Em um contexto caracterizado pela exacerbação da masculinidade, no qual a homofobia e a misoginia são reiteradas e, muitas vezes, naturalizadas, com o propósito também de demarcar seres abjetos por não se adequarem a essa norma, o presente trabalho estuda a trajetória de grupos e de movimentos de torcedores cujos discursos e performance vão na contramão da ideia de que o futebol brasileiro é um jogo pra machos, reduto de homens cisgêneros e heterossexuais. Tal exercício tem como propósito analisar as ações de grupos, que por meio de sua ação política em diferentes períodos históricos, reivindicaram o direito de torcer pelas pessoas LGBT e mulheres, desestabilizando, assim, a norma regulatória baseada em um modelo de masculinidade hegemônica. Para isso, serão estudadas as torcidas gays do final da década de 1970, como a Coligay (torcida do Grêmio Foot Ball Porto Alegrense) e a Fla-Gay (torcida do Clube de Regatas Flamengo), que surgem em meio ao regime militar brasileiro, e os movimentos de torcedorxs contemporâneos contrários à homofobia e à misoginia no futebol brasileiro, que constroem a sua visibilidade principalmente por meio do site de rede social Facebook: Galo Queer (formada por torcedorxs do Clube Atlético Mineiro), Bambi Tricolor (que reúne torcedorxs do São Paulo Futebol Clube), Palmeiras Livre (coletivo de torcedorxs da Sociedade Esportiva Palmeiras) e Movimento Toda Poderosa Corinthiana (coletivo de torcedoras do Sport Club Corinthians Paulista) / In a context characterized by the exacerbation of masculinity, in which homophobia and misogyny are reiterated and often naturalized, with the purpose of also demarcating abject beings for not conforming to this norm, the present work studies the trajectory of groups and of movements of fans whose discourse and performance go against the idea that Brazilian football is a game \"for machos,\" a stronghold of cisgender, heterosexual men. The purpose of this paper is to analyze the actions of groups that, through their political action in different historical periods, have claimed the right to support for LGBT people and women, thus destabilizing the regulatory norm based on a model of hegemonic masculinity. To this end, I will study the gay fans of the late 1970s, such as Coligay (supporters of Grêmio Foot Ball Porto Alegrense) and Fla-Gay (supporters of the Clube de Regatas do Flamengo), as well as the movements of contemporary fans against homophobia and misogyny in Brazilian football, who construct their visibility mainly through the social network site Facebook: Galo Queer (formed by fans of Clube Atlético Mineiro), Bambi Tricolor (that unites supporters of the São Paulo Futebol Clube), Palmeiras Livre (a collective of fans from the Sociedade Esportiva Palmeiras) and Movimento Toda Poderosa Corinthiana (a collective of female supporters from Sport Club Corinthians Paulista)

Em um contexto caracterizado pela exacerbação da masculinidade, no qual a homofobia e a misoginia são reiteradas e, muitas vezes, naturalizadas, com o propósito também de demarcar seres abjetos por não se adequarem a essa norma, o presente trabalho estuda a trajetória de grupos e de movimentos de torcedores cujos discursos e performance vão na contramão da ideia de que o futebol brasileiro é um jogo pra machos, reduto de homens cisgêneros e heterossexuais. Tal exercício tem como propósito analisar as ações de grupos, que por meio de sua ação política em diferentes períodos históricos, reivindicaram o direito de torcer pelas pessoas LGBT e mulheres, desestabilizando, assim, a norma regulatória baseada em um modelo de masculinidade hegemônica. Para isso, serão estudadas as torcidas gays do final da década de 1970, como a Coligay (torcida do Grêmio Foot Ball Porto Alegrense) e a Fla-Gay (torcida do Clube de Regatas Flamengo), que surgem em meio ao regime militar brasileiro, e os movimentos de torcedorxs contemporâneos contrários à homofobia e à misoginia no futebol brasileiro, que constroem a sua visibilidade principalmente por meio do site de rede social Facebook: Galo Queer (formada por torcedorxs do Clube Atlético Mineiro), Bambi Tricolor (que reúne torcedorxs do São Paulo Futebol Clube), Palmeiras Livre (coletivo de torcedorxs da Sociedade Esportiva Palmeiras) e Movimento Toda Poderosa Corinthiana (coletivo de torcedoras do Sport Club Corinthians Paulista) / In a context characterized by the exacerbation of masculinity, in which homophobia and misogyny are reiterated and often naturalized, with the purpose of also demarcating abject beings for not conforming to this norm, the present work studies the trajectory of groups and of movements of fans whose discourse and performance go against the idea that Brazilian football is a game \"for machos,\" a stronghold of cisgender, heterosexual men. The purpose of this paper is to analyze the actions of groups that, through their political action in different historical periods, have claimed the right to support for LGBT people and women, thus destabilizing the regulatory norm based on a model of hegemonic masculinity. To this end, I will study the gay fans of the late 1970s, such as Coligay (supporters of Grêmio Foot Ball Porto Alegrense) and Fla-Gay (supporters of the Clube de Regatas do Flamengo), as well as the movements of contemporary fans against homophobia and misogyny in Brazilian football, who construct their visibility mainly through the social network site Facebook: Galo Queer (formed by fans of Clube Atlético Mineiro), Bambi Tricolor (that unites supporters of the São Paulo Futebol Clube), Palmeiras Livre (a collective of fans from the Sociedade Esportiva Palmeiras) and Movimento Toda Poderosa Corinthiana (a collective of female supporters from Sport Club Corinthians Paulista)

