The main purpose of this study is to examine the reports and memories of veterans of the Malvinas War and understand how they are treated by society and the rule of post-war until today. Question is: To what extent the ex-combatants were welcomed by society argentina in post-war? There are also other questions needed to understand the theme: how they see themselves? How want to be seen? What relationships built with their compatriots from this situation? The veterans interviewed have an average age of 43 years. Three of them were part of the 5 th Marine Battalion of Infantry (BIM 5), living in Buenos Aires, and was a part of the Argentine Army, residing in La Plata. It was used Oral History Subject, as a methodology that aims to understand and deepen knowledge about certain reality - the cultural patterns, social structures and historical processes, obtained through oral reports. Falkland was to balance more than 600 dead and 1200 injured. The conflict began abruptly on April 2, 1982, with the military occupation of the Falkland Islands by Argentine troops, causing the reaction in Britain. Argentina has lived one of the most bloody military dictatorships of Latin America, and President Leopoldo Galtiere was determined to exploit the spontaneous popular support the recovery of the islands in an attempt to awaken in people a sense that nationalist distract the attention of terrors promoted by the state. The hostilities closed on June 16, 1982, with the surrender of Argentina, after 74 days of war. The consequences of post-war were serious, translated into high rates of suicide and psychological disorders. As a result of these events, we have the silence of society on the subject and the purpose of ex-combatants to oblivion, ignoring those who supported the "cause" Malvinas, this question so passionately rooted to the heart of the people of Argentina. / O objetivo principal deste trabalho é analisar os relatos e recordações dos veteranos da Guerra das Malvinas e entender como foram tratados pela sociedade e pelo Estado do pós-guerra até hoje. Pergunta-se: Em que medida os ex-combatentes foram acolhidos pela sociedade argentina no pósguerra? Também há outros questionamentos necessários para a compreensão do tema: como vêem a si mesmos? Como querem ser vistos? Que relações construíram com seus compatriotas a partir desta situação? Os veteranos entrevistados têm idade média de 43 anos. Três deles faziam parte do 5º Batalhão de Infantaria Marinha (BIM 5), residentes em Buenos Aires, e um era parte do Exército Argentino, residente em La Plata. Utilizou-se História Oral Temática, por ser uma metodologia que objetiva conhecer e aprofundar conhecimentos sobre determinada realidade os padrões culturais, estruturas sociais e processos históricos, obtidos através de relatos orais. Malvinas teve como saldo mais de 600 mortos e 1200 feridos. O conflito iniciou abruptamente em 2 de abril de 1982, com a ocupação militar do arquipélago das Malvinas pelas tropas argentinas, provocando a reação da Grã-Bretanha. A Argentina vivia uma das ditaduras militares mais sangrentas da América Latina, e o presidente Leopoldo Galtiere estava decidido a explorar o espontâneo apoio popular a recuperação das ilhas, numa tentativa de despertar no povo um sentimento nacionalista que distraísse a atenção dos terrores promovidos pelo Estado. As hostilidades encerraram em 16 de junho de 1982, com a rendição da Argentina, após 74 dias de guerra. As conseqüências do pós-guerra foram graves, traduzidas em altos índices de suicídios e distúrbios psicológicos. Como resultado desses eventos, temos o silêncio da sociedade sobre o tema e a destinação dos ex-combatentes ao esquecimento, ignorando aqueles que defenderam a causa Malvinas, causa esta tão apaixonadamente arraigada ao coração do povo argentino.

There is a growing awareness among researchers, policy-makers, and practitioners regarding the importance of increased coordination among numerous post-conflict peacebuilding processes and the consequent need for conceptual clarity as a precondition for coordinated, holistic peacebuilding interventions. Disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration (DDR), and Mine Action are among the very first entry points in post-conflict reconstruction, however, despite sharing similarities they form part of distinct communities of practice, and the nexus between the two remains widely unaddressed academically and in practice. This research aims to address this disconnection. A particular window of opportunity is identified through the difficulties that DDR reintegration generates.  In particular, this study proposes the reintegration of ex-combatants through mine action. The author suggests that DDR can only enable sustainable long-term results if it is part of a wider set of security promotion strategies with devoted attention to community security which is argued to be achieved through mine action. Using a qualitative single case idea analyses the research argues that the adoption of a bottom-up approach provides an alternative understanding of ex-combatant reintegration. The results suggest that Humanitarian Demining, Explosive Ordnance Risk Education (EORE) and Victim assistance (VA) can pave the way for reintegration and reconciliation between ex-combatants and local communities in the case of Colombia.

