Depuis les débuts de l'ère moderne, la formule fédérale s'est imposée de par le monde comme un moyen institutionnel de gestion de la diversité sociale et politique. Le système fédéral figure comme modèle idoine de constitution d'un ordre juridique composé. En tant que doctrine politique, le fédéralisme pose la question des appartenances collectives dans des termes différents des modèles identitaires classiques. Il offre une vision ouverte et inclusive du phénomène identitaire et ouvre sur une coexistence d'identités complémentaires dans un cadre institutionnel équilibré.La construction européenne déroge depuis ses débuts avec les principes fondamentaux du fédéralisme mais constitue une expérience nouvelle de communauté composée à fort potentiel intégrateur du point de vue politique et identitaire.L'analyse parallèle et complémentaire du phénomène Europe dans ses manifestations historiques les plus notables et du système fédéral dans ses fondements éthiques et moraux permet de mettre au jour une homologie saisissante entre l'idée d'Europe et le modèle fédératif, révélant dans le même temps les rigidités des forma mentis contemporaines restreignant le processus de constitution concrète d'un ordre politique fédéral européen. / Since the beginning of the Modern Era, the federal formula has been advocated worldwide as the adequate institutional tool to deal with politic and social diversity. It appears as a suitable model for the constitution of a compound legal order. As a political doctrine, federalism raises the question of collective membership in rather divergent terms compared to the classical identity models. Federalism offers an open and inclusive vision of identity phenomenons and guides towards a balanced institutional framework guaranteeing the coexistence of complementary identities.From its start, the European construction derogates with the core principles of federalism, constituting nevertheless a new experience of a compound community endowed with a strong political and identity integration potential.The parallel and comprehensive analysis of the Europe phenomenon in its most remarkable historical manifestations and the ethic and moral basis of the federal system reveals a strong homology between the idea of Europe and the federative model, as well as the rigidities of contemporary forma mentis restraining the process for the constitution of an actual European federal order.

This thesis has its focus on media portrayal of a large political institution; the European Union. Articles from two nations daily newspapers have been analyzed in order to examine how the European Union is described and framed for their readers. The newspapers that was chosen for this study and from which the material was collected, were the Swedish newspaper Svenska Dagbladet the American newspaper The New York Times. The material was taken from three periods of time, and by this the results did not only serve a presentiment on how the media reports about the subject, but also an idea over the media’s coverage character over time. Also, by analyzing articles from newspapers from different countries, the material could give an answer to whether there is any difference in media reporting and coverage about the European Union over nation borders. Theories that have been under observation for this study, and which have functioned as tools for the analyzing process are: the agenda-setting theory, media ideology, framing, media logic and political communication. Further inspirations that have been under consideration and of values through the development of this thesis are thoughts from the modern theorist Jürgen Habermas, and earlier studies that have been made on the subject in matter, for example ones by Lars Palm and Vanni Tjernström. Results from this study showed that there were differences between the two nations way of reporting about the subject, and also that changes over time have occurred. Mostly, it was the Swedish news reporting that showed evident change over the three investigated periods. This can be explained by the countries over all changed relationship towards the European Union. Further did results from this study show that the American articles included more actors and subjects, compared to the Swedish articles. This can be a factor of the American articles longer character.

L'obbiettivo della tesi è la ricostruzione del discorso sull'identità europea. Inizialmente vengono rintracciate varie correnti di questo discorso su diversi livelli discorsivi (politico, scientifico e mass mediale). L'analisi empirica si rivolge poi sul dibattito sull'ingresso della Turchia nell'Unione Europea svoltasi nei mass media tedeschi ed italiani. A questo scopo vengono analizzati articoli di respettivamente tre grandi quotidiani per ogni area discorsiva (Germania ed Italia) che trattano la questione dell'ingresso della Turchia nell'UE. Il quadro metodologico si rifa alla analisi del discorso foucaultiano. / Gegenstand der Diplomarbeit ist die Rekonstruktion des Diskurses zur europäischen Identität untersucht am Beispiel der Türkeibeitrittsdebatte in Deutschland und in Italien. Dazu wurden Beiträge aus jeweils drei überregionalen Tageszeitungen im Zeitraum 2005 einer wissenssoziologischen Diskursanalyse unterzogen.