A presente tese ambiciona apresentar o fenômeno das torcidas organizadas de futebol do Brasil (TOBR) sob a ótica do Estado brasileiro. O objetivo deste estudo é apresentar não somente o protagonismo do Estado no processo que levou à fundação das primeiras TOBR nos anos 1940, mas também a influência de suas instituições para o crescimento e difusão das TOBR, que atingiram seu auge nos estádios de futebol nos anos 1990. Além de analisar a importância do Estado, esta tese também se dedica à compreensão das funções exercidas pela mídia esportiva, pelos clubes de futebol e pelos governing bodies do esporte brasileiro no que diz respeito à mediação da relação entre Estado e torcedores de futebol. Para a produção desse texto foram usadas fontes primárias como jornais de época, revistas de época, entrevistas, relatos e arquivos pessoais e também fontes secundárias como livros, dissertações, teses e artigos produzidos sobre as temáticas pertinentes a este estudo. Concluiu-se que as associações de torcedores no Brasil têm uma existência fortemente vinculada ao que se chamou de regime de Futebol de Estado, um arranjo político-institucional no qual o esporte de um país passa a ser usado como ferramenta política pelo Estado. O regime de Futebol de Estado é uma criação nazifascista que foi importada por Getúlio Vargas para o Brasil no início dos anos 1940. É durante este regime que se formam as primeiras associações de torcedores no Brasil. O expediente do Futebol de Estado foi também utilizado em toda a década de 1970 pelo Regime Militar, durante o qual as TOBR se desenvolveram de forma mais intensa. Foi também durante esse período que a violência entre torcedores se tornou mais frequente, o que contribuiu para que a relação entre Estado brasileiro e as TOBR entrasse em crise, uma consequência do fim do interesse estatal no esporte e da consolidação de um novo regime esportivo no Brasil nos anos 1990, o de Futebol para Mercado. / This study aims to present the phenomenon of football-supporters\' associations in Brazil (or TOBR, acronym in Portuguese language for torcidas organizadas de futebol brasileiras) on the historical perspective of the Brazilian State. It focuses not only on the State\'s role in the process that led to the foundation of the first TOBRs during the 1940\'s, but also on the influence of its institutions for the growth and diffusion of TOBRs, who experienced their golden age in football stadiums in the late 1980\'s and early 1990\'s. In addition to the analysis of the State\'s role within this process, this study is also dedicated to understand the role played by the sports media, the football clubs and the governing bodies of the Brazilian sport in mediating the relationship between the State and football supporters. This text was written upon primary sources such as coeval newspapers, magazines, periodicals, personal files, reports and non-coeval interviews, as well as secondary sources such as books, dissertations, theses and papers produced on the issues which are pertinent to this study. It was concluded that the TOBRs\' existence in Brazil is strongly linked to what was called a setting of Football of State, which is a political-institutional arrangement in which the sport of a nation is used as a political tool by its State. The Football of State\'s setting is a Nazi-fascist creation that was brought to Brazil by Getúlio Vargas in the early 1940\'s. It was precisely during this regime that the first TOBRs were founded. The device of the Football of State was also used during the military regime throughout the 1970\'s, and it was under this rule that the TOBRs developed more intensely. It was also during this period that violence among supporters started to happen more frequently. The violence among football-supporters increased substantially during the 1980\'s and led to a crisis between the TOBRs and Brazilian State in the early 1990\'s, which was also triggered by the end of State\'s interest in sports and the consolidation of a new sports setting in Brazil during the 1990s, the Football for the Market.