What conditions lead to confidence among civil war combatants that they will not face accountability for perpetrating sexual violence? This study investigates the causes of impunity for sexual violence among armed actors. It develops a theoretical framework which identifies three explanations for armed group impunity for sexual violence, namely (1) flawed prohibitions inside an armed group; (2) negligent enforcement by its authorities; and (3) pardons in the form of amnesties during the peace process. Adopting a two-pronged approach, the study first explores the associations between amnesties arising from concluding peace agreements and post-settlement levels of sexual violence in Burundi, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Liberia, Mozambique, Sierra Leone and South Africa. A small-scale, events-based dataset of sexual violence by governments and rebel groups in the first three years after war was constructed. The second and main part of the study is a comparison between two rebel groups in Burundi’s civil war (1994-2008), CNDD-FDD (National Council for the Defence of Democracy-Forces for the Defence of Democracy) and Palipehutu-FNL (Palipehutu-Forces for National Liberation) and their practices of prohibition and punishment of wartime sexual violence, taking into account also the possible influence of amnesties. Based on original data from 19 focus groups of ex-combatants from these rebel organisations, it is found that flawed prohibitions and negligent authorities are the main explanations for armed group impunity. The findings do not support amnesties as a cause of armed group impunity for sexual violence. Moreover, additional findings suggest that accountability for sexual violence is triggered by dependency on civilian support, while impunity is facilitated by an armed group’s ability to secure recruits, material and other resources without the help of local communities.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-12-17T15:25:11Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 RanielleCMpdf.pdf: 1410498 bytes, checksum: b9f0377f66a7a4662fc7fd6a6e2cc1ca (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-10-09 / The present essay has how I aim to analyse the memories of the ex-combatants of Parelhas-RN, specially of the components of the For?a de Vigil?ncia e Seguran?a do Litoral - FVSL, protagonists of the Brazilian participation in the scenery of the Second World war. Along this we looked to understand in which surrounding geographicalpartner these men were living before the War and what were the consequences of a brusque change of space owing to the convocation for the Armed Brazilian Strength in that historical context. The defense of the Brazilian coast during the War was not a so simple task, I have in mind the precariedade logistics of the Armed Strength, the attacks of submarines of the Axle that killed hundreds of civilians and Brazilian soldiers and the net of espionage mounted by Germany in Brazil. Leaving from the notion of collective memory and estrangement in Maurice Halbwachs, we will use the oral history like principal methodology, with the end of rescue these underground memories what also will make possible us the vision realizes that the protagonists themselves have of the event, besides the use of documents, photos, maps and any sort of fountains that make possible us to rebuild the scenery of Parelhas in the beginning of the War and the trajectory of life of his veterans / O presente trabalho tem como objetivo analisar as lembran?as dos ex-combatentes de Parelhas-RN, especialmente dos componentes da For?a de Vigil?ncia e Seguran?a do Litoral - FVSL, protagonistas da participa??o brasileira no cen?rio da Segunda Guerra Mundial. Ao longo deste buscamos compreender em que ambiente s?cio-geogr?fico viviam esses homens antes da Guerra e quais foram as conseq??ncias de uma brusca mudan?a de espa?o em virtude da convoca??o para as For?as Armadas brasileiras naquele contexto hist?rico. A defesa do litoral brasileiro durante a Guerra n?o foi tarefa t?o simples, tendo em vista a precariedade log?stica das For?as Armadas, os ataques de submarinos do Eixo que mataram centenas de civis e militares brasileiros e a rede de espionagem montada pela Alemanha no Brasil. Partindo da no??o de mem?ria coletiva e estranhamento em Maurice Halbwachs, usaremos a hist?ria oral como metodologia principal, com o fim de reconstruir essas mem?rias subterr?neas que tamb?m nos possibilitar?o perceber a vis?o que os pr?prios protagonistas t?m do evento, al?m da utiliza??o de documentos, fotos, mapas e toda esp?cie de fontes que nos possibilitem reconstruir o cen?rio de Parelhas no in?cio da Guerra e a trajet?ria de vida de seus veteranos

This study examines the current socio-economic status of the ex-combatants 10 years after the conflict in Sierra Leone. It examines the job opportunities, political space, relationship with community members, challenges faced, social networks involved in, relationship with former colleagues, access to land and other issues that are significant in the reintegration process of ex-combatants. It further studies the national socio-economic environment and how ex-combatants are faring in the overall post-war recovery process in Sierra Leone. Special focus lies on the Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration of Ex-Combatants (DDR) programme which was part of the Lome Peace Agreement signed in 1999. The study also comes up with recommendations as to how the challenges currently faced by ex-combatants could be overcome.:1. Introduction … 8 2. Theoretical Framework … 11 3. Context … 25 3.1 Origins of the war in Sierra Leone … 25 3.2 Factions involved in the conflict … 31 3.3 Recruitment patterns … 37 3.4 Peace Agreements … 39 3.5 Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration of Ex-combatants … 46 4. Research Methodology … 58 4.1 Research Question … 58 4.2 Conceptual Scheme … 59 4.3 Operationalization of Major Concepts … 60 4.4 Methodology … 62 4.5 Location of the Research ... 63 4.6 Unit of Analysis … 64 5. Findings … 66 5.1.1 Current social status of former male combatants … 71 5.1.2 Current social status of former female combatants … 76 5.1.2 Conclusion … 83 5.2. Current economic status of former combatants … 85 5.2.1 Former Male Combatants … 85 5.2.2 Former Female Combatants … 94 5.2.3 Conclusion … 102 6. Conclusions and recommendations … 105 6.1 Final Conclusions … 105 6.2 Recommendations … 109 7. Bibliography … 116 8. Annex ... 123

