Trump’s new year tweet about Pakistan’s role in the fight against terrorism ignited a controversy and a war of words between Pakistani officials and the US. This thesis studies newspaper coverage of both countries on this particular issue. Dawn and The News International are chosen from Pakistan and The New York Times and The Washington Post are selected from US media. The aim of this research is to analyse and compare the media discourse. Critical discourse analysis (CDA) was adopted as the most suitable choice. A sum of eight articles, comprising two from each newspaper, is analysed intensively. Outcomes of the analysis are discussed in relation to ‘framing’ and ‘agenda setting’ theories. Five key elements from the theories are listed including: language (vocabulary), conflict presentation, sources, related issues and emphasis. Results reveal that Pakistani newspapers use very strong, rather harsh vocabulary while reporting response to Donald Trump’s tweet. The US newspapers adopted literary phrases and less harsh tone to report this issue. Conflict presentation was focused on Trump’s tweet as a central idea in all the newspapers. Pakistani newspapers focused on the coverage of reaction from military and government officials of the country. On the other hand, US newspapers included sources from both countries to have an objective view. But they have included some controversial issues, which do not have a direct link to this debate starting with Trump’s tweet. Keywords: Twitter and news media, Trump’s tweet about Pakistan, Afghan war, CDA, Framing.

Denna uppsats är en studie om nyhetsrapporteringen kring attentatet i Trollhättan 2015 och attacken i Stockholm 2017. Studien har med hjälp av en kvalitativ textanalys analyserat totalt tio stycken artiklar från Aftonbladet och Expressen. Båda dåden som analyseras i uppsatsen är enligt definition terrorism, dock blir endast ett av dåden benämnt som terrorism i media. Med hjälp av teoretiska perspektiv och tidigare forskning inom gestaltning, rasifiering och representation har studien belyst skillnader och likheter och vad som framhävs i medias rapportering kring terrorism för att ta reda på vem som kallas terrorist och inte.       För samtliga av studiens tio artiklar är det huvudsakliga syftet att sammanställa och återberätta de aktuella händelseförloppen. Sedan har studien genom valda metoder och teorier kunnat identifiera hur de två händelserna gestaltas. Genom en jämförande analys händelserna sinsemellan visade resultatet att tidningarnas gestaltning främjar en världsuppfattning om terrorism i enlighet med religionens tro. / This paper is a study of news rapports about the acts of violence in Trollhättan 2015  and the attacks in Stockholm 2017. The study uses a qualitative text analysis in order to analyze a total of ten articles from the Swedish news papers Aftonbladet and Expressen. Both acts of violence can be defined as terrorism, but only one of these acts of violence have been called terrorism by the media. With the help of theoretical perspectives such as framing, racialization and representation, this paper acknowledges differences and similarities but also what media emphasizes when they report on terrorism; also which individual is deemed to be called a terrorist or not. For all ten articles analyzed in this study, the main purpose is to gather and retell the current events. By using content analysis and the theories mentioned above, this paper identified how the two events have been framed. By comparing the analyses of the two acts of violence, it is shown that; media depict and emphasize a worldview of terrorism in accordance with religious beliefs.

abstract: This study explores how newspapers framed the weight-loss drugs Xenical®(orlistat) and Alli® (over-the-counter orlistat) during the time period of three months prior to their approvals by the U.S. Food and Drug Administration until one year after each became available on the market. As of June 2011, orlistat is the only weight-loss drug available for long-term use in the U.S. Newspapers are influential sources of information about health issues. Agenda-setting, framing, and priming in news articles can have a powerful effect on public perceptions and behaviors. To conduct the content analysis, researchers first developed a codebook containing variables that described the sources of attribution and the features of each drug. They tested the codebook in a series of pilot tests to ensure inter-rater reliability. The sample of texts for the content analysis, drawn from LexisNexis Academic, contained 183 newspaper articles composed of 85 Xenical articles and 98 Alli articles. The overlap was 25% for inter-rater reliability as well as intra-rater reliability. Frequencies were tabulated using Predictive Analytics SoftWare, version 18.0.3. Results demonstrated that Xenical and Alli were framed differently in some critical ways. For example, there were twice as many quotes from the manufacturer for Alli than for Xenical. Researchers concluded that the reporting on Alli was heavily influenced by the manufacturer's multi-media public relations campaign in the months prior to the market-release date. / Dissertation/Thesis / M.S. Nutrition 2011