<p>There is today much evidence for a positive relationship between alcohol and violence. There are however still many questions about the nature of the relationship. Somewhat simplified, the research on the link between alcohol and violence can be divided into four different lines of research, research focusing on: the effect of alcohol as a psychoactive substance, the drinking context, the personality of the drinker, and societal attitudes, expectations and values. The dissertation focuses on the last area, the importance of the cultural context. One influential theory within this field is the time-out theory formulated by MacAndrew and Edgerton in the late 1960s. Since drunken comportment varied between cultures and between different contexts within the same culture and changed over time, they suggested that the effects of alcohol on people’s behaviour was socially constructed. They suggest that many societies had a created a time-out situation for drunken behaviour that explained people’s behaviour while drunk.</p><p>The general aim for this dissertation is to study young Swedes’ attitudes, experiences and expectations around drunken behaviour, with a special focus on expectancies around alcohol as a cause and excuse for violence. Three different data sets have been used. The first study is based on 4 focus-group interviews with Swedish football fans during the European football championship in Holland in 2000. The second material is eight focus-group interviews involving 47 students aged 18-20 living in Stockholm. The last material is a nationally representative survey of young adults, 16-25 years old. One part of the survey consisted of 4 vignettes which we used to elicit cultural norms around drunken behaviour.</p><p>The findings suggest that young Swedes believe that alcohol can be used as a means to accomplish a pleasurable state of mind, and that alcohol could be used as a means to transgression – since alcohol reduce inhibitions it could be used to put them in a less controlled mode. The rationale for those changes was often described in terms of the psychoactive effect of alcohol. However, it was also shown that the context was important. When the situation demanded alcohol the most, their expectations together with the situation almost turned water into beer. It was also shown that there was a norm which said that one should not use alcohol as an excuse, but on the other hand, the participants said that they used alcohol as an excuse and that they thought that it was accepted. Alcohol could work as an excuse since alcohol made the aggressor look less deviant and the acts less severe. The vignette studies indicated that an aggressor who was drunk when he committed a violent act was seen as less blameworthy than a sober or less drunk aggressor. However, this applied only under certain circumstances: alcohol seemed to be a better excuse if the victim is drunk as well and the act is relatively severe.</p><p>Taken together, the studies suggest that the Swedish drinking culture provides people with a drunken excuse, which helps young people to expand the room for possible action.</p>

There is today much evidence for a positive relationship between alcohol and violence. There are however still many questions about the nature of the relationship. Somewhat simplified, the research on the link between alcohol and violence can be divided into four different lines of research, research focusing on: the effect of alcohol as a psychoactive substance, the drinking context, the personality of the drinker, and societal attitudes, expectations and values. The dissertation focuses on the last area, the importance of the cultural context. One influential theory within this field is the time-out theory formulated by MacAndrew and Edgerton in the late 1960s. Since drunken comportment varied between cultures and between different contexts within the same culture and changed over time, they suggested that the effects of alcohol on people’s behaviour was socially constructed. They suggest that many societies had a created a time-out situation for drunken behaviour that explained people’s behaviour while drunk. The general aim for this dissertation is to study young Swedes’ attitudes, experiences and expectations around drunken behaviour, with a special focus on expectancies around alcohol as a cause and excuse for violence. Three different data sets have been used. The first study is based on 4 focus-group interviews with Swedish football fans during the European football championship in Holland in 2000. The second material is eight focus-group interviews involving 47 students aged 18-20 living in Stockholm. The last material is a nationally representative survey of young adults, 16-25 years old. One part of the survey consisted of 4 vignettes which we used to elicit cultural norms around drunken behaviour. The findings suggest that young Swedes believe that alcohol can be used as a means to accomplish a pleasurable state of mind, and that alcohol could be used as a means to transgression – since alcohol reduce inhibitions it could be used to put them in a less controlled mode. The rationale for those changes was often described in terms of the psychoactive effect of alcohol. However, it was also shown that the context was important. When the situation demanded alcohol the most, their expectations together with the situation almost turned water into beer. It was also shown that there was a norm which said that one should not use alcohol as an excuse, but on the other hand, the participants said that they used alcohol as an excuse and that they thought that it was accepted. Alcohol could work as an excuse since alcohol made the aggressor look less deviant and the acts less severe. The vignette studies indicated that an aggressor who was drunk when he committed a violent act was seen as less blameworthy than a sober or less drunk aggressor. However, this applied only under certain circumstances: alcohol seemed to be a better excuse if the victim is drunk as well and the act is relatively severe. Taken together, the studies suggest that the Swedish drinking culture provides people with a drunken excuse, which helps young people to expand the room for possible action.