The purpose of this case study is to examine and explore the consequences of reintegration among female ex-combatants in Sri Lanka and Nepal. DDR-programs have often been critiqued by scholars for their lack of gender perspective, consequently this research aims to understand the unique challenges and outcomes faced by women with different intersectional identities. This study uses structured, focused comparison, to systematically compare social, economic and political aspects of reintegration based on several comparing factors such as psychological health, stigmatisation, employment opportunities, education, financial support, political participation and representation. Through this methodology, and the creation of the theoretical framework based on critical feminism and the analytical tool intersectionality, the study aims to answer what differences and similarities can be found in the two countries. The findings shows that social identities such as gender, class, caste, ethnicity, age and ideology have a significant impact on female ex-combatants’ access to reintegration. Furthermore, that prior education levels of female ex-combatant have a decisive influence on the possibility of a meaningful reintegration in society.

What does “success” mean for social reintegration of ex-combatants in urban settings? Although reintegration of former fighters has been at the center of academic and policy discourse for achieving peace, limited attention has been paid to unraveling how social reintegration processes occur and how they are impacted in urban contexts. This thesis studies the specific issue of successful social reintegration in urban contexts and asks why it evidences higher levels of success in some urban settings than others. Drawing on previous research on the impact of security conditions on reintegration processes, it argues that actual or suspected eroded security conditions, caused by the presence of organized armed groups as well as reintegrating ex-combatants whose former unit operated in the same host community, negatively impact levels of success of social reintegration in urban centers because they each increase levels of fear towards ex-combatants among community members. Through process tracing and structured focused comparison, this thesis assesses the explanatory power of the proposed hypotheses for the cases of Bogota and Medellin. Based on the yielded results, support for both hypotheses is identified. Nonetheless given the nuanced conceptualizations propose heiring, future research is called upon to further assess the explanatory power of the proposed models.

In a broader sense, this thesis examines the extent to which the international community decides on the application and shape of standard security templates in post-conflict environments. These standard templates are increasingly criticized for their inflexibility and inability to adapt to the actual conditions and needs on ground. In order to alleviate this criticism, as well as improve the success of these programs, the international community recently embraced the concept of national ownership. Whether it is a rhetorical concept and political tool and how its understanding differs between theory and reality are the main topics of this thesis. Specifically, the paper analyzes the concept of national ownership in the process of Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration (DDR) of ex-combatants on the example of Sudan from 2003 until 2013. Sudanese DDR process has been defined as nationally owned, but nevertheless criticized for the blind following of international standards and overall inability to adapt to the context. The objective of the thesis was set out to establish what the interpretation of national ownership was in theory and compare it with the type of ownership that had taken place in practice. The main part of this study is the analysis of the control exercised by national and...

