As the media followed the turn of events in Belarus, increasing arrests and the violence that followed brought tens of thousands of Belarusians into the streets to demand change, end police brutality, and display how far human rights abuses have come in Lukashenko's regime. This thesis argues that in the cases like this, foreign media comes forward to either further protester's voices or shut them down, which, drawing on the previous research, is considered dependent on the geopolitical relations of the countries involved. Departing from the normative knowledge that media, politics, and protests are interrelated, this thesis bridges theories of all three of the latter fields to craft an interdisciplinary theoretical framework for the research. Building on political and media opportunity structures and indexing theories, this thesis addresses questions of how independent from authorities is the media and how a geopolitical position might influence the coverage of the conflict. The framing analysis of LRT English, Deutsche Welle, RT, and Daily Sabah coverage during the 22 weeks is conducted to identify the coverage's patterns, developments, and changes in the coverage. The results have shown that the amount of coverage is related to the authorities position announcement. Democratic and protest supportive countries cover the protest extensively even before the authorities react; meanwhile, less democratic countries show that the coverage significantly increases as soon as the government reaction is publicised. Furthermore, the framing of the protesters differs as well. On the one hand, protesters and violence are depicted differently, on the other, frames employed in opposition supportive countries' media outlets are more diverse and explorative than in the media of Lukashenko's allies.

How do the media react in the face of a violent phenomenon involving actors both embraced and marginalized by society? One such phenomena – the McArthur murders – encapsulates this dynamic considering how the media explained the murders to their audiences. McArthur, a white LGBTQ+ man, murdered over a seven-year period specifically targeting male victims of South Asian or Middle Eastern descent associated with the LGBTQ+ community and geographic area in Toronto, Canada. The victims embodied a variety of marginalized identities including race, ethnicity, sexual orientation, immigration status and houselessness. It is in this context that this qualitative study finds itself, investigating media coverage of the McArthur murders in two mediums/Canadian outlets. The Toronto Star, Canada’s largest daily newspaper representing newspaper coverage, and a podcast produced by the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation (CBC), Uncover: The Village representing podcast (or audio) media. Considering the context of the McArthur murders and the identities of the actors involved, the study is focused on how normativity and deviancy are constructed through mediatized eyes (or frames). Through a blend of deductive and inductive framing analysis relying on a queer phenomenologically-inspired theoretical framework, the study’s aim is threefold: (1) to uncover what frames are most prevalent across both outlets, (2) to understand, using deductively applied frames, how both outlets construct the events of the McArthur murders and, (3) to understand the interplay between mediatized reification or mitigation of normativity. The analysis found that both newspaper and podcast were most concerned with attributing responsibility in their coverage, which introduced the queer phenomenological understanding of institutions into the analysis, a pattern which continued throughout each deductively applied frame. Moreover, connections to analogous sets of murders in 1970s Toronto broadened the implications of the study across time. Finally, the analysis showed that rather than solely reifying or mitigating normativity, both outlets’ coverage despite similarities and differences, are illustrative of normativity and deviancy’s ongoing orientation towards one another. The conflict between societally standard and aberrant is shown to be a constant over time, after death, and across contexts – a dynamic relationship which has significance for how media scholars might approach cross-medium analyses of complex phenomena in further research.

With the development of media framing research on the issue of comfort women, people have gradually realized that the media's interpretation of the issue of comfort women will have a considerable impact on the understanding of this issue. The image of comfort women was also established in this process. The different framings all contain different perspectives and historicities. The feminist framing is an important media framing in addition to nationalism and class. It is not only an important framing that accompanies the development of feminism, but also an important way to liberate comfort women from other framings with a new vision including women's human rights. However, the research devoted to the feminist framing has not yet been systematized and mature, and more comprehensive and in-depth research is needed. This master's thesis, as an attempt to explore the feminist framing of the issue of comfort women by the news media, also serves this purpose. For this reason, out of consideration of both locality and internationality, 40 articles on the issue of comfort women in the four English-language media of The New York Times, The Guardian, The Japan Times, and The Korea Times were selected as the material for the analysis of the feminist framing. The 20 articles from 2015 and the other 20 articles from 2021/2021 will be used as framing and critical discourse analysis to show the changes brought about by the feminist movement. The research results of this master's thesis also found that there is an inevitable connection between feminist framing and other types of framing.

