A Escultura Dogon, produzida no Mali, ao noroeste do continente africano, constitui um dos mais importantes acervos das artes africanas, recolhidos a partir das Missões coloniais Etnológicas-Etnográficas coordenadas por Marcel Griaule desde 1931. ITINERÁRIO, ESTUDO ESTÉTICO E ESTILÍSTICO DE UMA ESCULTURA DOGON: \"FIGURA HERMAFRODITA\" DO MESTRE DE YAYÉ, trata da construção de uma análise dos estilos dessa arte estatuária assim como a análise específica sobre o percurso da peça em questão, desde o vilarejo de Yayé em Bandiagara, no Mali, até o acervo do museu du Quai Branly, na cidade de Paris, França. O objetivo dessa pesquisa foi fortalecer os estudos sobre a Arte Africana no Brasil, contribuindo para o conhecimento da sociedade Dogon a partir de sua expressão artística, e como pensar a Arte Africana e a África a partir de sua produção estética. / The Dogon sculpture, produced in Mali, northwest of the african continent, is one of the most important collections of African art, collected from the Colonial Missions Ethnological-Ethnographic coordinated by Marcel Griaule since 1931. ITINERARY, AESTHETIC AND STYLISTIC STUDY OF A SCULPTURE DOGON \"HERMAPHRODITE FIGURE\" THE MASTER OF YAYÉ, is the construction of an analysis of styles such statuary as well as specific analysis on the route of the piece in question, from the village of Yayé in Bandiagara, Mali to the museum\'s collection du Quai Branly, in Paris, France. The objective of this research was to strengthen the studies on African Art in Brazil, contributing to the knowledge of the Dogon society from their artistic expression, and how to think African Art and Africa from its aesthetic production.

In order to illustrate why museums are frequently sites of conflict and mediation, this dissertation examines the complex conditions under which knowledge is produced and disseminated at three Canadian museums. Approaching museums as social arenas or contact zones, the dissertation exposes power struggles in museums and dislodges a whole set of assumptions about what museums are and how they function. For the study I selected the following museums with anthropological mandates: MacBride Museum (Whitehorse), Prince of Wales Northern Heritage Centre (Yellowknife), and Vancouver Museum (Vancouver). The three museums were chosen because their geographical proximity to large communities of Aboriginal Peoples enabled an exploration of the changing relationships between them. Historically, museums have held the power to classify and define Aboriginal Peoples. Relatively recently, however Aboriginal Peoples have in various ways (by imposing constraints on how they and their cultures are exhibited, and through land claims and repatriation requests) been challenging their historic relationships with museums. In chapter one I discuss my objectives, methodology, and the work of those scholars who shaped this dissertation. Chapter two explores the invention of museums in the western world and begins linking the three Canadian museums with knowledge and power. In chapters three, four, and five I portray the mobility and productivity of three museums (MacBride Museum, PWNHC, and Vancouver Museum) in three distinct regions of Canada. I illustrate their ability to articulate identity, power, and tradition as well as the role they perform in the social organization of power relations. Each chapter begins with a description of the historical roots of power relations at each institution. This leads into a discussion of each museum's present system of authority: the state, governing bodies, professional staff and, increasingly, Aboriginal representatives. In the process I reveal some of the political pressures, institutional hierarchies, and personal conflicts that shape knowledge within these institutions. Chapter six is a review and critical analysis of systems of authority of the three museums and the challenges presented by Aboriginal Peoples. I conclude with the issues raised at the outset, which continue to confront the Canadian museum community, issues of inclusion and the limitations of cross-cultural translation, repatriation, and representation. / Arts, Faculty of / Anthropology, Department of / Graduate

Dans cette thèse, nous nous sommes intéressé aux très bons élèves et à leur façon d'étudier les mathématiques, en tenant compte du fait que tout ce qu'il y a à étudier mathématiquement n'est pas désigné par les professeurs. Partant de l'hypothèse que leur façon d'étudier leur permet de mieux réussir, nous avons suivi pendant deux années scolaires de très bons élèves de cinq établissements différents. Par une enquête anthropologique et ethnologique de terrain, nous les avons observés après les séances de cours en classe, sur leur lieu de travail (le bureau, la chambre ou un coin spécialement aménagé); en train de faire des exercices, des enquêtes, des recherches mathématiques sur les objets d'études des grands chapitres de la classe terminale scientifique (l'analyse, lois de probabilités continues, la géométrie, les similitudes...) ; chacun à sa manière, avec des supports didactiques de son choix. Cette forme d'observation particulière que nous appelons avec Mercier la méthode des épisodes biographiques, nous a permis de constituer des épisodes de leur biographie en mathématique, c'est-à-dire des moments où l'on peut attester qu'une question nouvelle se pose à eux, qu'ils apprennent quelque chose de nouveau en cherchant la réponse à la question donnée, et qu'ils identifient ce qu'ils ont appris en l'interrogeant depuis ce qu'ils savaient déjà. Nous montrons ainsi, comment les très bons élèves de terminales scientifiques fabriquent un répertoire de savoirs efficaces: leur répertoire épistémologique et heuristique. Pour construire ce répertoire, ils ont besoin d'aller enquêter loin de la classe, dans l'espace ou dans le temps (dans de nombreux manuels, scolaires ou non, dans des anciens livres, sur internet, quelques fois avec l'aide d'un membre de la famille ou d'un copain). C'est cette manière d'enquêter que nous appelons la transhumance didactique. / In this thesis, we were interested in the very good students and their way studying mathematics taking account of the fact that what there is to study mathematically is not always indicated by the professor in the courses of the various school grades. Based on the hypothesis that their way of studying enables them to succeed better in mathematics, we followed very good students from five different schools for two school years. Thus, using anthropological and ethnological field study methods, we observed the students after classroom hour, in their individual workplace settings (office, room or an especially arranged corner) doing exercises, investigations, mathematical research studies, each one in different way, with different didactic supports. This particular kind of observation, that we are calling the biographic episode method, enabled us to constitute episodes of their cognitive biography in mathematics, in other words moments of independent study where one can observe that they are faced with a news question, they learn something new by seeking the answer to a given problem, and they identify what they learned by questioning it in what they knew already. Thus we show how last year secondary school science students manufacture or build a directory of effective knowledge: the epistemological and heuristic directory. To build this directory, they need to seek learning away from the classroom, physically or temporally (using many textbooks or not, old textbooks, the Internet, or with the help of a family member or friend). It is this need for investigation which we call didactic transhumance.

Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Depuis la fin des années 1980, les collaborations avec les communautés autochtones semblent s’accroître dans les musées canadiens. Un déplacement apparaît de la prise de parole en contexte de revendication au don de parole en contexte muséal. Après la remise en cause des musées ethnologiques, la prise en charge de la parole autochtone annonce le temps de la reconnaissance. Seulement, le mot reconnaissance est employé dans des contextes variés en muséologie. Ses occurrences indiquent plusieurs sens, dérivés de la volonté de redonner dignité et respect aux peuples autochtones et de produire des expositions qui présentent leur patrimoine d’origine à la lumière de leurs points de vue. Selon une approche communicationnelle, notre travail a porté sur les pratiques des musées qui consistent à donner la parole aux peuples autochtones et à l’exposer. Le travail a été centré sur la combinaison des points de vue autochtones avec ceux des concepteurs-muséographes. L’entreprise de la recherche a visé à cerner les opérations induites et générées par cette situation d’entrecroisements de points de vue, plus ou moins discordants, qui doivent, d’une manière ou d’une autre, s’unir dans un même espace communicationnel. Le système polyphonique de l’exposition est conceptualisé en trois moments de médiation : la prise en compte, la monstration et l’interprétation des points de vue autochtones. Ils correspondent aux intentions des concepteurs-muséographes et des expositions, puis à la manière dont elles sont interprétées par les visiteurs. Nous avons réalisé quatre enquêtes de terrain dans onze musées à travers le Canada : observation participante ; entretiens individuels auprès de professionnels des musées ; analyse de discours ; entretiens de groupes auprès de visiteurs autochtones et allochtones. Nous avons examiné les pratiques collaboratives et croisé ces quatre formes de discours des musées afin de mettre à l’épreuve le potentiel de reconnaissance des expositions qui tiennent compte des points de vue des représentants autochtones. Il résulte que la patrimonialisation est conçue en tant que processus de reconnaissance. De plus, l’intensification de la patrimonialisation des objets autochtones est synchronique de l’expansion coloniale. Néanmoins, l’analyse de la prise de distance du concepteur-muséographe vis-à-vis de son point de vue et de celui des autochtones rend compte des relations complexes entre le don de parole, l’autorité de discours et l’auctorialité. Malgré les divergences entre les intentions explicitées par les professionnels et leurs intentions implicites dans les expositions, les discours des visiteurs autochtones et allochtones traduisent un contrat de reconnaissance entre le musée et les visiteurs. Ainsi, le principe polyphonique et ses formes de reconnaissance sont mis en évidence dans les espaces de production et de réception des expositions produites en collaboration. Notre recherche révèle plusieurs modalités de reconnaissance manifestes dans la combinaison et l’entrecroisement des voix autochtones avec celles des praticiens. Cet essai d’interprétation met au jour des conflits d’ordre patrimonial et socio-historique qui engendrent des mécanismes de régulation par assimilation/accommodation. Il décrit deux logiques fondamentales relatives à l’identité et à la mémoire. De ces adaptations mises en œuvre par les musées ressort un phénomène permanent de reconnaissance amorcé depuis la colonisation des territoires autochtones. La recherche suggère finalement d’envisager le musée comme lieu de reconnaissance non seulement du patrimoine, mais aussi des publics et des peuples donateurs et donataires du patrimoine. / Collaborations with aboriginal communities appear to be increasing in Canadian museums, with the communities shifting from speaking in a context of claiming theirrights to being given a voice in the museum context. In keeping with the questioning about ethnological museums, taking into account the voice of the aboriginal peoplesprefigures since the eighties the time for recognition. But the word recognition is used indiverse museum contexts.Based on a communicational approach, our research considers the links between thepolyphonic and recognition modalities of the exhibition media. We have attempted toidentify and understand the processes induced and generated by exhibitions’ interactionaland intertextual systems. The polyphonic system is conceptualized in three mediation moments in the production and reception spaces of the exhibition: acknowledgment, monstration, and interpretation of aboriginal points of view. They correspond to there cognition intentions of the exhibitions and designers-museographers, then visitors’recognition. We have conducted four field studies in eleven different Canadian museums : participant observation; one-on-one interviews with museum professionals; discourse analysis ; group interviews with native and non-native visitors. We have studied the collaborative practicesand these four types of museum discourses to demonstrate the recognition potential ofexhibitions dedicated to the aboriginals’ perspectives.Our research reveals several recognition modes manifest in the combination andinterlinking of aboriginals’ and practitioners’ voices; it identifies logic in the polysemy ofthe word recognition. This interpretation essay reveals patrimonial and socio-historical conflicts that generate regulation mechanisms through assimilation/accommodation. A permanent recognition phenomenon emerges from the adaptations implemented by themuseums since the beginning of aboriginal patrimonialization during the colonizationperiod. Our research proposes to apprehend the museum as a recognition place of heritage, but also of the general public and the peoples, whether donors or donees of that heritage.

This study has collected and analysed a database of place-names containing potential ethnonymic elements. Competing models of ethnicity are investigated and applied to names about which there is reasonable confidence. A number of motivations for employment of ethnonyms in place-names emerge. Ongoing interaction between ethnicities is marked by reference to domain or borderland, and occasional interaction by reference to resource or transit. More superficial interaction is expressed in names of commemorative, antiquarian or figurative motivation. The implications of the names for our understanding of the history of individual ethnicities are considered. Distribution of Walh-names has been extended north into Scotland; but reference may be to Romance-speaking feudal incomers, not the British. Briton-names are confirmed in Cumberland and are found on and beyond the fringes of the polity of Strathclyde. Dumbarton, however, is an antiquarian coining. Distribution of Cumbrian-names suggests that the south side of the Solway Firth was not securely under Cumbrian influence; but also that the ethnicity, expanding in the tenth century, was found from the Ayrshire coast to East Lothian, with the Saxon culture under pressure in the Southern Uplands. An ethnonym borrowed from British in the name Cumberland and the Lothian outlier of Cummercolstoun had either entered northern English dialect or was being employed by the Cumbrians themselves to coin these names in Old English. If the latter, such self-referential pronouncement in a language contact situation was from a position of status, in contrast to the ethnicism of the Gaels. Growing Gaelic self-awareness is manifested in early-modern domain demarcation and self-referential naming of routes across the cultural boundary. But by the nineteenth century cultural change came from within, with the impact felt most acutely in west-mainland and Hebridean Argyll, according to the toponymic evidence. Earlier interfaces between Gaelic and Scots are indicated on the east of the Firth of Clyde by the early fourteenth century, under the Sidlaws and in Buchan by the fifteenth, in Caithness and in Perthshire by the sixteenth. Earlier, Norse-speakers may have referred to Gaels in the hills of Kintyre. The border between Scotland and England was toponymically marked, but not until the modern era. In Carrick, Argyll and north and west of the Great Glen, Albanians were to be contrasted, not necessarily linguistically, from neighbouring Gaelic-speakers; Alba is probably to be equated with the ancient territory of Scotia. Early Scot-names, recorded from the twelfth century, similarly reflect expanding Scotian influence in Cumberland and Lothian. However, late instances refer to Gaelic-speakers. Most Eireannach-names refer to wedder goats rather than the ethnonym, but residual Gaelic-speakers in east Dumfriesshire are indicated by Erisch­-names at the end of the fifteenth century or later. Others west into Galloway suggest an earlier Irish immigration, probably as a consequence of normanisation and of engagement in Irish Sea politics. Other immigrants include French estate administrators, Flemish wool producers and English feudal subjects. The latter have long been discussed, but the relationship of the north-eastern Ingliston-names to mottes is rejected, and that of the south-western Ingleston-names is rather to former motte-hills with degraded fortifications. Most Dane-names are also antiquarian, attracted less by folk memory than by modern folklore. The Goill could also be summoned out of the past to explain defensive remains in particular. Antiquarianism in the eighteenth century onwards similarly ascribed many remains to the Picts and the Cruithnians, though in Shetland a long-standing supernatural association with the Picts may have been maintained. Ethnicities were invoked to personify past cultures, but ethnonyms also commemorate actual events, typified by Sasannach-names. These tend to recall dramatic, generally fatal, incidents, usually involving soldiers or sailors. Any figures of secular authority or hostile activity from outwith the community came to be considered Goill, but also agents of ecclesiastical authority or economic activity and passing travellers by land or sea. The label Goill, ostensibly providing 178 of the 652 probable ethnonymic database entries, is in most names no indication of ethnicity, culture or language. It had a medieval geographical reference, however, to Hebrideans, and did develop renewed, early-modern specificity in response to a vague concept of Scottish society outwith the Gaelic cultural domain. The study concludes by considering the forms of interaction between ethnicities and looking at the names as a set. It proposes classification of those recalled in the names as overlord, interloper or native.