<p>During the last two decades the citizens’ trust in the European Union (EU) has decreased. It has been established that the Union suffer from a democratic deficit which has caused it to impose so called “identity-policies”. There is a need for the citizens to identify with the Union as a foundation of its legitimacy. But there is a problem since there is no clear idea of who constitutes “the people” in the European case.</p><p>Democratic theory presupposes a demos and a polity. The problem of the EU is that there are difficulties defining the ‘demos’ – there are difficulties identifying ‘the people’. The fact that the EU is in a situation where it has to deal with ‘peoples’ instead of a ‘people’ (demoi instead of demos) makes it more difficult since demos is closely related to the ‘nation’. Only nations may have states, thus the EU may not have a state. Hence it is difficult for the EU to conceptualize a demos, and without a demos there cannot be democracy. By arguing in this way the great need to create a ‘peoples’ Europe’ is understandable.</p><p>The thesis will concentrate on why there is a lack of a demos, or a “We-feeling”, within the Union, why this is a source of anxiety, and what possibly could unite the Union.</p><p>Attempts have been made to create a ‘European’ identity through constitution-making (however, a new constitution was recently rejected) and citizenship rights. The Union has also adopted a number of symbols to facilitate the citizens in identifying with the Union. Most of these symbols have been similar to those of the memberstates, thus, the Union has tried to use the methods of nation-building to overcome the legitimacy problem. Still, there is a lack of uniqueness of the Union. This may be for various reasons. Institution-building and constitution-making cannot alone provide democratic legitimacy; social practice and contestation must be included. This should take place in a public sphere but, in order to ‘have’ a public sphere, there must be a certain degree of collective identification.</p><p>It has also been claimed that there is a ‘European’ culture stemming from three ancient treasure houses (the ancient Near East, the ancient Greece, and the Roman Empire). Since culture is based on norms, i.e. customs, attitudes, beliefs, and values of a society, it is of importance to the Union when this is what politics are based on.</p><p>The study of this topic is relevant since the EU has an increased impact on the lives of its citizens, yet troubles to reach them. There is a lack of communication between the Union and its citizens and the democratic deficit becomes more and more obvious. The methods used by the Union do not seem successful and the issue of a European identity has become a source of anxiety.</p>

In 2005, the European Union (EU) began accession negotiations with its most controversial candidate to date, Turkey. The process has been, from the outset, sui generis relative to previous and current accessions, and Turkey remains the first candidate without a fixed date for the conclusion of accession negotiations. This thesis explores the problematique of Turkey’s proposed accession, and attempts to understand why its accession has been and will remain controversial and undecided. Turkey’s proposed accession has been, for both opponents and proponents, understood in terms of Europeanness: either Turkey is not European and thus not eligible to join, or is a legitimate candidate due to its very Europeanness, or has the propensity to develop a European identity. This very question frames the very limits and possibility of these negotiations. To properly understand the complexities and implications of Turkey’s EU candidacy from the perspective of European culture and identity, this thesis adopts a post-structuralist theoretical perspective which enables an understanding of fluid and hybrid difference. Turkey’s EU candidacy demonstrates that identity is not only articulated through difference; Turkey occupies a more fluid and dynamic role in the construction of European identity and is variously inside and outside, European and non. Through an examination of Michel Foucault’s governmentality and Carl Schmitt and Georgio Agamben’s exploration of sovereignty and the state of exception, this thesis examines the nexus of exclusion and inclusion, and through an examination of a ‘politics of deferral’, I demonstrate how Turkey may meet all of the EU accession criteria, yet may be never invited to accede to the European Union.

The issue of political integration has been one of the most contentious subjects in terms of the academic studies concerning European integration. Despite many researches have been conducted in the areas concerning institutional problems, enlargement or European security, the researches concerning the socio-political diemnsion of the politcal integration are still very rare. This thesis approaches to the issue of political integration from a socio-political perspective.The problematic of the EU citizenship, its impacts upon the European political identity and possible measures to reconstruct the EU citizenship in accordance with the imperatives of postnational citizenship have been analyzed in a multidimensional framework.In that respect, it has been asserted that, if the EU citizenship could be restructured in accordance with a postnational understanding, it would provide an accurate measure to develop the feelings of Europeanness among the masses and thus,many initial tensions obscuring the political integration would be gradually resolved.