BAKGRUND: Svenskar har generellt ett för lågt privat sparande till sin pension för att kunna upprätthålla en likvärdig konsumtionsnivå som pensionär. Tidigare forskning visar att beteendeekonomiska interventioner är ett kostnadseffektivt sätt att motverka de kognitiva bias som bidrar till att människan inte förmår spara tillräckligt till pensionen. Svenskar är i hög grad medvetna om hållbarhet, att illustrera pensionssparandets potential att främja hållbarhet via en beteendeekonomisk intervention har därför potential att öka intresset för privat pensionssparande. För att effektivisera framtida interventioner av denna typ visar tidigare forskning att finansiell bildning och inramning är relevanta vilket denna studie syftar undersöka vidare för denna kontext. SYFTE: Denna studie syftar till att undersöka om det utbredda intresset för hållbarhet kan utnyttjas via en beteendeekonomisk intervention för att på ett mer effektivt sätt öka intresset för det privata pensionssparandet. Studien avser också att undersöka hur den beteendeekonomiska interventionen samvarierar med finansiell bildning och inramning för att kunna skräddarsy framtida interventioner av denna typ. GENOMFÖRANDE: Frågeställningarna besvaras med ett experiment. Experimentet utgörs av sex enkäter, som i sin tur är uppdelade i tre delar; (i) kontrollfrågor, (ii) boosts, och (iii) inramning. I del ett besvarar respondenterna kontrollfrågor rörande bland annat ålder, kön och finansiell bildning. Del två prövar huruvida hållbarhet skapar ett ökat intresse för det privata pensionssparandet via en beteendeekonomisk intervention. Del tre avser att testa vilken inramning som lämpar sig bäst i denna kontext. SLUTSATS: Studien ger starka indikationer på att en implementering av hållbarhet gör den beteendeekonomiska interventionen mer effektiv i att skapa ett intresse för det privata pensionssparandet. Respondentens finansiella bildning är en signifikant indikator på dess benägenhet att anmäla intresse för att lära sig mer om pensionssparande. I denna kontext skapar en förlustinramning starkast incitament till ytterligare informationsinhämtning. / BACKGROUND: Swedes generally have too low private savings for their pension to be able to maintain an equivalent level of consumption as a pensioner. Previous research shows that behavioral economic interventions are a cost-effective way of counteracting the cognitive biases that contribute to people not being able to save enough for retirement. Swedes are highly aware of sustainability, illustrating the potential of pension savings to promote sustainability through a behavioral economic intervention therefore has the potential to increase interest in private pension savings. To streamline future interventions of this type, previous research shows that financial formation and framing are relevant, which this study aims to investigate further for this context. AIM: This study aims to investigate whether the widespread interest in sustainability can be utilized through a behavioral economic intervention to more effectively increase interest in private pension savings. The study also intends to investigate how the behavioral economic intervention covaries with financial education and framing in order to be able to tailor future interventions of this type. COMPLETION: The research questions are answered with an experiment. The experiment consists of six questionnaires, which in turn are divided into three parts; (i) control questions, (ii)boosts, and (iii) framing. In part one, the respondents answer control questions concerning, among other things, age, gender and financial education. Part two examines whether sustainability creates an increased interest in private pension savings through a behavioral economic intervention. Part three intends to test which framing is best suited in this context. CONCLUSION: The study provides strong indications that an implementation of sustainability makes behavioral economic intervention more effective in creating an interest in private pension savings. The respondent's financial education is a significant indicator of its propensity to register an interest in learning more about pension savings. In this context, a loss framework creates the strongest incentive for further information gathering.

