This study aims to highlight Swedish citizens with foreign backgrounds which have experienced discrimination and racialization in global travel.  The study analyzed whether Swedes with a foreign background may experience some of the Western World travel privileges when travelling abroad. It also analyzes the differences in international travel between Swedish tourists without a foreign background and Swedish tourists with a foreign background. The study starts from a postcolonial perspective. The methodology used in the study is a qualitative study, in which seven Swedes with foreign backgrounds were interviewed for the collection of material analyzed from a discourse analytical perspective. The result shows that Swedes with a foreign background see themselves as privileged in global travel. Through the Swedish passport, they have had the opportunity to travel. However, they have found their freedom restricted to a certain extent. Several of the respondents have repeatedly been discriminated in their travels, which they believe is based on their origin. This type of discrimination is based on post-colonialism, where we and them, black and white, are seen as each other contrasts which create upper and lower orders. / Denna studie belyser svenskar med utländsk bakgrund och deras upplevelse av diskriminering och rasifiering i det globala resandet. Studien analyserar huruvida svenskar med utländsk bakgrund får ta del av de västländska reseprivilegierna. Vidare analyseras skillnaden i det internationella resandet mellan svenska turister utan utländsk bakgrund och svenska turister med utländsk bakgrund. Studien utgår från ett postkolonialt perspektiv och metoden som används i undersökningen är en kvalitativ undersökning, där sju svenskar med utländsk bakgrund intervjuas för insamling av material som analyseras ur ett diskursanalytiskt perspektiv.  Resultatet visar att svenskar med utländsk bakgrund ser sig själva som privilegierade i det globala resandet. De har genom det svenska passet möjlighet att resa dock begränsas deras frihet till viss del. Flera av respondenterna blir upprepade gånger diskriminerade i sitt resande, vilket den subjektiva upplevelsen hos respondenterna är att det grundar sig i deras ursprung. Denna typ av diskriminering grundar sig i postkolonialism, där vi och dem, svart och vit, ses som varandras kontraster som skapar över- och underordningar.

Honor related violence has become a recognized abuse all over the world and violence against women carried out by the men in their families is and has always been a resurfacing problem in all societies. This paper will focus on the problems which relate to cultures where honor related violence is a more common practice and will depart from societies where men can take violent actions against women in the name of family honor and hide behind cultural exemptions. This paper is written to create a deeper insight to the needs and wants of subjected women and to understand their own perception of this type of violence and its underlying causes. This paper takes on the view solely of the subjected women and is a direct presentation of their stories and their lives. Instead of using outside observers this paper goes directly to the women living in these types of situations and represents the women based on their own wants and needs from society and authority. The methodological framework for this paper is through an inductive process of writing and is through observations and unstructured interviews trying to build a systematic description revolving around the victims of honor related violence. The interviews, biographic narratives, will ask the participants to tell a story about their lives, a biographic narrative where they will freely speak and this will be facilitated during eight in-depth interviews with four different women who during many years lived under abuse carried out in the name of honor by two husband, a father, and several uncles. The results of these interviews lead to the conclusions that women often are ignored and forgotten by outside forces such as police and organizations until a crime is committed.

The purpose of this study has been to investigate individuals who have moved to Sweden from Bosnia and Serbia and how they identify themselves, if migration has affected their views on their identity and how they define their sense of belonging to Sweden and their home country. The study is conducted through a qualitative content analysis that addresses possible differences between individuals who moved to Sweden in the 1990s and individuals who moved to Sweden in the 21st century. The theoretical framework consists of theory whichs links identity and belonging, theory of migration, theory of diaspora and a theory about Swedishness. What our empiricial evidence shows in the analysis is that there are two different types of identity, that differences exist in how to identify primarily because of the length of time found in Sweden and that individual experiences of opportunities and challenges encountered in the new society is the basis for how one relates oneself in relation to their identity and belonging.

No description available.

Since the Swedish reception crisis in 2015/16, civil society has gained increased recognition for its contribution to integration work and the government has made efforts to strengthen its capacities. While civil society should be autonomous and independent from the state, many actors within civil society are dependent on state funding and face a number of difficulties that exacerbate its potential to contribute further to society. As such, this single case study aims to investigate the role of civil society in the local integration and civil society experiences of working with integration. The empirical material consists of seven interviews, two conducted with representatives from the local municipality and five interviews with civil society representatives. 'Governance' forms the theoretical framework of the study, which is employed on the collected interview material to gain a deeper understanding of the role of civil society in regard to integration work. Findings show that civil society fills a complementary role in relation to the public sector, in that it is suitable for work that the state is less able to carry out. Its function is mostly discussed in relation to the social aspects of integration. Moreover, the material suggests that remaining autonomous and independent from the state is difficult, mainly depending on a selective grant system that seems to award certain types of integration work above others; a system that facilitates a dependency on the state. As such, the study awakens important questions involving the autonomy and independence of civil society.

