This study aimed to examine how a Swedish sports tabloid represented male and female athletes in headlines and preambles from a gender perspective. Furthermore, the study also analyzed how much coverage each gender got in Sportbladet, which was the chosen tabloid on which we conducted our study. We used a method triangulation and performed both a critical discourse analysis and a quantitative content analysis. The quantitative content analysis was made on strategically selected pictures inside the paper and the critical discourse analysis was made on the most significant article. The intention with a method triangulation was to provide both understanding in the big picture as well as on a deeper level. Our study shows that, not only do women receive a lot less coverage than men, but also that Sportbladet represented both men and women in a very gender stereotypical manner. An especially interesting finding we did was that women actually occurred in big pictures more often than men in terms of percentage. That is contrary to both our expectations and the rest of our results.

Problemformulering och syfte: D etta är en studie av den kvinnliga gestaltningen i två olika kvinnomagasin från olika årtionden. Studien berör hur kvinnan beskrivs och framställs i text samt bild i de studerade magasinen. Vi ämnar att jämföra resultatet mellan magasinen för att se om det finns några eventuella skillnader i gestaltningen. Metod och material: Vi har valt att använda oss av en kvalitativ innehållsanalys för text och en semiotisk analys för bild i respektive magasin. Tillsammans med dessa två analyser har vi även valt att göra en kvantitativ presentation av magasinens olika teman och egenskaper. Den översiktliga kvantitativa genomgången har fungerat som en urvalsprocess för att sedan hitta tio representativa artiklar att analysera i vår kvalitativa innehållsanalys. Huvudresultat: Studien visar att kvinnan gestaltas på olika sätt i Hennes jämfört med i Veckorevyn . Kvinnorna i magasinet Hennes från 1973 framställs framförallt som svaga, undergivna, passiva och utsatta för makt. Det stora fokuset ligger på den framgångsrika mannen och hans karriär. Hennes valde även att främst lägga fokus på kvinnans utseende och kvinnokroppen där kvinnan förväntas vara attraktiv för mannen. I Veckorevyn framställs istället kvinnorna som starka och självständiga. Detta märks tydligt i den kvalitativa innehållsanalysen samt den semiotiska analysen att kvinnan gestaltas som framgångsrik, driven och målinriktad.

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The EU has widened and deepened the single market over time according to a transactionalist discourse of common-interests in integration. This rationale holds that as amounts of cross-border movement increase, Member State populations should perceive the single market as beneficial, thus leading to the creation of an affective European identity. Instead, as consequences of integration have become more visible, resistance to the EU has become more pronounced, especially with relation to the Union's right of free movement of persons. This thesis argues that interest-based theories of integration ignore prospects for resilient national identities to influence the accordance of solidarity ties, so as to color interest perceptions within national public spheres. Combining the literature on European identity, moral panic and communication studies on news framing, it maintains that the popular news media provide a conduit through which these interest perceptions can be taken up through the tendency of news outlets to report events that deviantly threaten underlying identity conceptions. Through content analysis of 'popular' press in the UK, Spain and Poland, it seeks to show how the inane tendency of news to report events in terms of an identity-based narrative can serve to foment moral panic within national publics. Contrary to interest based theories of integration, the EU's discourse clashes with national identity. Disintegration may be posited as the 'proper stance' to be supported on the part of the public in news narrative, if threatening deviance caused by EU migration is to be resolved. / Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

China's smog air pollution has become an increasingly urgent environmental crisis in China. Using framing as theoretical framework, this research examined how much media attention is focused on smog air pollution and how print media frame smog air pollution. An empirical content analysis of 339 articles in the People’s Daily newspaper was conducted from 2000 to 2016, and the results showed that “non-voluntary solutions” and “problem” frames were the two frames that had been most utilized to construct stories about air pollution. Smog air pollution crisis also discussed in terms of Downs issue-attention cycle, a five-stage model explaining the rise and down of social attention to a social issue. The smog air pollution crisis in China been found that exhibiting three cycles that relate to media attention. Also, the research found that the prominence of the frames varied at different cycles. It is worth noting that the prominence of the frames moved away from the “problem “and “effects on social economic” frames to the “government responsibility,” “individual responsibility,” and the “voluntary” frames. The finding suggests that media attention and media concerns and journalists’ narrative considerations change across the different phases of development, that natural instincts, political influence, and media norms can all affect it.

Tesis Magíster en Estrategia internacional y Política Comercial / La política exterior es un tema de relevancia constante, un asunto estatal fundamental y que, junto a la política de defensa, son las únicas políticas públicas que tienen una orientación predominantemente internacional. En los sistemas presidenciales, el presidente, sobre todo en Latinoamérica, ha tenido un lugar privilegiado en la definición y conducción de política exterior; pese a esto, aún falta mucha literatura actualizada al respecto. Es por lo anterior, que se desarrolla el siguiente análisis, bajo la pregunta general ¿Cuáles son los principales aspectos de la política exterior mexicana y chilena que los presidentes destacan ante el Debate General de las Naciones Unidas y en qué forma (frame) lo hacen? Con la particularidad de ser estudiado a través de dos teorías complementarias y actuales: el Foreign Policy Analysis y el Framing analysis. / Foreign policy is a subject of continuing relevance, a key state issue, and along with defence policy, are the only public policies that have a predominantly international orientation. The president has been privileged in setting the agenda of foreign policy in presidential systems, especially in Latin America; however, there are very few studies in Latin America explaining this issue. This analysis focuses in the following question: What are the main foreign policy’s aspects that the presidents of Mexico and Chile highlight in the General Debate of the United Nations General Assembly and by which frame they do it? This will be studied through important concepts of the Foreign Policy Analysis and Framing analysis approaches.

