19a2e0e64c5eac (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-02-01T12:33:48Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação Mestrado - Ações Afirmativas - Thiago Miranda Versão final.pdf: 1871630 bytes, checksum: 3d03929b7eda257aeb19a2e0e64c5eac (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-12-04 / Brazil, likewise other countries, has been adopting affirmative actions policies to compensate social groups that are marginalized mainly due to a historical discrimination; the goal is to allow them to exert fundamental rights. Since the last decade, the main part of the approved measures had its focus in education, specially concerning the access to high quality public universities. The quota system for the civil service examinations, although already legalized in many cities, only recently gained space in the social discussion and the governmental agenda, after its implementation by the states and the approval of the Statute of Racial Equality, which stands for the application of affirmative actions policies that allows the black people participation in equality of conditions in the economical, social, political and cultural life of the country. Data from the Ministry of Planning, Budget and Management indicate that, although black and brown people represent half of Brazil´s population, they occupy less than 30% of the civil posts at the Executive. In the highest paid careers, the black people presence is even more reduced. Due to this unequal scenario, in July 9th, 2014, the Federal Law nº 12.990 was approved, establishing racial quotas for black people in 20% of the civil posts in federal public administration. The goal of this work is to evaluate the consequences of the quota system approved by this law, which uses only racial basis criteria. This research intends to verify if this legal mechanism is able to decrease the social exclusion in the access to the civil federal work posts and also to contribute for the debate concerning the affirmative actions policies. / O Brasil, a exemplo de outros países, passou a adotar políticas de ação afirmativa com a finalidade de compensar grupos sociais que se encontram em posição desfavorável, usualmente em razão de um passado de discriminação, proporcionando-lhes a fruição de direitos fundamentais. Desde a última década, a maior parte das medidas aprovadas tinha como foco a educação, em especial o acesso às universidades públicas de alta qualidade. Já a reserva de vagas em concursos públicos, embora já vigorasse em diversos municípios, só começou a ganhar espaço no debate social e na agenda governamental recentemente, a partir de sua implementação por parte de estados e da aprovação do Estatuto da Igualdade Racial, que prevê a aplicação de políticas de ação afirmativa como maneira a permitir a participação da população negra em condição de igualdade na vida econômica, social, política e cultural do País. Dados do Ministério do Planejamento, Orçamento e Gestão indicam que, apesar de representarem a metade da população brasileira, negros e pardos ocupam menos de 30% dos cargos do Poder Executivo. Nas carreiras mais bem remuneradas, como as de nível superior, a presença dos negros é ainda mais reduzida. Em resposta a esse cenário de desigualdades, foi sancionada Lei nº 12.990, de 9 de junho de 2014, que reserva aos negros 20% das vagas oferecidas nos concursos públicos no âmbito da administração pública federal. O objetivo deste projeto é avaliar os desdobramentos do sistema de cotas implementado pela referida lei, que utiliza exclusivamente critério de natureza racial. Tenciona-se verificar se tal mecanismo é capaz de tornar menos excludente o acesso ao serviço público federal, de forma a contribuir para o debate a respeito das ações afirmativas.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-18T18:54:01Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 TESE Edith Maria.pdf: 1715917 bytes, checksum: daa1c7df8be7ae5c95d90103790ddd3e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-12-19 / This thesis analyzes the concepts of health in modernity, from the new arrangement of institutions and international organizations that emerged in the twentieth century, and has the scope of the guidelines for health policies in the world, particularly those forgotten for the Americas. Health priorities in the Americas are not determined from these indicators in the global burden of disease, but the result of determinations run by certain international organizations in line with economic conditions dictated by elections, political and economic climate, enabling the consolidation and expansion of global guidelines, response to the convergence of interests of the developed and the bodies of the actors and rationales based on the UN system. Governments in developed countries, engage in less productive system, although, excessive work practice standards, supported by strong technical apparatus, and bureaucratic expertise in national and international level to regulate, oversee and regulate certain sectors of the State . The international regulatory systems are gradually being established in all economic and social areas. In health, the quality measures and minimum standards of security are constantly evaluated and required this time, are increasingly defined in international bodies, in order that they are above all states. You can not analyze the politics of a region or a country without understanding the nature of the ties between these states and international organizations, as well as changes that occur in such bonds. By affecting the political interests of different actors, the interference of international agencies produce changes in the coalitions, the policies and domestic institutions. Political actorsrespond to both the limits and restrictions as to the incentives inherent in national institutions. The results of the effects of political interference process international are not only visible in the economic perspective of the states, the trials, the maneuvers, institutional processes, and other exogenous factors determine the type and priorities of social policies in countries, particularly in developing States. Based on the norms of international law, the Millennium Development Goals in the Health Agenda for the Americas 2008-2017, the sanitary regulations of WHO and PAHO, the