This thesis analyses the change of the Albanian national identity and ideology during its contemporary history, beginning from the national awakening period up to post-communism. The break with the dictatorial Enver Hoxha regime marked the begining of a new era for the Albanian ideology and politics. To this regard, the political elite, played a prominent role in the process of transition and the opening of Albania to the world.The prospect for the EU membership became the major motivation of the Albanian political class for the break with the past authoritarian regime and change. The European integration process has notably affected political elite&#039 / s imagination of Albanian culture and history and Albania&#039 / s place in Europe. The desire for a rapid integration urged Albanian political elite to re-establish the relations with the neighbouring countries by re-designing the foreign policy in compliance with the new imperatives of geopolitics.

The aim of the thesis is to diagnose the understanding of chosen topics regarding european integration of high school students in relation with incorporation of the topic among curriculum documents. Theoretical part of the thesis introduces the analysis of general educational programmes followed up with general summary of development of integration process into the form it has nowadays and also summary of institutions and their functions. Further we are introducing a contructive approach to teaching which is used as a base of practical part of our thesis. In the end of this part are stated the outcomes of the investigation of existing researches in this area. In the practical part of the thesis we implemented our own qualitative investigative sound using the method of half-structured in-depth conversation. The data gathered from this method were subsequently qualitatively analysed. In the end of the thesis we are introducing the outcomes of investigative sound and comparing them with outcomes of other researches where possible. The outcomes of the investigative sound were crucial for our teaching recommendations.

Cette thèse propose une lecture des représentations de l‟altérité dans la presse écrite, comme outil de la construction de l‟identité. Partant d‟un angle d‟approche franco hellénique nous construisons une méthode d‟appréhension des pratiques, des représentations, mais également des biais d‟une mécanique de la construction de l‟identité européenne.La représentation de l‟altérité ne naît pas ex nihilo, mais s‟inscrit dans une stratégie d‟éloignement et de fermeture de l‟identité européenne vis à vis de l‟Autre ainsi identifié. Cette stratégie se base à la transmission et à la transformation des discours de différenciation, qui forment un outil institutionnel pour la construction des stéréotypes à l‟égard de l‟Autre. Dorénavant, un espace - autre apparaît, espace dans lequel la représentation de la réalité se reflète et se cristallise.Une identité européenne se construit donc dans ce contexte de divergence, ce qui soulève dès lors des enjeux de légitimation pour elle. Entre héritage occidentale et intérêts nationaux différents, la politique de construction d‟une identité européenne se fonde sur une stratégie d‟exclusion, qui incite les peuples européens à se souder culturellement face au péril de l‟Autre. / This thesis proposes a reading of the representations of otherness in the press as a mean of constructing identity. On the basis of a French-Hellenic approach, we build a method for understanding the practices, the representations and also the bias of the mechanism for the construction of a European identity.The representation of otherness does not appear ex nihilo, but it participates in a strategy of repulsion and closure of the European identity towards the Other. This strategy is based in the transmission and the transformation of the discourses of differentiation that form an institutional mean for the construction of stereotypes towards the Other. Hence, another-space appears, into which the representation of reality it‟s reflected and crystallized.Therefore, a European identity it‟s constructed into a context of divergence, a fact that points out the stakes of its legitimization. Between an occidental heritage and different national interests, the policy for the construction of a European identity is established from a strategy of exclusion, which induce the European people to unite culturally in front of the risk of the Other.

The European Union, viewing itself as a normative actor, employs various means to disseminate its normative power within its member states, candidate countries, and the global context. The ERASMUS+ program comprises one of the tools designed to enhance the EU's international presence by facilitating cross-cultural interactions among participants and fostering group affiliations. This study aims to explore this impact on ERASMUS+ participants from EU candidate countries like Albania, employing constructivist concepts. By conducting interviews with both mobile and non-mobile Albanian exchange students, leading a comparative analysis, this research seeks to offer deeper insights into the extent to which the normative power of the EU influences these participants and their European identity formation. The guiding hypothesis, that participating in an ERASMUS+ program successfully shifts the identities of the students towards a more pro-European stance, has been verified through the discourse analysis of the interviewees answers. Hence, the normative power of the European Union is present and strengthened through this tool in the candidate countries.