Esta dissertação descreve e analisa o debate público sobre o projeto do Pontal do Estaleiro entre as esferas pública, política e midiática. O terreno referente ao Pontal do Estaleiro se tornou uma polêmica durante a revisão do Plano Diretor de Desenvolvimento Urbano e Ambiental de Porto Alegre. Este projeto monopolizou um debate entre novembro de 2008 e agosto de 2009, ao sair do escopo da revisão do plano diretor e solicitar alteração da Lei Complementar 470 de 02/01/2002 (LC 470/2002) para permitir edificações residenciais em espaço de orla às margens do Guaíba. A polêmica rendeu duas aprovações do projeto, veto do prefeito e audiências públicas na Câmara de Vereadores. Acabou resultando em deliberação pública através da realização de uma consulta à população. O trabalho aborda a circularidade das questões nas cinco principais fases do debate, a partir das especificidades de cada instância. Na esfera política, analisaram-se os movimentos de accountability (prestação de contas) em notícias publicadas pela Câmara de Vereadores e Prefeitura Municipal nos respectivos sites. Na esfera pública, foram identificados os argumentos da arena de interlocução através da observação participante de uma audiência pública, duas reuniões do Fórum de Entidades e de entrevistas realizadas no dia da consulta pública. Na esfera midiática, foram examinadas as questões enquadradas nas principais coberturas jornalísticas sobre o Pontal, realizadas pelos jornais Zero Hora, Correio do Povo e Jornal do Comércio. Concluiu-se que as esferas realizam diferentes tipos de comunicação no debate. A esfera pública substanciou os principais argumentos que foram discutidos no debate público. Juntamente com a esfera política, foi mais permeável à circulação de questões em debate, mas ambas não conseguiram agendar a esfera midiática na exposição argumentativa. Assim, a mídia se mostrou menos permeável aos argumentos reduzindo a amplitude do debate público. / This thesis describes and analyzes the public debate on the development proposal for Pontal do Estaleiro between the public, politics and media spheres. Pontal do Estaleiro’s property became controversial during the revision of the Master Plan for Urban and Environmental Development of Porto Alegre. This project was the main focus of a debate between the months of November 2008 and August 2009, when it left the scope of the Master Plan review and a change of the Complementary Law 470 of 01/02/2002 (LC 470/2002) was requested in order to allow residential buildings to be built on the coast of Guaíba Lake. The controversy was such that the project had two approvals, the mayor's veto and public hearings at the City Council. It eventually was resolved through public deliberation by a query within the population. This work addresses the issues of circularity in the five main stages of the debate considering the specificities of each instance. In the public sphere, the arguments of the arena for dialogue were identified through participant observation of a public hearing, two meetings of the Forum of Entities and interviews done during the public consultation. In the political sphere, the movements of accountability were analyzed in reports published by the City Council and City Hall on their websites. In the media sphere, issues framed in the main news coverage on the Pontal made by Zero Hora, Correio do Povo and Jornal do Comércio were examined. It was concluded that the spheres carry different types of communication throughout the debate. The public sphere has substantiated the main arguments that have been discussed in public debate. Along with the political sphere, it was more open to the circulation of issues under discussion, but both failed to influence the media sphere's agenda towards the explanatory argument. Thus, the media showed itself less susceptible to arguments, reducing the extent of public debate.