normalization of the United Nations and its institutions of economic cooperation (FAO, IMF and IBRD) aims to understand the context of multiple formations health priorities for the Americas region, discussing their access and their impact. It analyzes the fundamentals developed in time for the formulation of different conceptions of the right to health, highlighting the concept and content of law as well as analyzes the contemporary theories of justice used as determinants for the realization of the right to health. Covers are also the basic needs and equality of opportunity to wire the issue of right to health, demonstrating that the realization of the right to health denotes a need for equal opportunities and respect for the essential autonomy of individuals. In this perspective, on the other hand, has become crucial to analyze the ideas of mercantilism and the right to health, discussing the universality of this right as a criterion for inclusion, while considering the specific facts of social inequality and lack of resources. Finally, it develops analysis of health policies in the Americas region from international organizations, comparing the different conceptions of the right to health taken by different international agencies as well as addresses the persistence of inequalities in health, characterized as unjust and avoidable, the populations of the Americas, a theme that is the most important challenge for the subjects (public and private) national and international region. / Esta tese aborda, como objeto de sua investigação, as concepções de saúde construídas na modernidade, a partir do novo arranjo de entidades e organizações internacionais que se constituíram no século XX, bem como tem por escopo as diretrizes para as políticas sanitárias no mundo, em especial, aquelas forjadas para a Região das Américas. As prioridades na saúde na Região das Américas não são determinadas a partir de indicadores presentes na carga global de doenças, mas o resultado de articulações constituídas, não raro, em certos organismos internacionais, em consonância com eleições ditadas por condicionantes econômicos, políticos e conjunturais, que permitem a consolidação e a expansão das diretrizes mundiais, resposta da convergência dos interesses dos Estados desenvolvidos e dos Organismos que representam os atores e as racionalidades assentes no sistema das Nações Unidas. Os governos, nos países desenvolvidos, envolvem-se cada vez menos no sistema produtivo, em contra partida, praticam excessivo trabalho normativo, sustentado por forte aparato técnico, especializado e burocrático, em âmbito nacional e internacional para regulamentar, fiscalizar e disciplinar determinados setores do Estado. Os sistemas internacionais de regulação são progressivamente estabelecidos em todas as áreas econômicas e sociais. Na área da saúde, as medidas de qualidade e de padrões mínimo de segurança são constantemente avaliados e exigidos. Desta feita, são, não raro, definidas em organismos interncionais, com o propósito de que estes estejam acima de todos os Estados. Não se pode analisar as políticas de uma região ou de um país sem compreender a natureza dos vínculos entre estes Estados e os Organismos Internacionais, assim como as mudanças que ocorrem em tais vínculos. Ao afetar os interesses políticos dos diferentes agentes sociais, a interferência das agências internacionais produzem mudanças nas coalizões, nas políticas e nas instituições domésticas. Os agentes políticos respondem tanto aos limites impostos quanto aos incentivos e restrições inerentes às instituições nacionais existentes. Os resultados políticos dos efeitos desse processo de interferência interncional não são visíveis apenas na perspectiva econômica dos estados. Os julgamentos, as manobras, os processos institucionais, entre outros fatores exógenos, determinam o tipo e as prioridades das políticas sociais nos países. Com fundamento nas normas de Direito Internacional, nos Objetivos de Desenvolvimento do Milênio, na Agenda da Saúde para as Américas 2008-2017, nas regulamentações sanitárias da OMS e da OPAS, na normatização das Nações Unidas e de suas instituições de cooperação econômica, objetiva-se compreender o contexto de múltiplas formações de prioridades sanitárias para a região das Américas, discutindo o seu acesso e as suas repercussões. Para tanto, analisa-se os fundamentos desenvolvidos na atualidade para a formulação das diferentes concepções sobre o direito à saúde, destacando o conceito e o conteúdo do direito, bem como se analisa as contemporâneas teorias da justiça utilizadas como determinantes para a efetivação do direito à saúde. Aborda-se, ainda, as necessidades básicas e a igualdade de oportunidades como fios condutores da questão do direito à saúde, demonstrando que a concretização do direito à saúde denota uma necessária igualdade de oportunidades e o essencial respeito à autonomia dos indivíduos. Nessa perspectiva, por outro lado, tornou-se fundamental analisar as ideias de mercantilização e desmercantização do direito à saúde, discutindo a universalização desse direito como critério para a inclusão social, sem deixar de considerar os elementos concretos de desigualdade social e escassez de recursos. Por fim, desenvolve-se análise sobre as políticas da saúde na região das Américas a partir dos Organismos Internacionais, confrontando as diferentes concepções do direito à saúde adotadas pelas diferentes agências internacionais, bem como aborda-se a persistência de desigualdades em saúde, caracterizadas como injustas e evitáveis, nas populações das Américas, temática que constitui o desafio mais importante para os sujeitos (públicos e privados) nacionais e internacionais da Região.

The thesis deals with women in Komerční banka focusing on their career and possibilities of work-life balance. The main aim of the thesis is to find out an attitude of the bank towards the equal opportunities, employees' awareness of instruments of family policy as well as the biggest difficulties in women's career. In order to support the practical part of the thesis, we present information about women's role in society, women in the media, career, equal rights and work-life balance. The adopted method of the empirical part is an individual interview with women managers and a questionnaire aimed at selected employees of the bank.