A presente tese ambiciona apresentar o fenômeno das torcidas organizadas de futebol do Brasil (TOBR) sob a ótica do Estado brasileiro. O objetivo deste estudo é apresentar não somente o protagonismo do Estado no processo que levou à fundação das primeiras TOBR nos anos 1940, mas também a influência de suas instituições para o crescimento e difusão das TOBR, que atingiram seu auge nos estádios de futebol nos anos 1990. Além de analisar a importância do Estado, esta tese também se dedica à compreensão das funções exercidas pela mídia esportiva, pelos clubes de futebol e pelos governing bodies do esporte brasileiro no que diz respeito à mediação da relação entre Estado e torcedores de futebol. Para a produção desse texto foram usadas fontes primárias como jornais de época, revistas de época, entrevistas, relatos e arquivos pessoais e também fontes secundárias como livros, dissertações, teses e artigos produzidos sobre as temáticas pertinentes a este estudo. Concluiu-se que as associações de torcedores no Brasil têm uma existência fortemente vinculada ao que se chamou de regime de Futebol de Estado, um arranjo político-institucional no qual o esporte de um país passa a ser usado como ferramenta política pelo Estado. O regime de Futebol de Estado é uma criação nazifascista que foi importada por Getúlio Vargas para o Brasil no início dos anos 1940. É durante este regime que se formam as primeiras associações de torcedores no Brasil. O expediente do Futebol de Estado foi também utilizado em toda a década de 1970 pelo Regime Militar, durante o qual as TOBR se desenvolveram de forma mais intensa. Foi também durante esse período que a violência entre torcedores se tornou mais frequente, o que contribuiu para que a relação entre Estado brasileiro e as TOBR entrasse em crise, uma consequência do fim do interesse estatal no esporte e da consolidação de um novo regime esportivo no Brasil nos anos 1990, o de Futebol para Mercado. / This study aims to present the phenomenon of football-supporters\' associations in Brazil (or TOBR, acronym in Portuguese language for torcidas organizadas de futebol brasileiras) on the historical perspective of the Brazilian State. It focuses not only on the State\'s role in the process that led to the foundation of the first TOBRs during the 1940\'s, but also on the influence of its institutions for the growth and diffusion of TOBRs, who experienced their golden age in football stadiums in the late 1980\'s and early 1990\'s. In addition to the analysis of the State\'s role within this process, this study is also dedicated to understand the role played by the sports media, the football clubs and the governing bodies of the Brazilian sport in mediating the relationship between the State and football supporters. This text was written upon primary sources such as coeval newspapers, magazines, periodicals, personal files, reports and non-coeval interviews, as well as secondary sources such as books, dissertations, theses and papers produced on the issues which are pertinent to this study. It was concluded that the TOBRs\' existence in Brazil is strongly linked to what was called a setting of Football of State, which is a political-institutional arrangement in which the sport of a nation is used as a political tool by its State. The Football of State\'s setting is a Nazi-fascist creation that was brought to Brazil by Getúlio Vargas in the early 1940\'s. It was precisely during this regime that the first TOBRs were founded. The device of the Football of State was also used during the military regime throughout the 1970\'s, and it was under this rule that the TOBRs developed more intensely. It was also during this period that violence among supporters started to happen more frequently. The violence among football-supporters increased substantially during the 1980\'s and led to a crisis between the TOBRs and Brazilian State in the early 1990\'s, which was also triggered by the end of State\'s interest in sports and the consolidation of a new sports setting in Brazil during the 1990s, the Football for the Market.