Domestic violence around the world increased, especially during the ongoing Covid-19 pandemic. The Swedish Democrats' however state that the increasing violence in Sweden is a result of the migration flow and an import of mediaeval values. The Swedish Democrats' claim they have the solution to develop the prevention of violence further.  The view of the Swedish Democrats' in their agenda is analysed within this thesis. Political statements, debates, and interviews, as well as information about the political party and their ideology is extracted from books, former scientific research reports and newspapers articles. The social construction of gender and men´s violence towards women is investigated using a combination of philosophical assumptions and specifically chosen theories to women´s subordinated position in the gender order in society.  The Swedish Democrats' fear that state feminism is pushing hatred of men that threatens individual Swedish men, nuclear families, and western civilisation. They are also worried about the change of men and masculinity. However, their understanding is influenced by the ideological beliefs on how the gender order should be organised.

During 2020 and 2021, a migration crisis has been developing on the Canary Islands in Spain. Large numbers of African migrants have made the dangerous journey from West Africa to the Canary Islands, risking their lives on the Atlantic Sea. Humanitarian aid organizations, like the Spanish Red Cross, are working intensively to handle the humanitarian needs of the migrants on land and on sea. The purpose of this thesis is to analyze why the migration crisis on the Canary Islands occurs. The migrants originate from different African countries with different reasons why they choose to migrate. In some countries, there are ongoing wars and conflicts, like in Mali. In other countries, people migrate because of poverty, climate change and displacement to seek a better life. This thesis will answer why Senegalese people choose to migrate on this dangerous route on the Atlantic Sea. The study is based on interviews with three Senegalese migrants and two representatives of humanitarian aid organizations. The analysis has been made from different migration theories. It shows that an important reason why the Senegalese migrants choose to migrate is that it is no longer possible to make a living by fishing and provide for their families. This works as an important push factor to migrate. Another push factor is the lack of trust in the Senegalese government. An important pull factor are the success stories from migrants who have made the journey through the Canary Islands. According to the aspiration and capabilities theory, the aspirations to migrate increase when a country goes from being very poor to richer. This is because the knowledge about the surrounding world and the opportunities increase. The study shows that migrants are well aware of the risks when crossing the Atlantic Sea, but they choose the route because there are almost no legal ways for them to migrate.

This paper explores possible solutions to the existing gap between human rights and citizenship and asks if society should replace citizenship with a more globalised or international form of “citizenship”? It further asks how society should aim to best eliminate the gap between human rights and citizenship? The paper uses an argumentative analysis to examine the theories of internationalism, global citizenship, and the democracy of demoi while considering cosmopolitan, agonistic, and anarchist viewpoints. In doing so showing the imperialist tendencies within global citizenship due to its need for universalism, and the possible alternative presented by the democracy of demoi as a pluralistic solution that accommodates agonistic views and anarchist notions of non-domination.

Dagens mångkulturella Sverige har många olika religioner, samfund och kulturer, som måste fungera tillsammans även i de svenska skolorna. Sverige har skrivit under olika dokument vi ska hålla oss till, men vad händer när dessa dokument krockar? Hur hanterar vi det? I Sverige har vi skolplikt men även religionsfrihet, och vi har insett att dessa två begrepp kan krocka med varandra. I dagens skola är religionsundervisning konfessionslös, ändå vill föräldrar befria sina barn från delar av undervisningen för att det går emot deras tro. Det är sedan rektorns uppgift att godkänna denna önskan av befrielse eller inte. Vad säger rektorerna om denna frågan och hur tolkar rektorerna begreppen synnerliga skäl och enstaka tillfällen?

Refugee-host community relations is a topic of increasing relevance, and sois the need to understand what shapes such relations. Sweden, having ahistorically liberal refugee and immigrant policy, accepted the biggestnumber of refugees in its recent history during the 2015 refugee crisis - theamount of which was the biggest per capita ever recorded in an OECDcountry. The attitudes of native Swedes toward refugees can be tied towhether they socially identify themselves as pluralists or nationalists, twoopposing social identities which, especially in the years surrounding therefugee crisis, are observed harboring hostile attitudes toward each other.Pluralists are inclined to have positive attitudes toward refugees; nationalistsare prone to have negative attitudes. While these two groups can beobserved, it remains ambiguous to what extent the Swedish populationidentifies with them. The political popularity of openly pluralist andnationalist political parties gives some notion; however, the inherentcomplexity of Swedish politics makes this method of deduction overlysimplistic. Seemingly contradictory, while support for multiculturalism andrefugee acceptance is decreasing, the percentage harboring very negativeattitudes toward migrants is historically and presently quite low, and agrowing number of Swedes are observed having increasingly positiveattitudes toward refugees and immigrants in their everyday interactions. Asfuture events unfold, it will be interesting to see what identity “the silentmajority” of the native Swedish population will sympathize with, as this willno doubt affect their attitudes toward refugees and change refugee-hostcommunity relations in Sweden.