Fatiguée et vieillie, la modernité est pourtant toujours vivante : au moment de devenir tradition, le modernisme tardif se charge de l’enfermement de son esthétique. Sans rompre avec la modernité, comme le prétend le discours postmoderne, celui-ci assume jusqu’au bout les apories d’une modernité désormais tardive, et il tâche de les réfléchir. La posture du modernisme tardif par rapport à la modernité sera métacritique, se rapprochant des interrogations philosophiques de son temps (Marcuse, Adorno, Derrida, Foucault). Le modernisme tardif en cinéma aurait dès lors une place tout à fait singulière, mais pas du tout solitaire, dans l’ensemble des questions esthétiques que son temps lui pose. Dans les années soixante et soixante-dix, le modernisme déjà tardif du cinéma propose un ensemble de figures de l’enfermement qui réfléchissent le dispositif cinématographique : le cadrage autoréflexif, ou hypercadrage, sera son principe de mise en forme. Au niveau du montage, les rapports internes à l’image, entre les images, et entre sons et images se fonderaient tous sur une pratique disséminée comprise selon la dialectique négative d’Adorno, c’est-à-dire sans synthèse et vouée à faire apparaître un principe de « non-identité ». En ce sens, le cinéma moderniste tardif propose des allégories négatives d’une modernité qui n’en finit pas de finir. / On its last legs, showing its age, modernity is nevertheless still alive. Now that it has become tradition, late modernism takes on the task of imprisoning its aesthetics. Without breaking with modernity, as postmodern discourse would have it, modernism fully assumes the aporia of what is now late modernity, and attempts to reflect them. The attitude of late modernism in relation to modernity is thus metacritical, in synergy with the philosophical enquiries of its time (Marcuse, Adorno, Derrida, Foucault). Consequently, late modernism in film has an utterly unique place within the aesthetic issues of its time, without however being isolated from them. In the 1960s and 1970s, what was already late modernism in film presented a set of figures of imprisonment, which reflected the filmic apparatus: self-reflective framing, or hyperframing, was the principle behind its form. On the level of montage, the relationships within the image, those between images, and those between sounds and images were all based upon a diffuse praxis to be understood here according to Adorno’s negative dialectics: a praxis without synthesis, one destined to reveal a principle of “non-identity.” In this sense, late modernist film offers negative allegories of a modernity that never stops coming to an end.

In recent years the political situation in the Baltic sea region has deteriorated. This can mainly be referred to a change in Russia’s threat posture, which has caused Sweden to refocus military strategic doctrine from international peace operations towards national defence. The new doctrine involves elements of deterrence through what is called a “threshold effect” which is aimed at discouraging a potential aggressor from taking military action towards Sweden. The doctrine is implemented despite obvious lack of military power and that recent research questions the usefulness of deterrence strategies. This essay examines to what extent the discourse in political security policy is implemented in development of new doctrine. This is done by examining two cases of doctrine development in conjunction with different discourses in Swedish security policy. The implementation of security policy is viewed as a framing process, where the security policy frame is projected at the Swedish armed forces through a defence bill. The result of the examination show that the discourse in political security policy have a high degree of resonance in the military doctrine but that there are some areas connected to the defence forces narrative and culture where the frame lacks resonance. The adaptation of a deterring threshold affect can be connected to these circumstances.

En debatt har förts om hur svenska journalister har hanterat invandringsämnet i sin rapportering. Vissa anser att medierna har varit partiska och ignorerat samhälleliga problem som kan kopplas till invandringen. Vissa menar också att en förändring har skett sedan flyktingkrisen under hösten 2015. Nu tycks det som att journalisterna har blivit mer kritiska i sin rapportering om invandring. Syftet med den här uppsatsen är att testa om dessa uppfattningar stämmer. En innehållsanalys av artiklar från tre dagstidningar – Aftonbladet, Dagens Nyheter och Göteborgs-Posten – genomfördes med utgångspunkt i gestaltningsteorin, för att ta reda på hur medierna har gestaltat invandring och invandrare. 450 artiklar från tre år analyserades. Den första frågeställningen är hur invandringen gestaltades 2009 jämfört med 2015. 2010 var året då det invandringskritiska partiet Sverigedemokraterna kom in i riksdagen. Den andra frågeställningen är hur gestaltningen såg ut 2015 jämfört med 2016, före och efter flyktingkrisen. Den tredje frågeställningen är hur ofta etniska och kulturella konflikter, samt svenska värderingar och normer, togs upp under de tre åren. Studien visar att invandrare oftast gestaltades som offer eller hjältar, både 2009 och 2015, och att offergestaltningen ökade mest mellan åren. Jämförelsen mellan 2015 och 2016 visar en avsevärd ökning av att invandrare gestaltades som hot. Svaret på den tredje frågeställningen är att etniska och kulturella konflikter togs upp mer sällan 2015 och 2016 jämfört med 2009. Dock syns en tydlig ökning av nämnanden av svenska värderingar och normer mellan 2015 och 2016.

Muslim women are misrepresented through frames and stereotypes that the media uses to further an established narrative. Through a Critical Discourse Analysis, the study analyzes three liberal-nonpartisan Italian newspapers and their approach towards two themes, which are the burkini debate that occurred in late August 2016 and the analysis of three different Muslim women within the Italian society. The study concludes that Muslim women are negatively framed through the usage of a discourse that stereotypes them and constructively misrepresents their reality.