The increasingly entangled correlation between media, sport and activism in the United States has generated an upsurge in new media research that focuses on athletes’ political social media posts from an ‘outsider’s’ perspective. To clearer comprehend the complex relationship of media, sport and activism from an ‘insider’s’ perspective, this thesis aims to converse with collegiate athletes in the United States about how they experience their personalized politics on social media, as well as it observes the collegiate athletes’ activist practices on particularly Twitter and Facebook. As an auxiliary ‘prop’, I utilize former NFL (National Football League) player Colin Kaepernick’s approach to athlete activism to start the discussions about the topic with the collegiate athletes. Kaepernick’s kneel during the national anthem in 2016, prior to a football game displayed on national television, gained a variety of negative responses, but also sparked a difference in conversations about the politization of sport, and ultimately lead to a swift re-appearance of athlete activism on social media (Serazio and Thorson, 2020). Thus, by collecting interview data and observations of the media practices of collegiate athletes, the analysis draws on bottom-up framing and practice theory to better understand how such sportspersons experience the intersection between sports and politics on social media, the implications of athlete activism, and the media practices involved in such performance. Ultimately, the results of this study suggest that appearances of tensions, anxieties and pressures subsist in collegiate athletes’ activism practices on social media, making it an auspicious site for further research seeking to investigate the intersection of media, sport, and activism.

The purpose is to understand the reasons for changed perceptions about Swedish nuclear weapons during the time when Sweden considered acquiring these weapons. The main question is: which stories about Swedish nuclear weapons did key players in Sweden present from 1958 to 1963 and how did these stories change. Primary sources are texts from 1958– 1963, texts for or against Swedish atomic weapons, government investigations and political texts and bills. The theoretical perspective is framing analysis (Kuypers) and narrative analysis (Shenhav) unified in a method. Text-by-text, framing, agenda extension, and story are investigated and compared, supported by previous research. The analysis shows that stories can be divided into five categories, the military, the dystopian, the scientific, the state community building and the security policy stories. In 1958, the military story of nuclear weapons dominated as an issue of weapons development in the nuclear age. The following year, new stories came from opinion leaders, the yes side developed stories about the necessity of the bomb for the military and in foreign policy. The no side told stories about the consequences of a Swedish bomb as a dystopia for humanity and the collapse in foreign relations. Both told scientific stories about the effects which either ended in calming message to the people or created fear of radiation damage and the genetics of future generations. After 1959 both the Social Democrats and the military began to hesitate and changed their stories. Among other things, future civil nuclear power, economic realism and good relations with the US outweighed the idea of nuclear weapons guaranteeing a Swedish non-alliance policy. The change in the stories could also be interpreted as an early de facto no a conclusion shared by previous research. By 1963 the Social Democrats' story of a modern society without nuclear weapons dominated.

This thesis critically analyses the language and images used by international online news media to represent the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in May 2021. In total, 270 online news headlines and featured lead images, published on the English news websites of Al Jazeera, BBC and CNN, are analyzed. This study aims to identify the framing employed by the different international media outlets as well as analyze the scope of their coverage. The theories of agenda-setting, framing and media representation help guide the current research to identify the discursive practices employed by international news media. The framework employed to carry out this research combines Pan & Kosicki (1993) approach to textual framing analysis with Barthes’ (1972) method for analysing visual semiotics. The results indicate variations in the patterns of representing and framing the conflict across the three analysed media outlets. However, overall, the results reveal that the 2021 outbreak in the Israel-Palestine conflict is portrayed mainly through a frame of ‘’war’’. These distinctions broadly reflect and correspond to the journalists' practices and differences of each media outlet.