Submitted by Karol Natasha Lourenço Castanheira (karol.castanheira@unesp.br) on 2018-10-15T16:16:29Z No. of bitstreams: 1 CASTANHEIRA, Karol_Tchau, querida os enquadramentos do Jornal Nacional no Processo de Impeachment.pdf: 2890228 bytes, checksum: 88a50ba58637e3235d9aaaf2001b0fe6 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Lucilene Cordeiro da Silva Messias null (lubiblio@bauru.unesp.br) on 2018-10-15T17:36:00Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 castanheira_knl_dr_bauru.pdf: 2890228 bytes, checksum: 88a50ba58637e3235d9aaaf2001b0fe6 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-10-15T17:36:00Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 castanheira_knl_dr_bauru.pdf: 2890228 bytes, checksum: 88a50ba58637e3235d9aaaf2001b0fe6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-08-17 / Ao acionar no imaginário social o impeachment de Dilma Rousseff, os sujeitos sociais se valem de seu repertório de significados previamente construídos. A mídia e o judiciário adquirem papel importante nesse processo, pois detêm a prerrogativa de propriedades estruturantes na sociedade moderna ao produzirem pacotes interpretativos sobre os eventos políticos. Portanto, o discurso jornalístico, nesta tese, será perquirido como um espaço de disputa simbólico, que se apodera das múltiplas estruturas de significado da cultura e a notícia será investigada como um produto cultural baseado na linguagem e produzido a partir de enquadramentos culturais negociados pelo veículo, jornalista, público e as circunstâncias do contexto social. Nesse sentido, o objetivo desta tese é discutir como a Rede Globo, por meio do Jornal Nacional, foi construindo e imputando identidades a então presidente Dilma nos anos 2015-2016. Nesse processo, os velhos e novos atores do impeachment destituíram não somente a função de agente político de Dilma, mas também de sujeito social. Durante este episódio, os agentes corresponsáveis pela gestão pública e membros do PT envolvidos na Operação Lava Jato, como o próprio ex-presidente Lula, não produziram uma condição de desconto, mas potencializaram a presunção de culpa de Dilma, na medida em que o discurso jornalístico categorizou de modo genérico os representantes do PT como corruptos e responsáveis pela crise econômica do país. Como metodologia este trabalho recorre à análise de enquadramento a partir dos seguintes itens de observação: a) ideia organizadora; b) atribuição de responsabilidade e o julgamento moral; c) indicação de solução; d) categorização do fato; e) tipificação do sujeito. A contribuição da tese se estabelece no âmbito metodológico pela vinculação entre o operador tipificação do sujeito presente nos estudos de enquadramento com o conceito de identidade. / In order to trigger Dilma Rousseff’s impeachment in the social imaginary, social subjects make use of their previous constructed repertory of meanings. Media and judiciary system assume an important role in this process, since they hold the prerogative of structural proprieties in the modern society as producers of interpretative packages about political events. Therefore, in this dissertation journalism discourse will be inquired as a space of symbolic disputed. It seizes from the multiples structures of cultural meanings. In this case, news will be seen as a cultural product based on language, a result of cultural framings negotiated between the media outlets, the journalists, the public and the circumstances of the social context. In this sense, this dissertation seeks to discuss how Brazilian TV network Rede Globo, through its main broadcast news Jornal Nacional, constructed and imputed identities to the former president Rousseff on 2015-2016 period. In this process, old and new impeachment actors impeached not only the Rousseff function as a political agent, but also as a social subject. During this episode, public agents and members of Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT, the Brazilian Labor Party, left wing) involved on the federal investigation Operação Lava Jato, such as the former president Lula himself, did not produced a mitigating situation. On the contrary, they enhanced Rousseff guilt assumption, car journalist discourse in general categorize PT members as corrupted and responsible to the Brazilian economic crisis. This work draws on framing analysis as methodological path. It applies the following categories: a) organizing ideas; b) responsibility attribution and moral judgement; c) Pointing out a solution; d) Fact categorizing; e) Typifying the subject. This PhD dissertation contributes in the methodological level by associating the framing studies operator typifying the subject to the cultural concept of identity.

The purpose of this paper is to describe the current communication techniques and strategies used by political parties resulting in these parties achieving significant growth, understand the components of those communication techniques in order to isolate the factors attributing to this achieved success and develop a model that can be replicated from a business organization in order to achieve similar beneficial results.The study revealed that there is a clear connection between political parties and business organizations, broadening the research fields of both entities respectively. Furthermore, the findings were categorized based on potential value, with practices such as “thriving on dissatisfaction”, “taking advantage of emotions”, “showing visible structures as an organization / political party”, “intentional use of weak signals”, “leader’s direct connection to audience” and “formulating receiver interpretation of signals” appearing to have high potential in achieving success if implemented correctly in the communication strategy.

Since 2004, the Dove personal care product brand has received much praise for widening the definition and discussion of beauty through the use of nontraditional models in its Campaign for Real Beauty advertisements. This study examined the content of the Campaign for Real Beauty ads and the content of ads in magazines that ran Campaign for Real Beauty ads. This textual analysis of a series of five Campaign for Real Beauty billboards, commonly referred to as the Dove Vote Ads, sought to determine whether the message of the Dove Vote Ads was consistent with the Campaign for Real Beauty's stated mission of societal change and widening the societal definition of beauty. The content analysis portion of this study examined 785 female models in fashion magazine advertisements in a longitudinal analysis spanning the five years surrounding the introduction of the campaign. While the textual analysis questioned whether there were conflicting messages inherent in the Dove Campaign for Real Beauty advertisements, the content analysis sought to determine whether there was a measurable change in the appearance of stereotypical beauty ideals and gender role portrayals after the introduction of the advertising campaign. This was accomplished through an examination of the 785 female models that appeared in the September 2004 and 2008 issues of Cosmopolitan and Glamour, the highest circulation fashion magazines. This mixed-method study addressed two research questions and seven hypotheses. The manifest message of each advertisement, which encourages the audience to rethink standard notions of beauty, is contradicted by the latent themes. The five years between 2003 and 2008 saw a significant increase in diversity of the female models shown in advertisements. Additionally, women were shown as more powerful in 2008 using a variety of techniques. These shifts, if sustained over time, will serve as evidence of the social and cultural influence of advertising campaigns.