La presente ricerca, con un approccio qualitativo-ermeneutico, esplora il fenomeno del conflitto armato colombiano, con un focus specifico sul processo di reintegrazione sociale e sull’esperienza soggettiva come ex sequestrati e come ex guerriglieri. La ricerca consente un’esplorazione in profondità, integrando la dimensione politico-sociale con quella clinica, lasciando alla luce tre vertici d’analisi; Studio 1: le rappresentazioni sociali intorno alle figure di vittime e di carnefice e alle dinamiche relazionali del conflitto armato colombiano; 
 Studio 2: l’approccio, i metodi e le tecniche di lavoro degli operatori che si occupano di reintegrazione sociale di ex sequestrati (nella Fondazione País Libre) e di ex guerriglieri (nell’Agenzia Colombiana per la Reintegrazione, “ACR”); 
 Studio 3: le matrici familiari e i suoi principali risorse relazionali che hanno supportato i soggetti durante la loro esperienza come sequestrati e come guerriglieri e una volta rientrano in società. Sono analizzati i tre assi delle matrici familiari (le origini, i rapporti di coppia e il passaggio generazionale –Cigoli & Tamanza, 2009- e le risorse che possono alimentare la resilienza familiare (Walsh, 2005) Gli studi cercano di superare la dicotomia vittima/carnefice, che organizza l’opinione pubblica colombiana e le rappresentazioni sociali delle figure di ex-sequestrati (le vittime) ed ex-guerriglieri (i carnefici). I risultati degli studi effettuati possono fornire strumenti utili per orientare l’intervento clinico e favorire il processo di reintegrazione sociale. Si presentano a sua volta nuovi approcci che includono il lavoro decisivo delle comunità e delle famiglie, che si presentano come attori partecipativi e non passivi e vittimizzati come generalmente sono trattati. / The current research (with a qualitative-hermeneutic approach) explores the phenomenon of Colombian armed conflict. It is specifically focus on social reintegration process and the subjective experience of ex combatants and ex abducted people. The study of the phenomenon in its clinical and sociopolitical complexity, articulates three vertices of analysis: Study 1: Social representations, around the current armed conflict and its involved figures. Study 2: The principal models of intervention offered by two organizations that work directly with ex abducted people (País Libre Foundation) and with demobilized people from illegal groups (Colombian Agency for Reintegration, “ACR”). Study 3: Family patterns, and its principal relational resources tan have supported subjects during their experience as abducted or combatants and once their return to society. The three axes of family patterns were explored (the origins, the couple relationship and the generational passage –Cigoli & Tamanza-) and the resources that can support family resilience (Walsh, 2005). Results break traditional polarization on the lectures around Colombian armed conflict. The present research transcends the individual study of involved participants and of implications of traumatic facts, to explore inside their relationships and resources. New approaches are presented to orientate interventions in clinical psychology that could be helpful to social reintegration process. It is also presented a new approach that includes the decisive role of families and communities as active actors instead of passive and victimized as they have been generally treated.

This thesis starts by arguing that the civil conflicts that erupted in the African Great Lakes are rooted in a continuous pursuit of power, in which ethnic, regional and political identifiers are used by the contenders for power to rally community support. In an introductory chapter, I go back to the colonial era, drawing attention to Burundi and Rwanda, and then describe in more details Burundi's refugee crisis, ex-combatants' demobilization and the 2010 elections, all of which will be addressed in the subsequent chapters. <p><p>In the second chapter, entitled "On the Instrumental Power of Refugees: Household Composition and Civil War in Burundi", I study changes in household composition following household's exposure to civil war in Burundi. The analyses rely on a panel dataset collected in rural Burundi in 2005 and 2010. To address concerns over the endogenous distribution violence, I use an instrumental variables strategy using the distance to refugee camps, in which the Hutu rebellion was organized from the mid-1990s onwards. The analysis focuses on the impact of violence on demographic changes within households.<p><p>The third chapter, entitled "Who Benefited from Burundi's Demobilization Program?" and co-authored with Olivier Sterck (University of Oxford) and Philip Verwimp (ULB), assesses the impact of the demobilization cash transfers program, which took place from 2004 onwards in post-war Burundi. In the short run, we find that the cash payments had a positive impact on beneficiaries' consumption, non-food spending and investments. Importantly, it also generated positive spillovers on civilians in their home villages. However, both the direct impact and the spillovers seem to vanish in the long run. Ex-combatants' investments in assets were not productive enough to sustain their consumption pattern in the long run, as they ultimately ran out of demobilization money. <p><p>In the fourth chapter, entitled "From Rebellion to Electoral Violence. Evidence from Burundi" and co-authored with Andrea Colombo (ULB) and Olivier Sterck (University of Oxford), we aim at understanding the triggers of electoral violence in 2010, only a few months after the end of the war. We find that an acute polarization between ex-rebel groups -capturing the presence of groups with equal support - and political competition are both highly conducive to electoral violence. Disaggregating electoral violence by type, we show that these drivers explain different types of violence. Perhaps surprisingly, we find that ethnic diversity is not associated with electoral violence in post-conflict Burundi. <p><p>In the last chapter, entitled "Who Benefits from Customary Justice? Rent-seeking, Bribery and Criminality in sub-Saharan Africa" and co-authored with Olivier Sterck (University of Oxford), we have a closer look at the judicial system of Uganda, an important institution in a post-conflict economy. In many African countries, customary and statutory judicial systems co-exist. Customary justice is exercised by local courts and based on restorative principles, while statutory justice is mostly retributive and administered by magistrates' courts. As their jurisdiction often overlaps, victims can choose which judicial system to refer to, which may lead to contradictions between rules and inconsistencies in judgments. In this essay, we construct a model representing a dual judicial system and we show that this overlap encourages rent-seeking and bribery, and yields to high rates of petty crimes and civil disputes. <p><p>In Burundi, history has shown that instability in one country of the Great Lake region may destabilize the whole area, with dramatic effect on civilian population. Understanding the dynamics laying at the origin of violence, during and after civil conflict, is crucial to prevent violence relapse in any form, from petty criminality to larger scale combats. <p> / Doctorat en Sciences économiques et de gestion / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished