Since 2001, the forest sector and forest communities across Northern Ontario have experienced many challenges. In response, there has been significant provincial debate and policy reform surrounding the use and control of Crown forests, and some local leaders have established the Northeast Superior Forest Community Corporation (NSFC) under the federal Forest Communities Program (FCP) to collaborate for much needed economic and governance alternatives. This process has been difficult and characterized by uncertainty and conflict. This research examines evolving social framings of Northern Ontario’s ‘forestry crisis’ and the consequences of uneven power relations in the Northeast Superior Region of Ontario, Canada. Four core research questions were pursued: 1) how do different actors frame the forestry crisis in the Northeast Superior Region (e.g., problems, solutions and different actors)? 2) Do actors’ frames change over time? 3) What forms and sources of power are present and how do they influence, if at all, the construction of shared meaning? 4) How does social learning influence the way actors approach forest management problems related to policy, planning and practice? A single embedded case study design and mixed methods approach enabled analysis at the regional and organizational scales, for the period 2001-2009. A key informant survey assessed regional public-civic-private perceptions regarding the use and control of Crown forests. Fifty-nine interviews and over 200 documents from local and regional newspapers and reports were examined. Direct observations from two NSFC meetings and two regional conferences regarding Ontario’s forest governance challenges supplemented these data. Actors’ contrasting and shifting views were coded using QSR Nvivo 7 and analyzed for convergence as evidence of collective reframing. Survey results and frame analysis established two main perspectives of the ‘forestry crisis’: 1) a conventional perspective in which forest companies hold the primary interest in resource extraction as policy agents; and, 2) an alternative view that seeks increased municipal and Aboriginal control of forests to achieve equity and provide regional stability. Power relations reinforced an entrenched community of interest, including both internal and external actors (e.g., investors, mill managers and workers, bush workers, and government regulators), that has formed around a common goal and/or set of beliefs (i.e., timber extraction and scientific forestry). These interests have historically reproduced uneven social relations and overridden communities of place and collective place-based identities. The analysis builds to 14 conclusions that address the core research questions, highlights of which include: • Social framings of the forestry crisis in the Northeast Superior Region, as well as identities and local culture, are mediated by core-periphery dynamics. Such conditions normalize ongoing community instability and oversimplify notions of sustainability which prioritize a perpetual timber supply and economic values. • Commitment to place before interests provides a basis to develop trust and mutual understanding of each other and shared problems, and enable reframing of common identities based on shared values and local problems/opportunities. • Public control and collaboration are strongly valued in the Northeast Superior Region. Many leaders and residents want control over resources devolved to the municipal level; however, awareness and a model for effective implementation are needed. • Independent local forums are valuable for developing alternative and representative social framings. • Relational power works to consolidate various forms of agent-based power in dominant actors rather than facilitating its distribution. • Actors with unmatched positional and expertise power can (un)intentionally subvert reframing processes through limiting the participation of dissenters, thereby controlling the organizational framings guiding actions. • Dominant social relations influenced the perceived range of reasonable or desirable options as dominant actors bounded the problem to serve conventional interests, which in turn constrained debate about solutions. • Reframing a common place-based identity inclusive of Aboriginals and municipalities requires the willing redistribution of agent-based power and full recognition of Aboriginal and Treaty Rights. This research builds understanding of how power relations affect the social framings that drive action in settings of crisis, conflict and uncertainty, and provides new evidence to bridge concepts from framing and social learning theory. It supports the premise that social learning is a political process inherent in multi-party collaboration, in which reconciliation of individual and group identities occurs alongside the negotiation of problem and solution definitions. By documenting regional and NSFC perspectives, this research supports the search for alternative tenure models to reinvigorate Ontario’s forest economy and communities. Ten recommendations for NSFC, the Forest Communities Program or emerging collaborative organizations focus on organizational governance and practice to improve conditions affecting power relations and social learning. Main points include considering the need to organize culturally appropriate public workshops on forest issues to meet the need for deliberative space; increase access to organizational information and opportunities for NSFC plans to be publicly reviewed; actively participate in Ontario tenure policy reform discussions to develop, publicize and implement policy alternatives; support Aboriginal and Treaty Rights and meaningful resolution of First Nations settlement negotiations; expand NSFC board representation to include at-large public and ex-officio provincial members; decentralize organizational structures to establish a physical presence in partner communities and draw on leadership and capacity from the whole region; and, establish an explicit rationale for and clearly identify geographical boundaries for the organization.