Settler colonial history underlies much of contemporary industry, including the extraction and transportation of crude oil. It presents itself in a variety of contexts; however, this disquisition applies a traditional Marxist perspective to examine how settler colonialism is present in news media representation of American Indian activists during the Dakota Access Pipeline protest. Rather than focus on the benefit of using colonized labor for financial gain, this disquisition pushes Marxism into settler colonialism in which the goal is to eliminate the Indigenous and continue to widen the gap between social classes. This research is important for two reasons. First, the media are powerful, making it the perfect vehicle to disseminate inaccurate representations of American Indians. These incorrect representations come in the form of media frames that created an altered reality for news audiences. Second, the term settler colonialism, in particular its relationship with American Indian protest, has been little studied in the American field of communication. A comparative qualitative content analysis was applied to media artifacts from the protest that occurred in North Dakota. Artifacts were discovered using a constructed week approach of two online versions of print publications—the Bismarck (ND) Tribune and the New York Times—and one digital only news site, Indian Country Today. One hundred twenty four artifacts were examined in total. Five dominant frames emerged from the analysis: blame, cultural value, water, American Indian stereotypes, and confrontation. These frames were considered dominant due to the number of coded excerpts that appeared in at least 20% of the artifacts. The frames either contribute to or resist settler colonialism based on the publication in which it appears. The Bismarck Tribune contributed the most to settler colonialism; the New York Times neither rejected nor acknowledged it while Indian Country Today resisted through recognition of America’s settler colonial past, sovereignty, and government-directed violence. The implication of this research is that elimination of the American Indian is ubiquitous in American news media. The mainstream media contributes to widening the gap between social classes, ensuring the dominant class stays in power and Indigenous issues are ignored.

Trafficking for sexual exploitation is a phenomenon that greatly affects the individual as well as society. The effect is grim for the victims and their families, as sex trafficking violates their basic human rights, can shatter families, and cause severe psychological trauma. Sex trafficking has also negative effects on societies, it can adversely affect the economy, public health, national security, and gender equality. Policies have been implemented in response to sex trafficking, both in Sweden and in Europe. The thesis aims to show how sex trafficking is framed by the Swedish Government and the European Commission, based on the application of framing theory integrated with Bacchi's WPR-approach. The research method used is a qualitative, descriptive, comparative, small-N case study with a qualitative content analysis of textual data. Through this method, 11 different documents provided by the Swedish Government and the European Commission were analyzed. The result of the analysis shows that the documents from the Swedish Government use a more prominent frame of human rights, while for European Commission the most significant was organized crime. When it comes to Bacchi’s WPR-approach, the underlying assumptions behind these frames can be argued to be influenced by the national versus supra-national level and how many actors are involved, as well as ideological and legislative differences. Silences were complicated to find in the European Commission, while in the Swedish Government, sovereignty was not discussed. There could also be seen a difference in trend over time, where the European Commissionshifted more towards ‘human rights’ as recently as 2020-2021, while the Swedish Government was more constant in their frame of ‘human rights’.

Motivating the political will necessary for fair and ambitious climate change policies is significantly complicated by the rise of populism. Right-wing populist communication targets civil servants and intellectuals as conspirators furthering a climate agenda for their own self-interest. Yet, despite the real world implications of populist communication, more work is needed to both (1) understand the presence of populist frames in media communication on climate change and (2) untangle the relationships between the far-right and diverse forms of climate skepticism. Completing a content analysis of newspaper opinion pieces and Fox News programing between 2008 and 2020, I find that populist skeptic frames are an important part of media communication on climate change in both the Wall Street Journal and Fox News. Additionally, I find that populist skeptic frames most commonly use process skeptic claims, leveraging conspiratorial language to describe collusion between the government and scientists to falsify the severity of climate change and control the public for their own gain. Using a survey experiment, I find that higher populist attitudes are negatively associated with both belief in climate change and support for climate mitigation policies among Republicans. Conversely, I do not find a significant effect of exposure to a populist process skeptic frame, prompting the need for more work on the connections between populist skeptic framing and climate change attitudes.