This paper seeks to unravel the existing discourses within the Swedish football supporter movement, and their criticism towards the Swedish police authority and the implementation of a new strategy known as"Villkorstrappan". The strategy faced heavy criticism from the supporters’ clubs, calling it counterproductive and harmful. The Swedish football supporters’ union soon launched an initiative called "Rädda svensk fotboll!". Almost every supporters’ club affiliated with football clubs in the Swedish top flight, joined the initiative leading to nationwide protests both online, and in the stadiums. The theoretical framework consists of Norman Fairclough's three-dimensional model of CDA. In addition the paper seeks to examine the creation of collective identity in the movement, this by using Melucci's theory and Burke's rhetorical identification theory. The research material has consisted of texts produced by Swedish supporters’ clubs and of pictures of message-banners presented in the stands during games. The results revealed three main discourses within the supporters’ movement and the criticism towards Villkorstrappan: “The police is a threat towards Swedish football”; "Football as democratic, and belonging to the people''; and “The importance of the supporterculture”. Regarding collective identity, various findings indicated an increasing unity within the Swedish football supporter movement, when uniting against a common enemy. Overall the results emphasize the importance of the swedish football supporters’movement, as a democratic actor, as a social movement and as crucial to swedish football in general.

This study examines football supporters' emotional expressions at football matches. The study uncovers this through the analysis of football supporters from the Stockholm-basedfootball club AIK, by conducting participant observation and ethnographic interviews.There has been a lack of studies specifically analysing the emotions of football supporters,particularly in anthropology. Thus, the essay aims to understand how specific emotions comeabout through an ecological approach to emotions, in combination with the concept ofemotional styles. The author shows how football supporters come to learn and remembercertain skills through the engagement with the environment, a process which the emotions arepart of, and how these engagements can shape certain emotional registers which are thencollectively displayed.

The highest Swedish football division, Allsvenskan, is not known for playing the best football or having the best players in the world on the pitch. However, Allsvenskan has one of the worlds’ best average audience rates and is well known globally for their large supporter culture. Thus, the topic of supporter culture and supporter related violence are a frequently discussed matter in Swedish media and has inspired the research topic for this study. The aim has been to study Swedish medias’ representation of football supporters and supporter related violence and if it perhaps has occurred a discursive change between the years 2014-2022. Traditional news articles published online within the chosen years, from several different newspapers, have been analyzed through a critical discourse analysis. Accompanied by critical discourse analysis, the study has used a theoretical framework consisting of media power, media hegemony and moral panic to analyze and conclude the results. The results provided three distinct discourses existing in Swedish media about football supporters being; supporters are a threat against the nuclear family, the supporter culture is a threat against society and lastly, medias’ large representation of moral panic as a response to supporters and supporter related violence. In addition, the study shows how there has been a discursive change in medias’ representation of supporters over time which confirms how media truly has the power to control society and its attitudes as well as determining and maintaining its ‘status quo’.

Syftet med denna studie har varit att undersöka hur supportrar upplever mötet med polisen under fotbollsmatcher i Allsvenskan. Mötet med medborgare är en viktig del av polisens förtroendeskapande arbete och upplevelsen medborgare får kan ha konsekvenser för bilden av polismyndighetens legitimitet. Studien har en teoretisk ram bestående av processuell rättvisa och subkulturteori. Åtta semistrukturerade intervjuer har utförts för att fånga supportrarnas upplevelser av mötet med polisen. En tematisk analys av intervjuerna utfördes efter att de transkriberats. Samtliga intervjupersoner beskriver en eller flera situationer då bemötandet av polisen uppfattas som negativt. Vissa anser att polisens närvaro vid matcherna ligger på en lagom nivå medan andra anser att polisen borde lägga resurserna på annat som anses vara viktigare. Supportrarna menar att för många poliser kan trigga supportrar och skapa en aggressiv stämning. Vissa supportrar har uppfattat ett onödigt våldsanvändande från polisens sida. En bättre dialog mellan supportrar och polisen tros kunna leda till bättre förståelse parterna emellan och är därmed också en nyckel till att minska den existerande konflikten mellan dem. / The purpose of this study has been to investigate how supporters experience the encounter with the police during football matches in the Allsvenskan. The meeting with citizens is an important part of the police's trust-building work, and the experience citizens get can have consequences for the image of the police legitimacy. The study has a theoretical framework consisting of procedural justice and subculture theory. Eight semi-structured interviews have been conducted to capture the supporters' experiences of the encounter with the police. A thematic analysis of the interviews was performed after they were transcribed. All interviewees describe one or more situations where the treatment of the police is perceived as negative. Some believe that the police presence at the matches is at an adequate level, while others believe that the police should spend their resources on other things that are considered more important. The supporters believe that too many police officers can trigger supporters and create an aggressive atmosphere. Some supporters have perceived an unnecessary use of force by the police. A better dialogue between supporters and the police is believed to lead to better understanding between the parties and is therefore also a key to reducing the existing conflict between them.