This thesis contributes to the knowledge and understanding of the anti-racist movement in Sweden by describing its development from the early 1930s to the mid-2000s. It pays special attention to mapping and analyzing the ideas that have motivated anti-racist activities and their importance for mobilizing support and movement activity. Using the theoretical toolbox of the framing perspective, the strengths, weaknesses, possibilities and limitations of different anti-racist frames are discussed, as are the consequences of different types of intra-movement frame disputes and frame contests with external actors. By tracing and describing the historical development of the movement and different types of anti-racist frames, I create a typology of different anti-racist actors - what I call pragmatic, radical and moderate anti-racists. The activities of these types of actors are described throughout the long and winding history of the movement. In the thesis, the movement’s history is divided into four waves of protest. The movement’s roots stretch back to the 1930s and the struggle against Fascism and Nazism. It continues during the 1960s and onwards with the anti-apartheid movement, the 1980s mass mobilizations against domestic racist groups and the intensified struggles of the last decades against racist extremism, right-wing populism and various aspects of structural racism. Based on the typology, three cases are selected for further scrutiny. Pragmatic anti-racism is studied through the activities of Stoppa rasismen (Stop racism) in the 1980s, radical anti-racism through Antifascistisk aktion (Antifascist action, also known as AFA) during the 1990s and moderate anti-racism through Samling mot rasism och diskriminering (Gathering against racism and discrimination) at the turn of the millennium. By gaining access to extensive empirical material I have been able to follow each case from its first steps to its downfall. The material has been gathered from a variety of sources using different qualitative techniques. I have conducted semi-structured interviews with activists and analyzed protocols, pamphlets, journals, internal bulletins, mails, posters, speeches, web pages that have been disbanded, pictures, films and books. The analysis shows that the different types of actors face different challenges, and have different strengths and weaknesses when it comes to mobilizing consensus and fostering participation. However, the three actors have also faced common challenges when trying to mobilize against racism given the national context, the self-image of Sweden as a tolerant, open and egalitarian country and the dominant views of racism, which taken together has turned racism into a serious but fairly marginal problem. The analysis also shows the effects of frame disputes and frame contests with regard to diagnostic, prognostic and motivational aspects of framing. At times the dividing lines have led to a broadening of the movement and its work, creating a wide mobilization potential and a strong multitudinous movement. During other periods the differences have contributed to long and profound conflicts that have drained the organizations and activists of time, resources and energy. Instead of focusing on combating their opponents, the anti-racist groups have been engulfed in internal strife, which has severely fragmented, divided and weakened the movement and hindered mobilization – contributing to turning the movement into a dispersed “milieu” by the mid-2000s. The thesis concludes with a chapter discussing how the empirical applicability of the framing perspective can be improved.

Almost 10 years after the attack on World Trade Center Sept. 11 2001, Osama bin Laden was shot and killed on May 2 2011 in Pakistan. How was this event framed by the media with regards to the global war on terror? This study compares two different American newspapers – the New York Times and the New York Daily News – and how they framed the war on terrorism in the Middle East from May 2 to May 15 2011. By analyzing the framing in a perspective of the four functions of framing theory: define problems, diagnose causes, make moral judgments and suggest remedies, we found considerable differences in each papers frames. Through a qualitative text analysis of the opinion pages in these two newspapers, using three themes as a base, we found a number of differences. While the New York Times contained a form of open discussion about problems and remedies, New York Daily News takes an emotional and moral approach. These differences in content may affect the opinions of the readers. We speculate that the more open and suggestive nature of the New York Times, also opens the minds of the readers enabling them to form opinions in a liberated sense. Thus the more closed, emotional and moral nature of the New York Daily News may have greater impact on an individual’s ability to form its own opinions and moral values.

Den här uppsatsen belyser hur Tysklands förbundskansler, Angela Merkel, representerades i svenska och spanska nyhets- och opinionsartiklar på webben mellan datumen 3 januari 2011 och 29 december 2012. Merkel blev en allt viktigare politiker inom EU i och med eurokrisen som tog fart år 2008, då Tyskland var ett av de länder som gav mest pengar till de stödlån som EU utfärdade till bland annat Spanien. Idag anses Angela Merkel vara en av Europas viktigaste politiker, främst då Tyskland som ekonomisk stormakt inom EU har ett stort inflytande vad gäller beslutsfattanden i EU-frågor. Vi analyserade fyra tidningar med olika politisk bakgrund: Aftonbladet, Svenska Dagbladet, El País och ABC. Studien baserades på en kvantitativ innehållsanalys kombinerat med en kvalitativ textanalys. Den kvantitativa undersökningen fungerar som en översikt och belyser hur stor plats rapporteringen om Angela Merkel tar upp i svenska och spanska webbtidningar, under vilka kategorier artiklarna faller in samt vilken narrativ roll Merkel tillskrivs. Begreppet "narrativ roll" kommer från Van Gorp, som menar att nyhetsmedier, medvetet eller omedvetet, kan tillskriva människor en viss roll genom artikelns utformning, vilket i sig påverkar läsarens uppfattning om dessa. I den här studien användes de konstruerade rollerna skurk, hjälte eller neutral, som pekar på olika sätt att beskriva Angela Merkel genom språklig utformning. I den kvalitativa delen analyserades åtta artiklar för att på ett djupare plan se hur språkliga grepp som ordval, stil, faktaurval, metaforer och disposition av materialet påverkar framställningen av Angela Merkel i nyhetsartiklar på webben. Som referensram användes Lundgren, Ney och Thuréns massmedieretoriska modell. Vår förförståelse var att ländernas olika sociala och politiska bakgrund och förhållanden till Tyskland skulle avspegla sig i medierapporteringen Undersökningen visade däremot att Angela Merkel oftast tillskrevs en neutral roll i nyhetsartiklarna, både i spanska och svenska webbtidningar och oavsett tidningarnas politiska bakgrund. I opinionsmaterialet framställdes hon oftast som skurk, även om hon nästan lika ofta tillskrevs en neutral roll. Studien analyserades utifrån Strömbäcks gestaltningsteori och Hallin och Mancinis teori om olika mediepolitiska system i västvärlden.