This thesis aims at deepen our understanding of the Swedish arms exports, especially the relationship between the spoken words of politicians and actual policy outcome. The research question for the thesis is “To what extent do specific frames deployed by the media and politicians about the character of the importing state, the type of arms exported, the inter-state relationship and the economic interests lead to a legitimation crisis in an arms exporting nation which ends arms exports and military cooperation?” This thesis is especially looking at Swedish arms deals with Saudi Arabia, South Africa and Thailand. In a content analysis of the Swedish media and politicians, and by using theories of legitimation and framing, the thesis analyses how these frames can affect the legitimation of an arms deal, and explaining different policy outcomes. The analysis shows that the most common frame to use to frame a receiving country or an arms deal negatively is to frame the character of the importing state in negative terms and also connect the arms exports to the regime in the receiving country. On the other side, to defend an arms deal it is most common to frame it as an economic interest that are of national interest. Lastly, the thesis can show that the Swedish arms deal with Saudi Arabia created a legitimation crisis, which was not the case for the deals with Thailand and South Africa, and this can help us understand why the military cooperation agreement between Sweden and Saudi Arabia was ended.

News media play a significant role in shaping the national image of other countries, especially in the context of China (PRC). They have been and remain the main source of information for the British public about developments in China but representations evolve over time. This thesis examines how a particular aspect of China s state actions has been reported. The study examines how the national imagery of China and Tibet has been represented in the British national press over the Cold War period and beyond. This study investigates media representations of the Tibetan conflict and how the events related to this were represented and portrayed in the British national daily newspapers from 1949 to 2009. It examines the frames chosen by the press and the influence of the sources (especially external journalistic influence) on the frame-building process. Through a comparison of coverage by the British newspapers over time, it determines the changing similarities and differences in representations of Tibet according to their partisanship and newspaper formats. The research involved a quantitative content analysis and a qualitative frame analysis. The research showed that generally there were greater similarities than differences in the way the British press represented the Tibet issue from 1949 to 2009. Only the pro-Communist Daily Working/Morning Star with a purely Communist canon of news values adopted a completely different framing strategy to report the events. Other British press aligned closely with the UK government by reproducing and reinforcing the dominant capitalist ideology. This political motivation resulted in their approval of stable and familiar frames. In addition, there were differences in the frame types used by the British press between the early Cold War, near the end of the Cold War and the post-Cold War periods. The year 1989 could be seen as a turning point. The research enriches the concept of Herman and Chomsky s propaganda model and contributes to existing media framing studies on Western media s representations of China.

The purpose of this thesis is to explore how the topic of immigration was framed by the two French newspapers Le Monde and Le Figaro in their political online sections during the two weeks following the terror attack on the satirical magazine Charlie Hebdo in 2015. Applying frame analyses on textual articles published during this time, this paper can conclude that five frames manifested themselves. Furthermore, a high degree of political parallelism, characterized by what Robert Entman refers to as content biased news coverage, was detected that greatly distinguished the two newspapers coverage of immigration. Le Monde, commonly erred to as a left-centrist paper, never openly criticized the ruling leftist government during the time frame studied. Contrastingly, Le Figaro, commonly referred to as a right-centrist paper, was overtly sceptic towards the socialist party, and framed multiple articles arguing that the right-wing populist party Front National was unjustly treated by the left as well as arguing for the legitimacy of the right-center party UMP. Based on the theoretical approach of framing, this thesis concludes that the media culture of both Le Monde and Le Figaro display characteristics greatly influenced by their political orientations. This paper also concludes that the two newspapers’ framing of the immigration topic was directly and consequently related to actions by the controversial right-wing populist party Front National. This implies a salience of ideological orientation of the newspapers in their framing of the news framing.Whether and how this framing of the news related to the terror attacks affected the opinions of their readers would be an interesting focus for future research.