Building on Message Framing Theory and the Elaboration Likelihood Model (ELM), this study examined how message frame impacts viewer attention to and cognitive processing of osteoporosis prevention print ads. Attention was measured with eye tracking technology, which calculated participants’ number of fixations and dwell time. Cognitive processing was assessed through a textual masked-recall exercise. Sixty women, with a mean age of 21.25+/-2.61 years, viewed the same 36 ads; however, the message frame changed on a randomized, rotating basis, resulting in each group viewing 12 gain-, 12 loss-, and 12 neutrally-framed ads. One-way repeated measures analyses of variance revealed that message frame significantly impacted viewers’ number of fixations, F(2,118)=8.18, p<.01, η2= .12 dwell time, F(2,118)=9.84, p<.01, η2= .14 and masked-recall results, F(2,118)=22.28, p<.01, η2 = .27. Viewers’ number of fixations, dwell time and recall of gain-framed osteoporosis prevention ads was significantly higher than to loss- or neutrally-framed ads, p<.01. Message frame was also positively correlated with number of fixations, r=.29, p<.02 and dwell time, r=.42, p<.01. Findings may help expand theory related to message framing and the ELM, while contributing to advancements in eye tracking literature and health communications practice. / Thesis (Master, Kinesiology & Health Studies) -- Queen's University, 2009-08-27 16:13:32.848

No description available.

The purpose of this study was to examine the threats from climate change coverage in the media. The climate threats start to appear more frequently in the media and because of that it is important to examine what the media conveys to the viewers and readers since it may effect how people act when it comes to climate threats. In this study newspaper has been examined, more specifically daily press and evening press. The papers chosen was Aftonbladet and Expressen, which represented evening press, and Dagens Nyheter represented daily press. The method applied was both a quantitative and qualitative text analysis. With the quantitative method variables were formed and tested against the material. After that the result were analyzed qualitative to gain greater depth with the result. The theory used in this study is primarily framing but also agenda setting and news value are used. The variables were formed after the theories, which mainly focused on framing, and specific frames. The specific frames were: conflict frame, human interest frame, economic consequences frame, morality frame and responsibility frame. The result showed that the newspapers framed the issue pretty similar. All the newspapers used the conflict frame and the human interest frame the least. The responsibility frame was used often and the government was usually given the responsibility. The newspapers differ when it comes to morality frame and the economic consequences frame. The daily paper used the morality frame more often then the evening press and the evening press used the economic consequences frame more frequently, portraying the climate threat.

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

Self-published web diaries called blogs are one manifestation of the Internet’s potential to create new discursive and dialogic spaces for citizens. Blogs are described by their authors and others in the news media (as well as some academic commentators) as a medium that potentially fosters political dialogue in the spirit of Habermas’ conceptual “public sphere.” Blogs also serve as potential competitors to mass media outlets in political debates in two distinct ways: first, by acting as agenda-setters and framers of issues, events and figures and second, by challenging journalistic norms such as the principles of fairness, neutrality and non-partisanship. In spite of these claims, however, very little empirical evidence exists to date on whether political blogs perform the roles of agenda-setters, gatekeepers or framers, or whether they are actually seen as a challenge or potential replacement to mass media outlets by themselves, by journalists or by those who could utilize blogs to transmit messages to the public. This thesis examines these questions as they pertain to Canadian politics, focusing on the interaction between journalists, partisan bloggers and political communications practitioners to assess whether blogs written by explicitly partisan authors actually: 1) create unique discursive spaces for discussion of Canadian political issues, 2) set agendas for political discussion and set issues and 3) serve as an occupational threat/potential replacement to media outlets for disseminating political information. Using surveys and content analysis, this thesis contends that partisan blogs largely mimic political discussion already occurring in media-produced content and are perceived as a potential, though not completely credible, replacement for shaping political agendas and disseminating information.